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THE 



ANTIQUITIES 



OF 



THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 






THE 



ANTIQUITIES 



or 



THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 



TRANSLATED AND COMPILED 



FROM 



THE WORKS OF AUGUSTI, WITH NUMEROUS ADDITIONS FROM 
RHEINWALD, SIEGEL, AND OTHERS. 



BY 



REV. LYMAN COLEMAN. 



SECOND EDITION. 



NEW YORK: 



BAKER AND SCRIBNER, 

145 NASSAU STREET. 

1846. 



\^ 






Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1841, by 

LYMAN COLEMAN, 

in the Clerk's office of the District Court of Massachusetts. 



S. W. BENEDICT, 
Ster. and Print., 16 Spruce street 



PREFACE 



In preparing the following summary of the rites and institutions 
of Ancient Christianity, the author has sought to make it intelligible 
to the English reader ; and, at the same time, to present to the theo- 
logical student a convenient book of reference, and to the scholar 
and antiquary a guide in his more extended and original investigations. 

German authors, with a provoking reliance upon the scholarship 
of those who may consult their pages, are accustomed to overspread 
them with original quotations from the dead languages, and refer- 
ences to writers in every tongue, so that even the practised scholar 
but darkly threads his way through the endless mazes of their works. 
Much therefore remains for humbler minds in selecting, arranging, 
translating and condensing, before the researches of these great men 
can be made available to the mass of the reading public. This task, in 
the absence of a better work, has been attempted in the preparation of 
the following pages ; and in the execution of it the author has endea- 
vored to perform the service only of a translator and compiler. 

In the fulfilment of this duty, the original authorities, when in- 
troduced into the text, are followed by a translation ; but more fre- 
quently they are transferred to the margin in the form of notes, or 
dismissed with a reference to the works from which they were 
taken, according as their importance seemed to require ; and all for 
the purpose of presenting to the eye of the reader a fair English page. 

For the same general reasons, the references are all brought to- 
gether in an index at the end. These references, in the original, 
are accumulated to an excess even for German scholarship and 
scholastic affectation. Of these very many have been omitted, but 
enough, it is believed, are retained, not only to direct to sufficient 



4 PREFACE. 

original authorities, but to satisfy the largest desires even of the an- 
tiquary or the scholar. 

From the rich and abundant materials which Augusti has fur- 
nished, it has been a difficult task to decide what to select, and what 
to omit ; and from the parts selected, it has been one of equal diffi- 
culty so to abridge as to preserve a just medium between a tedious 
detail and a barren abstract. In the progress of this work, how- 
ever, other writers on the same and kindred subjects have been 
freely consulted, to supply, in some instances, the omissions and de- 
ficiencies of Augusti, and in others, to enrich the following pages 
with the combined results of different authors. Compilations have 
been freely gathered from many sources, and incorporated with the 
work in hand. The works especially of Rheinwald, and Siegel, to- 
gether with those of Neander, Gieseler, and others, have been laid 
under contribution to a greater or less extent. With the two first 
mentioned, the several subjects in their order have been compared 
with more or less care, and numerous compilations from them are 
embodied in the work. 

In making these compilations, the course pursued has been to go 
through with an abridgm&it of a given article from Augusti, and then 
to compare it with these authorities, such additions and corrections 
being made as the subject seemed to require. These additions, 
when of any considerable extent, are distinguished as quotations with 
appropriate references, or introduced with preliminary remarks in- 
dicating the source from whence they are derived. In other in- 
stances, additional or qualifying words and sentences have been si- 
lently entered without any formal acknowledgment. In all this the 
compiler has considerably increased the labor and responsibility 
which devolved upon him ; but the work, it is believed, has by this 
means been rendered more complete and valuable. It is important 
farther to remark that the larger work of Augusti has been freely 
consulted, and in several instances entire articles have been trans- 
lated or abridged directly from it. At other times the order of the 



PREFACE. D 

sentences and paragraphs has been transposed as occasion required. 
It is hardly necessary to add that the above explanations should be 
borne in mind in making a comparison of this abridgement and com- 
pilation with the originals. 

The reader will not expect in this volume a close or literal trans- 
lation ; the work, however, has been executed with a constant en- 
deavor to give a fair and faithful interpretation of the author, and, 
on important or disputed points, to give it in terms as literal as the 
idioms of our language would admit. In other instances merely the 
results of the author are given with references, to the original 
sources from which he has derived his authorities. And at other 
times, the substance of his researches and conclusions is presented 
in language appropriately our own. 

After having advanced far towards the completion of his task, the 
compiler obtained a copy of Riddle's Manual of Christian Antiqui- 
ties. This work is an abridged translation from Augusti, with occa- 
sional compilations from Siegel, and copious extracts from Bingham. 
The work, though executed with candor and ability, is unsuited for 
the American public, and too expensive for general circulation. 
The compiler however acknowledges himself under many obliga- 
tions to this author in the revision and correction of his own transla- 
tions. The translation from Siegel on the Agapae, or love-feasts of 
the primitive church, in the following pages, is transferred entire 
from that work. The article on Prayers for the Dead is also from 
his hand, together with various extracts, in different parts of the fol- 
lowing work, of which the most important are acknowledged in their 
proper place. 

Jamieson on the Manners and Trials of the primitive Christians 
came to hand just as this work was going to the press. From this 
work various extracts have been made by way of recapitulation, 
though at the hazard of being occasionally repetitious. These ex- 
tracts give a brief and popular view of the topics which have been 
previously treated of in a manner more methodical and minute. 



6 PREFACE. 

His reputation as a distinguished preacher in Edinburgh entitles thi3 
treatise to the confidence of the reader, especially when informed by 
the author himself that he " has with minute and patient industry 
tested almost every statement contained in his book with the original 
authorities." The chapter on the Domestic and Social Character of 
the Primitive Christians is compiled chiefly from this work. 

The Plan of churches and the Chronological Index are from Rhein- 
wald. The reader will here find a valuable compend of the histori- 
cal events connected with the antiquities of the church, in which the 
successive stages of departure from the simplicity and purity of 
primitive worship are distinctly stated, in connection with the con- 
temporary authors and rulers in church and state, who were instru- 
mental either in introducing or opposing these innovations. 

The critical observer will notice some confusion in the accentua- 
tion of oxytone words in the Greek language. The accents were 
incautiously copied as found on the pages of Augusti, and the print- 
ing had advanced some distance before the more approved mode of 
the accentuation of such individual words was adopted. 

The chapter on the Sacred Seasons of the Puritans supplies an 
obvious deficiency in the history of our forefathers, and will, no 
doubt, be received as a valuable addition to this work, and an impor- 
tant contribution to our own ecclesiastical history. 

The account of the religious rites of the Armenian church from 
Rev. H. G. O. Dwight, missionary at Constantinople, cannot fail to 
interest the christian reader, while it reveals to him, through the 
dimness of a high antiquity, the customs of the primitive church. 

This work was undertaken with the hope that it would, in some 
measure, supply a great deficiency in our ecclesiastical literature, 
and serve to direct the attention of the public to this neglected 
branch of study. Many topics of great interest relating to the rites, 
institutions and authority of the ancient church, are now the subject of 
earnest controversy in England, and of eager inquiry in this country. 
Ancient Christianity is destined, in both countries, to be severely 



PREFACE. 7 

scrutinized anew, and its merits sharply contested. And this conside- 
ration presents one reason among many for offering this publication, 
at the present time, to the service of the public. But the various 
reasons, which recommend the study of Christian Antiquities to the 
attention of the public, are clearly exhibited by the Rev. Prof. Sears, 
in the Introduction which he has very kindly prepared for this work. 
The reader is there presented with the views of an eminent scholar, 
thoroughly familiar with the researches of German authors on this 
subject, and fully qualified to speak of their comparative merits, 
and of the importance of this department of sacred literature. 
• It only remains to render my grateful acknowledgments to this 
gentleman not only for his valuable contributions to this work, but 
for his advice and assistance which in the progress of it have been 
as kindly given as it has been freely sought. Similar acknowledg- 
ments are also due to the Rev. Prof. Edwards, of this place, for like 
offices of kindness and assistance, in these protracted labors which 
are now drawing to a close. 

Conscious of having labored diligently to prepare a compend of 
this interesting branch of the history of the church, that shall be at 
once acceptable and useful in disclosing the sources from which the 
venerable institutions of our religion are derived, and in delineating 
the virtues of those holy men from whom they have been transmit- 
ted down to us, I now commit it, with all its deficiencies, to the 
charitable consideration of the public, and await in submission the 
result of their decision. 

Andover, April, 1841. 



NOTE. 

The Print upon the back of this volume is a copy of an ancient christian 
coin. The monogram at the top, is formed by blending the Greek capitals 
X, P, the initial letters of the word Xqiotoq, Christ; which, with the prim- 
itive Christians, was the most sacred name of our Lord. This device is of 
very ancient date. It was their favorite emblem of our Saviour's name, 
which they not only engraved upon their tombs, and upon the walls of their 
cemeteries, but they caused it to be impressed upon coins and medals which 
they wore upon their breasts as sacred memorials of their Lord. Constan- 
tine adopted it as the emblem of his victorious banner under which he led 
on the conquests of the cross. 

This banner, called the labarum, is described as a long pike intersected by 
a transverse beam in the form of a cross. The silken veil which hung down 
from this beam, was curiously inwrought with the images of the monarch 
and his sons. The summit of the pike supported a crown of gold which en- 
closed this mysterious monogram. In the print before us, it rests upon a 
cross from which is suspended the veil of the labarum. At the foot lies a 
dead serpent, emblem of the great deceiver crushed by the cross of Christ. 
The whole, therefore, combines the expressive emblems both of the fall and 
recovery of man. The motto, Spes Pdblica, points to the cross as the hope 
of a lost world. Constantine caused this device to be painted upon the ves- 
tibule of his palace and to be imprinted on the coin of his kingdom. These 
coins are now extremely rare ; but they continued in common use through 
the reigns of several succeeding emperors. — Aringhi, Roma Subterranea, torn, 
ii. pp. 566, 705 ; Eckhel, Doctrina Num. Vet. 4. torn. viii. p. 88, 



EXPLANATION OF THE PLATES. 



J. Church of St. Sophia, Constantinople, 

1. A Font of water, where the worshippers wash before r entering**the 
church. — 2. The Great Porch, probably having a portico or vestibule in front. 
— 3. Entrance into the Narthex. — 4. The Narthex. — 5. Entrance into the 
church. — 6. The Inner Porch. — 7. Entrance into the Nave. — 8. Entrance to 
court surrounding the Nave.— 9. The Court.— 10. The Nave.— 10. a) The 
Solea. — 10. b) Probable site of the Ambo.— 11. Pillars supporting the Galle- 
ry. — 12. — The Chancel surrounding the Choir, or Sanctuary. — 13. Entrance 
to the Sanctuary. — 14. The Sanctuary. — 15. The Altar. — 16. The Canopy 
of the Altar. — 17. The bishop's Throne. — 18. The Seats of the presbyters. — 
19. The emperor's Throne. — 20. Apartments for the Utensils of the church. 
— 21. Passage from the churcb. 

II. St. Paul's Church at Rome. 

1. Entrance to the Porch, or the Vestibule.— 2. The Porch.— 3. The Nave 
divided into five parts by rows of pillars. — 4. The Choir, Bema, or Sanctua- 
ry.— 5. The Altar.— 6. The bishop's Throne. 

III. Church at Tyre. 

1. Entrance to the Porch, or the Vestibule.— 2. The Porch.— 3. Pillars of 
the porch. — 4. Font of water. — 5. Doors of the church. — 6. The Nave. — 
7. Probable site of the Ambo. — 8. Ascent to the sanctuary. — 9. Chancel of 

the sanctuary. — 10. The Sanctuary. 11. The Altar. 12. The bishop's 

Throne, — 13. The Seats of the presbyters. — 14 a. Supposed to be the Bap- 
tistery. — 14. The Oixoi, or Ante-chambers. — 15. — The Exedrae. 

IV. Church of St. Clement at Rome. 

1. Entrance, with four pillars supporting the piazza. — 2. The Portico, or 
Vestibule. — 3. The Porch. — 4. Entrance to the church. — 5. The Nave in 
three divisions. — 6,7. Two Ambos within one enclosure, surrounded by the 

nave. — 8. The Altar with pillars.— 9. Bishop's Throne. 10. Presbyters' 

Seats. 

V. The Baptistery of St. Sophia. 

1. Stairway leading to the entrance. — 2. Front Porch, or Vestibule. — 3. 
The Basement-room of the baptistery. — 4. The First Story. — 5. Pillars in 
the basement. — 6. Ascent to the font. — 7. The baptismal Font. — 8. The 
Court of the baptistery. 



CONTENTS. 



Introduction, 17 

CHAPTER I. 

A General View of the Organization and Worship of the Primi- 
tive Church. 

Sec. 1. Accounts from Jewish and profane authors, ... 25 

2. Origin of the christian church, ...... 32 

3. Peculiarities of the christian system, 34 

4. Of the secret discipline, the disciplina arcani, of the ancient 

church, apostolical constitutions, etc. .... 35 



CHAPTER II. 

Names and Classes of Christians. 

Sec 1. Scriptural appellations and names assumed by Christians, . 39 

2. Names of reproach and derision conferred on Christians by 

their enem' 43 

3. Division ana ,.assiflcation of Christians, .... 45 

4. Of the christian church, 47 

5. Of catechumens, 49 

6. Of believers, or the faithful, 57 

7. Of Penitents, . 61 

8. Of energumens, or demoniacs, 61 

9. Ascetics, coenobites, monks, and fraternities, ... 62 

CHAPTER III. 
Of the Ministers of the Church. 

Sec.1, Of the clergy and the laity, 66 

2. General remarks upon the different orders and classes of the 

clergy, 69 

3. Of the episcopal form of religion, 74 

4. Official duties of the bishop, 77 

5. Of the insignia of the bishop, 82 

6. Of the several orders of bishops, 84 

2 



10 CONTENTS. 

I. Superior order, 84 

II. Inferior order, 90 

7. Of presbyters, their equality and identity with bishops, . 94 

8. Official duties of presbyters, . . . . . . 103 

9. Different orders or classes of presbyters, .... 106 

10. Of the rank and duties of deacons, 107 

11. Of the archdeacons, 113 

12. Of deaconesses, ........ 115 

CHAPTER IV. 

Of the Inferior Officers of the Church. 

Sec. 1. Of subdeacons, ......... 119 

2. Ofreaders, 120 

3. Of acolyths, . . . 121 

4. Of exorcists, ......... 122 

5. Of singers, or precentors, ...... 123 

6. Of ostiarii, or door-keepers, 125 

7. Of the subordinate officers of the church and of the clergy, 125 

a) Copiatae, sextons, ....... 125 

b) Parabolani, 126 

c) Sacrista, 126 

d) The custos, or aedituus, 126 

e) The campanarii, bell-ringers, ..... 126 

f) The matricularii, 126 

g) The parafrenarii, . 126 

8. Of the occasional officers of the church, who ranked with the 

clergy, 127 

a) Catechists, ......... 127 

b) Cappellani, . 127 

c) Hermaneutae, interpreters, 128 

9. Officers not belonging to the clergy, .... 128 

a) Mansionarii, 128 

b) OiKovojuoij stewards, 128 

c) Cimeliarchs, treasurers, 129 

d) Notarii, scribes, 129 

e) Apocrisiarii, responsales, 130 

g) Syncelli, . . 130 

h) Syndici, 130 

i) Patroni, 130 

CHAPTER V. 

Appointment to Ecclesiastical Offices. 

Sec. 1. Of election by lot, . 131 

2. Of election by the church collectively, .... 131 



CONTENTS. 11 

3. Of election by representatives, or interveners, . . 135 

4. Of unusual forms of election, 137 

5. Of church patronage, . . . . . . . . 138 

CHAPTER VI. 
Of the Rank, Rights, Privileges, and Costume of the Clergy. 

Sec. 1. Of the rank of the clergy, . . . . . , 140 

2. Of the immunities, rights, and privileges of the priesthood, 142 

3. Of the costume of the clergy, 144 

CHAPTER VII. 

Of the Revenue of the Church, and Maintenance of the 

Clergy, . . . 148 



CHAPTER VIII. 
Of Ordination. 

Sec 1. Remarks, . 152 

2. Disqualifications and qualifications for ordination, . . J 53 

3. Administration of the rite, ...... 158 

4. Remarks of Chrysostom, Jerome, and Gregory Nazianzen rela- 

ting to the character and duties of christian ministers, . 161 

5. Punishment of delinquents, . . . . . . 173 

CHAPTER IX. 
Of Churches and Sacred Places. 

Sec. 1. History of Churches, . 176 

2. Form, site, and position of churches, . . . . 180 

3. Arrangement, and constituent parts, .... 181 

4. Of the bema, or sanctuary, ." 182 

5. Of the nave, 183 

6. Of the narthex, or ante-temple, 185 

7. Of the outer buildings, or exedrae, . . . . . 188 

8. Of towers, bells, and organs, 190 

9. Of the altar, 192 

10. Of the doors of the church, ...... 194 

11. Of the pavements and walls, 195 

12. Of the windows of the church, 195 

13. Veneration in which churches were held, and the privileges at- 

tached to them, 197 

14. Churches as a place of refuge, . . . . . . 199 



12 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER X. 



Of the Prayers and Psalmody of the Church. 



Sec. 1. Preliminary remarks, 

2. The Unity and the Trinity of the Godhead, 

tions of the ancient church, 

3. Divine worship paid to Christ, . 

4. Worship of martyrs, saints, and angels, 

5. Filial spirit of the prayers of the church, 

6. Simplicity and brevity of their devotions, 

7. Catholic spirit of their worship, 

8. Audible and silent prayer, . 

9. Of the Lord's prayer, 

10. Of the responses, Amen, Hallelujah, etc. 

11. Of the psalmody of the church, 

12. Attitude and gesture in singing, and in prayer, 



implied in the devo- 



201 

203 
205 
206 
209 
210 
210 
211 
212 
218 
221 
222 



CHAPTER XL 
Use of the Holy Scriptures in religious worship. 

Sec 1. Preliminary remarks, 228 

2. Of the order in which the Scriptures were read, . . . 230 

3. Mode of designating the divisions and lessons, . . . 231 

4. Of the manner in which the Scriptures were read, and other ex- 

ercises in connection, 232 

5. Of the Psalter, 234 

6. Of the Pericopae, 234 

CHAPTER Xll. 
Of Homilies. 

Sec. 1. General remarks, names, etc. 237 

2. By whom the homilies were delivered, . . . ; 239 

3. Of the frequency of sermons, 241 

4. Time allotted for the delivery of the sermon, . . . 242 

5. Of the position of the speaker, . . . . . . 242 

6. Attitude of the speaker, mode of delivery, deportment of the 

audience, etc „ 243 

7. Of the construction of the sermon, 244 

8. Of the subjects of discourse, 246 



CHAPTER X11I. 
Of Catechetical Instructions, 



252 



CONTENTS. 13 

CHAPTER XIV. 
Of Baptism. 

Sec. 1. Names by which the ordinance is designated, . . . 255 

2. Historical sketch, 256 

3. Infant baptism, .....<... 258 

4. Ministers of baptism, 269 

5. Times of baptism, . . . . » . . • 271 

6. Place of baptism, 273 

7. Element for baptism, 274 

8. Mode and form of baptism, 275 

9. Rites connected with baptism, ...... 278 

a) Ceremonies before baptism, . . . . • 278 

b) Ceremonies after baptism, 281 

Recapitulation, . » . . . . . • 282 

10. Of sponsors, 284 

11. Of names given at baptism, 287 

CHAPTER XV. 
Of Confirmation. 

Sec. 1. Whether derived from apostolic usage, .... 288 

2. Confirmation in connection with baptism, .... 289 

3. Ministers of confirmation, 290 

4. Administration of the rite. 291 

CHAPTER XVI. 
Of the Lord's Supper. 

Sec. 1. Names or appellations of the sacrament, . . . . 292 

2. Scriptural account of the Lord's supper, .... 298 

3. Testimony of pagan writers, . . ... « . . . 300 

4. Testimony of apostolical fathers, i 300 

5. Times of celebration, . ... . . . 304 

6. Place of celebration, 306 

7. Ministers of the Lord's supper, ..... 307 

8. Of the communicants, 308 

9. Of the elements, 314 

10. Consecration of the elements, ...... 317 

11. Distribution of the elements, 317 

12. Accompanying rites, 323 

13. Of the agapae, or feasts of charity, .... 325 

14. Sacramental utensils, 329 



14 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Of the Discipline of the Ancient Church. 

Sec. 1. Preliminary remarks, 330 

2. Origin of penance, 332 

3. Subject of penance, or offences for which it was imposed, 337 

4. Different classes of penitents, 338 

5. Duties of penitents, and the discipline imposed; or the different 

kinds and degrees of penance, ..... 340 

6. Re-admission of penitents into the church, . . . 342 

7. Private penance, . . . 344 

8. Recapitulation, 347 

9. Of councils, 356 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

Domestic and Social Character of the Primitive Christians. 

Sec. 1. Of their mode of life, 367 

2. Of their dress and furniture, 369 

3. Of their diet and mode of taking their meals, . . . 371 

4. Of their daily devotions, 375 

5. Religious education of their children, .... 378 

6. Sign of the cross, 379 

7. Their deportment in the business and recreations of life, 382 

8. Their mutual love and concord, 384 

9. Their benevolence, 386 

10. Their hospitality and mode of salutation, . . . 394 

11. Their patience under injuries, ' 397 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Of Marriage. 

Sec 1. Of christian marriage, ....... 399 

2. Of divorce, 401 

3. Marriage rites and ceremonies, 402 

4. Remarks upon the marriage rites and ceremonies of the ancient 

church, 405 

CHAPTER XX. 

Funeral Rites and Ceremonies. 

Sec 1. Treatment of the dead, 408 

2. Affection for the dying, 411 

3. Funeral solemnities, 412 

4. Of mourners, 414 

5. Prayers for the dead, . .... . . . 417 

6. Cemeteries of the early Christians, 421 



CONTENTS. 15 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Sacred Seasons, Festivals and Fasts. 

Sec. 1. Preliminary remarks, . .• . . . . . 423 

2. Of the sabbath, 428 

3. General view of the sacred seasons, and of the period of the 

three great festivals, 432 

4. Christmas, the festival of Christ's nativity, . . . 434 

5. Easter, commemorative of the death and resurrection of our 

Lord, 436 

6. Pentecost, or Whitsunday, 439 

7. Festivals in honor of the virgin Mary, .... 440 

8. Festivals in honor of the martyrs, 441 

9. St. John's day, 442 

10. Of the apostles' days, 442 

11. OfFasts, 444 

CHAPTER XXII. 

Sacred Seasons of the Puritans. 

1. Preliminary Remarks, . 446 

2. Reasons for such days, 447 

3. Continuance, 449 

4. Mode of their appointment, 452 

5. Penalties, 457 

6. Periodical observance, . . . . « . . . 459 

7. Observance by other States, . 464 

CHAPTER XXIII. 
Of the Armemian Church. 

1. Origin and progress, 466 

2. Church officers and government, 468 

3. Doctrines, • . 470 

4. Forms of worship, festivals, etc. 472 

Index of Authorities, . . . . . . . ■ , . 475 

Chronological List of Councils, 527 

Chronological Index, 528 

General Index, 542 



INTRODUCTION. 



The subject of Christian Anliquities will be variously regarded by 
different individuals according to their religious creeds and their in- 
tellectual habits and tastes. He who regards the church as the 
source of religious knowledge, and its doctrines and rites as revela- 
tions of the will of God, would, of course, study the history of these 
doctrines and of these rites with as much earnestness and zeal as he 
would study the Scriptures themselves. This will best account for 
the fondness which learned men in the Catholic church have always 
shown for ecclesiastical antiquities. 

Protestants have generally contemplated the subject under quite 
a different aspect. With them the voice of the church has no au- 
thority coordinate with that of the Bible. Their interest in the anti- 
quities of the church arises from other considerations. For them 
the sentiments and practices of the early church have a theological 
importance only so far as they serve to illustrate the sentiments and 
practices of the inspired writers. Hence they have been interested 
to show the gradual departure of the early church from the purity 
and simplicity of the apostolic age, and to point out the late origin of 
many things which others had regarded as descending from the 
primitive apostolical church. 

The English church, occupying intermediate ground between the 
Catholics and Protestants, in this respect, have leaned quite as much 
to the former as to the latter ; and this is in perfect consistency 
with the principles of reform originally adopted by that church. 

We have alluded to these circumstances for no other purpose than 
that of tracing out the causes of the obvious diversity that exists 
among the older writers in their mode of treating this subject. In 
respect to the end which they have had in view, they may be divi- 
ded into three general classes according to their ecclesiastical rela- 
tions. The different, and often opposite considerations which have in- 
spired their zeal, could not fail to give a peculiar feature to their 
works. While the individual writers of each of the three classes men- 
3 



18 INTE0DUCT10>'. 

tioned above have bad their individual peculiarities, with an almost 
endless variety in regard to ability, learning, and candor, they have, 
in general, been either warm polemics, or laborious apologists for 
their respective parties. Even where this feature is less obvious, there 
is a peculiar spirit and manner manifested in the topics selected, and 
in the relative importance attached to each, betraying the author's ec- 
clesiastical preferences. Hence the solemn awe and tedious minute- 
ness with which the Catholic writer describes the veriest trifles; the 
belligerent manner in which the Protestant, whether Lutheran or 
Calvinistic, musters his forces, using the weapons of the antiquary 
chiefly, perhaps, because others have abused them ; and the plea- 
sure with which the English churchman approaches the subject of 
the clerical orders and the venerable liturgy. 

Far be it from us harshly to censure those great men, and profound 
scholars, of different parties who lived in the age of theological war- 
fare, or to cast reproach upon any one class of them. Still we must 
maintain that they have all gone out of the way, some from the vio- 
lence of their own passions, and more, we would hope, from the agi- 
tations of the times on which they were cast. 

We are happy in the belief that we live in an age w r hen it need 
not be argued that the zeal of the partizan is worse than useless to 
the historian. The antiquities of the church, no less than other sub- 
jects, must and will be studied with the calm spirit of philosophic in- 
quiry. The spirit of the Magdeburg Centuriators is passing away, at 
least in the literary and scientific world, and a purer and nobler or- 
der of historians is rising up to adorn and bless the church. Impar- 
tiality is now the watch-word through all the higher ranks of scien- 
tific historical inquirers. 

There is at present, especially in some parts of Europe, a greater 
interest in the study of christian antiquities than ever existed before. 
This is owing to a variety of causes, — to the unparalleled zeal with 
which every branch of history is cultivated ; to the increased and in- 
creasing attention bestowed upon the study of the Christian Fathers ; 
to the critical taste of the age, reviewing with rigid scrutiny all the 
grounds of historical belief; and to the attention given to the philo- 
sophy of history, as illustrative of the nature of man. Nor is it 
strange that reflecting men should be attracted to this study ; they 
are influenced by important considerations, a few of which will here 
be named with as much brevity as possible, 



INTRODUCTION. 19 

1. This branch of study belongs to the history of man. No indi- 
didual, who is desirous of viewing the character and conduct of his 
species under all its aspects, and particularly of contemplating the 
human mind under extraordinary moral influences, — of watching the 
various experiments of Christianity when combined in a social sys- 
tem with other elements, can consent to be excluded from such a 
source of instruction as is found in the antiquities of the christian 
church. 

2. It is indispensable as a key to many parts of ecclesiastical his- 
tory. The very same circumstance which renders Greek and Ro- 
man antiquities important to the classical student, and Jewish antiqui- 
ties to the biblical student, renders christian antiquities important to 
the ecclesiastical historian. He who supposes that he can find all 
he needs on this subject in certain chapters in general works on 
church history, has only to make the trial, and then take up such 
a work as the following, and compare the results, and the difference 
will be sufficiently perceptible. Church history itself has gained 
no less by making this a distinct branch of study than by making 
the history of christian doctrines a distinct branch ; both have con- 
tributed immeasurably to the advancement of the historical branch 
of theology within a few years past. How much broader and clearer 
the light which now shines on this whole department of study than 
at the close of the last century ! 

3. A polemic use of this branch of knowledge cannot be safely and 
profitably made except by him who has previously studied the sub- 
ject with no other interest than that of truth, aside from all party aims. 
One of the most grievous evils which has afflicted the church, is that 
men have been driven into these dark regions by the violence of the- 
ological strife. Facts have been guessed at, or seized, at a venture, 
out of their connections, and a momentary triumph has been gained 
only to be surrendered again on maturer investigation. Thus with all 
the controversies that have agitated the church, there has been but 
little scientific progress, but little won which could be regarded as an 
earnest of final union in the truth. 

4. Few studies have a more salutary influence in liberalizing the 
mind than the philosophic study of the religious customs and usages 
of a christian people. When we perceive how little the common 
mind is what it makes itself, and how much it is what descent, he- 
reditary customs, political connections, popular literature, the pre- 



20 INTRODUCTION. 

vailing philosophy and the spirit of the age make it, we find our- 
selves almost unconsciously cherishing a feeling of humanity instead 
of an odium theologicum, towards those whose views we regard as 
erroneous. 

5. Ecclesiastical antiquities have a special value for men of letters. 
They stand intimately connected with modern European history, 
and with the fine arts. Their influence was inconceivably great in 
forming the character of the Middle Ages, and the Middle Ages 
were the nursery of modern civilization. Who can entertain any 
just views of society in the south of Europe, and yet be ignorant of 
the influence of those ecclesiastical usages which have descended 
from a venerable and sacred antiquity ? History, ancient usages, 
sacred associations, poetry, painting, sculpture and a thousand name- 
less things which captivate the imagination and kindle the natural 
sensibilities, hold the people spell-bound to a religious and social sys- 
tem from which they can be broken off by no mere power of logic. 

It is from these and other similar views that the German scholars 
of the present age have had their attention more particularly direct- 
ed to the antiquities of the christian church. The same causes have 
also led to great improvements in the treatment of the subject. In 
most of the older works, an account of the rise and progress of ec- 
clesiastical usages and a philosophical view of the internal as well 
as external causes are almost entirely wanting. Indeed the entire 
method which characterizes Neander and his school was either un- 
known to them, or unheeded by them. Though the most important 
changes were perpetually going on from the time of Justin Martyr 
to the time of Chrysostom, even such men as Bingham and Pelliccia 
seem to have written under the impression, that what was true in the 
fifth century was equally so in the second. The sentiments and usa- 
ges of a later age are, in numerous instances, imposed upon a pre- 
ceding age, and witnesses are often brought forward to testify to 
what occurred centuries before their birth. Thus the philosophical 
element of history is almost entirely wanting, and with it the great- 
est charm connected with the study. 

But a new era has commenced in the mode of treating history and 
antiquities. The internal bond which holds all external events to- 
gether in an organized system, is now a leading object of search; 
all those phenomena, which were once supposed to be accidental, 
are now regarded as springing from the life and spirit of a people as 






INTRODUCTION. 



21 



naturally as flowers and leaves from their stems. This tracing out 
of the connections actually existing in nature, gives a truth to the 
representations of history not otherwise to be obtained. 

It must not hence be inferred that the facts of history are less val- 
ued, or less scrupulously investigated ; directly the reverse. There 
never was a time when facts were brought to light in greater abun- 
dance. The sources of evidence are explored with a most search- 
ing criticism ; the spurious writings on which the older authors placed 
so much dependence, are subjected to the severest scrutiny, and es- 
timated according to their proper value ; ancient ecclesiastical wri- 
ters are more rigidly, and by consequence, more safely interpreted ; 
each point of inquiry is investigated in the concentrated light of the 
entire literature of that age ; numerous treatises and even large 
works, on single topics, are continually issuing from the press, so that 
every new writer has the advantage of laboring in a highly cultivated 
field. 

To Augusti more than to any other one, belongs the honor of re- 
viving among the learned a taste for ecclesiastical antiquities. His 
great work Denkwilrdigkeilen aus der christliclien Archaologie, in 
twelve octavo volumes, published 1817 — 1831, was the most complete 
that had appeared since the time of Bingham. However deficient 
it was in arrangement and in some of its details, still by its rich col- 
lection of materials, and by its incorporating for the first time chris- 
tian art as a branch of this subject, it aroused the public mind and 
gave a new impulse and a new direction to the study. The 
Sinnbilder der alien Christen by Miinter, published with plates, 
in 1825, contributed also much to awaken an interest in Chris- 
tian art, and from the time of those publications to the present, the 
subject of ancient art has continued to lend its charm to the antiqui- 
ties of the church. A manual which should combine scientific ar- 
rangement and accuracy with completeness and brevity, was still 
wanting. This was admirably supplied by Rheinwald, a disciple of 
Neander, in a single volume with plates, in 1831. The new edition 
of Pelliccia's Politia, by Ritter and Braun, Cologne, 1829 — 1838, in 
two octavo volumes, has, indeed, rendered the work very accessible, 
and corrected the errors of the author ; but it contains too little that 
is new. The work of Binterim, in seven volumes, of which a second 
edition was commenced in 1838, is but a German translation of Pel- 
liccia, with great additions, made in the spirit of a true son of the 
Catholic church. 



22 INTRODUCTION. 

In 1835, Augusti undertook the abridgement of his great work, 
in such a way as to furnish what was still a desideratum, and in the 
two following years appeared his Handbuch der christlichen Archd- 
ologie, in three volumes, which forms the basis of the present vol- 
ume. The text of Rheinwald's Manual like that of Gieseler's Church 
History, was a mere thread for the convenient arrangement of ex- 
tracts from original documents in the form of notes, and is better 
adapted to the critical scholar, than to the common reader. The 
author's Denkwurdigkeiten were too extensive for general use. He, 
therefore, aimed to unite copiousness with brevity, and to give, in 
an improved form, the substance of his larger work. By adopting a 
plan directly the reverse of Rheinwald's, — by crowding his pages 
with the facts of christian archaelogy, and making quotations spar- 
ingly, he has, in reality, given a new edition of his great work, in a 
compressed and more convenient form, with a pretty thorough re- 
vision of each subject ; thus presenting by far the most complete 
manual now before the public. This work, in a modified form, has 
already been brought before the English publicby the Rev. J. E. Rid 
die. Though the compiler, or translator appears to have perform- 
ed his task with ability, yet he who is acquainted with the original, 
could foresee that the modifications necessary to make it acceptable 
to the church of England, would be an indifferent recommendation 
to the American public in general. We do not desire this remark 
to be understood as disparaging the labors of that learned gentleman, 
but merely as explaining the reason why the present undertaking 
was not relinquished, when that work appeared. 

We have felt much pleasure in examining another work, entitled 
Handbuch der christlich-kirclilichen Alterthumer in alphabetischer 
Ordnung, by C. C. F. Siegel, now lecturer on christian antiquities 
in the university of Leipsic. The first volume was published about 
the same time with the first volume of Augustus Manual, and the 
fourth and last, in 1838. These two works, though independent of 
each other, are very similar in extent and in their critical value. 
Siegel's production, has, of course, all the advantages and disadvan- 
tages of an alphabetical arrangement. The reader will have no oc- 
casion to regret the free use that has been made of it in the follow- 
ing pages. 

Of W. Bb'hmer's ChristUch-kirchliche Alterlhumswissenschaft now 
in a course of publication and of which only two volumes have ap- 



INTRODUCTION. 23 

peared (1836 and 1839), we have had no opportunity to form an opin- 
ion of our own. From the scattered hints we have seen in German 
notices, we should infer that it is in Archaeology what Olshausen's 
Commentary is in exegesis, distinguished for learning, piety and 
genius. 

Staudenmaier's Geist des Chrislenthums, dargestellt in den 
heiligen Zeiten, in den heiligen Handlungen und in der Tieiligen 
Kunst, second edition, 1838, though the production of a good scholar, 
is addressed chiefly to the sensibilities of the heart ; and is one of 
those good books, which lose their value in crossing the Atlantic. 

Of these two last works the former could not be obtained in sea- 
son, and the latter, though obtained, could not he used in preparing 
the Manual here presented to the public. 

In regard to the life and literary character of the author of the 
volumes from which this work is chiefly compiled, we must limit 
ourselves to a few words. He was born in Eschenberga, a small 
town in the Duchy of Saxe-Gotha, in 1772. After pursuing his 
studies with success under a learned minister by the name of Moller, 
he entered the university of Jena and devoted his attention to theo- 
logy. At the age of twenty -six he became a Privatdocent, or tutor 
in the same place, and rose rapidly to distinction, being made Ex- 
traordinary Professor of Philosophy after a period of only two years, 
and, Ordinary Professor of Oriental Languages in three years from 
that time. After laboring in this latter department of instruction 
nine years, he went to Breslau as Professor of Theology, and seven 
years later to Bonn, where he still remains as professor, though he 
holds an additional ecclesiastical office, as Oherconsisioridlrath at 
Coblence. He is the author of several productions in various depart- 
ments of theological learning. Besides those already mentioned, his 
Translation of the Bible in conjunction with de Wette, his Introduc- 
tion to the Old Testament, his History of Christian Doctrines, his 
System of Theology, and his Symbolical Books of the Keformed 
Church are best known. The order of his talent and scholarship is 
characterized by versatility and universality rather than by profound- 
ness of reflection or investigation. His reading is very extensive; 
his acquisitions are easily and rapidly made ; all his ideas assume a 
definite and tangible form, and the reader follows him with ease and 
pleasure. He possesses, in short, all the qualities necessary to a 
high degree of success in such a work as his Manual of Antiquities. 



24 INTRODUCTION^ 

He is a professed believer in the orthodox faith, and has written, in 
general, with an impartiality becoming a historian. His own coun- 
trymen unite in giving him this praise, and the popularity of his Man- 
ual with them is one of the surest proofs of its deserving, as it un- 
doubtedly will receive, a similar popularity among us. 

The writer of these introductory lines does not hold himself re- 
sponsible for the sentiments either of the author or of the translator 
of the following pages. Indeed, on some points, he differs from 
them both. Yet from the means of judging which have been afford- 
ed him, he is fully convinced of the translator's ability, indefatiga- 
ble labor, and candor, and of the general accuracy of the work. The 
difficult task of making a judicious selection of the matter, of arrang- 
ing it and of adapting it to the mass of American readers, appears to 
have been performed not only with great care, but in the exercise of 
a sound discrimination. 

B. SEARS. 

Newton Theological Institution, 
April, 1841. 



CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITIES. 



CHAPTER I. 



A GENERAL VIEW OF THE ORGANIZATION AND WORSHIP OF 
THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 

§ 1. Accounts from Jewish and profane Authors. 

To one who would inquire into the early history of the primitive 
church, or critically examine its policy, the testimony of contempo- 
rary writers of another faith must be peculiarly important. But 
such writers, both Jewish and profane, of the first three centuries 
of the Christian era, unfortunately afford us very imperfect informa- 
tion on these points. The Jews, from whom we might expect the 
fullest information, offer us none of any value. The celebrated 
passage in Josephus which has been so often cited, even if genuine, 
only proves that he had knowledge of the author of the christian re- 
ligion and some faint apprehensions of his divine character; but it 
gives us no knowledge of the religion which he taught. Nor does 
Philo, his contemporary, offer any essential aid to our inquiries. 

Greek and Roman authors, especially the latter, take but little 
notice of the early Christians. They probably regarded the Chris- 
tians as only an heretical body of Jews, or as a detestable and dan- 
gerous sect. Accordingly the passages in which Suetonius, 1 * Taci- 
tus, 2 Arrian, Antoninus, Dio Cassius, and other writers speak of 
Christians, throw little or no light on their manners and customs. 3 

The most important notices of this kind, occur in the letters of 
Pliny the younger, who, according to the most approved chronology, 
was governor of Bithynia in the years 103, 104 ; and in the writ- 
ings of Lucian of Samosata, an opponent of Christianity, who also 
lived in the second century. Pliny had been instructed, by the em- 

* The numerical numbers refer to the Index of Authorities. 
4 



26 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 

peror Trajan, to keep a strict guard against all secret societies, and 
under this commission, proceeded to severe measures against the 
assemblies of Christians. In reporting his proceedings to the em- 
peror, he takes occasion to explain the character of these Christians, 
and the nature of their assemblies. In this manner he unconscious- 
ly passes a high encomium upon these primitive Christians. The 
letter itself was written but about forty years after the death of St. 
Paul, and, together with Trajan's reply, constitutes the most impor- 
tant record extant of the times immediately succeeding the apostles. 
They are accordingly given entire, with a translation by Melmoth. 

Plinius Trajano. 

Solenne est mihi, Domine, omnia, de quibus dubito, ad Te referre. 
Quis enim potest melius vel cunctationem meam regere, vel igno- 
rantiam instruere ? Cognitionibus de Christianis interfui nunquam : 
ideo nescio, quid et quatenus aut puniri soleat aut quaeri. Nee 
mediocriter haesitavi, sitne aliquod discrimen aetatum, an quamlibet 
teneri nihil a robustioribus differant ; deturne poenitentiae venia, an 
ei, qui omnino Christianus fuit, desisse non prosit ; nomen ipsum 
etiamsi flagitiis careat, an flagitia cohaerentia nomini puniantur. In- 
terim in iis, qui ad me tanquam Christiani deferebantur, hunc sum 
seeutus modum. Interrogavi ipsos, an essent Christiani. Confiten- 
tes iterum et tertio interrogavi, supplicium minatus : perseverantes 
duci jussi. Neque enim dubitabam, qualecunque esset quod fateren- 
tur, pervicaciam certe et inflexibilem obstinationem debere puniri. 
Fuerunt alii similis amentiae : quos, quia cives Romani erant, anno- 
tavi in urbem remittendos. Mox ipso tractatu, ut fieri solet, diffun- 
dente se crimine, plures species inciderunt. Propositus est libellus 
sine autore, multorum nomina continens, qui negarent, se esse 
Christianos aut fuisse. Cum praeeunte me Deos appeliarent, et im- 
agini Tuae, quam propter hoc jusseram cum simulacris numinum 
afferri, thure ac vino supplicarent, praeterea maledicerent Christo, 
quorum nihil cogi posse dicuntur, qui sunt revera Christiani ; ergo 
dimittendos putavi. Alii ab indice nominati, esse se Christianos 
dixerunt, et mox negaverunt : fuisse quidem, sed desisse, quidam 
ante triennium, quidem ante plures annos, nonnemo etiam ante vi- 
ginti quoque. Omnes et imaginem Tuam, Deorumque simulacra 
venerati sunt, et Christo maledixerunt. Affirmabant autem, hanc 



JEWISH AND PROFANE AUTHORS. 27 

fuisse suramam vel culpae suae vel erroris, quod essent soliti stato 
die ante lucem convenire, carmenque Christo quasi Deo dicere se- 
cum mvicem ; seque sacramento non in scelus aliquod obstringere, 
sed ne furta, ne latrocinia, ne adulteria committerent, ne fidem fal- 
lerent, ne deposit urn appellati abnegarent ; quibus peractis, morem 
sibi discedendi fuisse rursusque coeundi ad capiendum cibum, pro- 
miscuum tamen et innoxium : quod ipsum facere desisse post edio 
tum meum, quo secundum mandata tua haetarias esse vetueram. 
Quo magis necessarium credidi, ex duabus ancillis, quae ministrae 
dicebantur, quid esset veri et per tormenta quaerere. Sed nihil 
aliud inveni, quam superstitionem pravam et immodicam. Ideo di- 
lata cognitione ad consulendum Te decurri. Visa est enim mihires 
digna consultatione, maxime propter periclitantium numerum. Mul- 
ti enim omnis aetatis, omnis ordinis, utriusque sexus etiam, vocantur 
in periculum et vocabuntur : neque enim civitates tantum, sed vicos 
etiam atque agros, superstitionis istus contagio pervagata est. Quae 
videtur sisti et corrigi posse. Certe satis constat, prope jam desolata 
templa coepisse celebrari, et sacra solennia diu intermissa repeti, 
passimque venire victimas, quarum adhuc rarissimus emtor invenie- 
batur. Ex quo facile est opinari, quae turba hominum emendari 
possit, si sit poenitentiae locus. 

Trajanus Pliniou 
Actum, quern debuisti, mi Secunde, in excutiendis causis eorum, 
qui Christiani ad te delati fuerant, secutus es. Neque enim in univer- 
sum aliquid, quod quasi certam formam habeat, constitui potest. 
Conquaerendi non sunt : si deferantur et arguantur, puniendi sunt ; 
ita tamen, ut qui negaverit se Christianum esse, idque re ipsa mani- 
festum fecerit, i. e., supplicando Diis nostris, quamvis suspectus in 
praeteritum fuerit, veniam ex poenitentia impetret. Sine autore 
vero propositi Iibelli, nullo crimine locum habere debent : nam et 
pessimi exempli nee nostri seculi est. — Ep. Lib. X. p. 96, 97 ; al 
97, 98. Edit. Gierig. Vol. II. 1802. p. 498. 

Pliny to the Emperor Trajan. 

" It is a rule, Sir, which I inviolably observe, to refer myself to 
you in all my doubts ; for who is more capable of removing my 
scruples, or informing my ignorance ? Having never been present 



28 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 

at any trials concerning those who profess Christianity, I am unac- 
quainted not only with the nature of their crimes, or the measure of 
their punishment, but how far it is proper to enter into an examina- 
tion concerning them. Whether, therefore, any difference is usually 
made with respect to the ages of the guilty, or no distinction is to be 
observed between the young and the adult ; whether repentance 
entitles them to a pardon ; or, if a man has once been a Christian, 
it avails nothing to desist from his error ; whether the very profes- 
sion of Christianity, unattended with any criminal act, or only the 
crimes themselves inherent in the profession, are punishable ; in all 
these points I am greatly doubtful. In the mean while, the method 
I have observed towards those who have been brought before me as 
Christians, is this : — 1 interrogated them whether they were Chris- 
tians ; if they confessed, I repeated the question twice again, adding 
threats at the same time ; when, if they still persevered, I ordered 
them to be immediately punished ; for I was persuaded, whatever 
the nature of their opinions might be, that a contumacious and in- 
flexible obstinacy certainly deserved correction. There were others 
also brought before me, possessed with the same infatuation, but 
being citizens of Rome* I directed them to be carried thither. But 
this crime spreading, (as is usually the case,) while it was actual^ 
under prosecution, several instances of the same nature occurred. 
An information was presented to me without any name prescribed, 
containing a charge against several persons, who upon examination 
denied they were Christians, or had ever been so. They repeated 
after me an invocation to the gods, and offered religious rites with 
wine and frankincense before your statue, (which for this purpose I 
had ordered to be brought, together with those of the gods,) and even 
reviled the name of Christ : whereas there is no forcing, it is said, 
those who are really Christians into a compliance with any of these 
articles. I thought proper, therefore, to discharge them. Some of 
those who were accused by a witness in person, at first confessed 
themselves Christians, but immediately after denied it ; while the 
rest owned indeed that they had been of that number formerly, but 
had now (some above three, others more, and a few above twenty 

* It was one of the privileges of a Roman citizen, secured by the Sem- 
pronian law, that he could not be capitally convicted but by the suffrage of 
the people ; which seems to have been still so far in force, as to make it 
necessary to send the persons here mentioned to Rome. — Melmoth. 



JEWISH AND PROFANE AUTHORS. 29 

years ago) forsaken that error. They all worshipped your statue 
and the images of the gods, throwing out imprecations also at the 
same time against the name of Christ. They affirmed that the whole of 
their guilt or error was, that they met on a certain stated day before 
it was light and addressed themselves in a form of prayer to Christ, 
as to some god, binding themselves by a solemn oath, not for the pur- 
poses of any wicked design, but never to commit any fraud, theft, 
or adultery ; never to falsify their word, nor deny a trust when they 
should be called upon to deliver it up ; after which it was their cus- 
tom to separate, and then re-assemble, to eat in common a harmless 
meal. From this custom, however, they desisted after the publica- 
tion of my edict, by which, according to your orders, I forbade the 
meeting of any assemblies. After receiving this account, I judged 
it so much the more necessary to endeavor to extort the real truth, 
by putting two female slaves to the torture, who were said to ad- 
minister in their religious functions :* but I could discover nothing 
more than an absurd and excessive superstition. I thought proper, 
therefore, to adjourn all further proceedings in this affair, in order 
to consult with you. For it appears to be a matter highly deserv- 
ing your consideration, more especially as great numbers must be 
involved in the danger of these persecutions, this inquiry having al- 
ready extended, and being still likely to extend, to persons of all 
ranks and ages, and even of both sexes. For this contagious super- 
stition is not confined to the cities only, but has spread its infection 
among the country villages. Nevertheless it still seems possible to 
remedy this evil, and restrain its progress. The temples, at least, 
which were almost deserted, begin now to be frequented; and the 
sacred solemnities after a long intermission are again revived ; 
while there is a general demand for the victims, which for some 
time past have met with but few purchasers. From hence it is easy 
to imagine, what numbers might be reclaimed from this error if a 
pardon were granted to those who shall repent." 

Trajan to Pliny. 

" The method you have pursued, my dear Pliny, in the proceed- 
ings against those Christians which were brought before you, is ex- 
tremely proper ; as it is not possible to lay down any fixed plan, by 

* Deaconesses. 



30 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 

which to act in all cases of this nature. But I would not have you 
officiously enter into any inquiries concerning them. If indeed they 
should be brought before you, and the crime is proved, they must be 
punished ; with this restriction, however, that when the party denies 
himself to be a Christian, and shall make it evident that he is not, 
by invoking our gods, let him (notwithstanding any former suspi- 
cion) be pardoned upon his repentance. Informations without the 
accuser's name subscribed ought not to be received in prosecutions 
of any sort : as it is introducing a very dangerous precedent, and by 
no means agreeable to the equity of my government." 

From this record of antiquity, we learn several important particu- 
lars respecting the early Christians. 

1. That they were accustomed to meet on a certain stated day 
for religious worship — whether on the first or last day of the week, 
does not appear. 

2. Their meetings were held in the morning before day-light — 
doubtless that they might the better avoid the notice of their ene- 
mies. 

3. They appear not to have had, at this time, any stated place of 
worship. 

4. They worshipped Christ as God. The phrase, carmen Chris- 
to quasi Deo dicere secum invicem, may imply any short ascrip- 
tion of praise to Christ, a doxology, a prayer, a psalm, or hymn, in 
prose or verse, though the latter is most probable. Christ was the 
object of worship to whom they offered this doxology or prayer, re- 
hearsing it alternately, or in responses. 

It appears from this passage that these Christians were not tally 
acquainted with the doctrine of the divinity of Christ, but manifested 
great boldness in asserting it. 

5. They celebrated the sacrament and their love-feasts in these 
assemblies. This is implied in their binding themselves by a solemn 
oath not to commit sin, and in their coming together to take bread, 
" ad capiendum cibum promiscuum tamen et innoxium." These re- 
ligious rites appear also to have been accompanied with the reading 
and exposition of the Scriptures. It seems to be included in these 
solemnities, though it is not distinctly mentioned. 

6. This epistle bears honorable testimony to unflinching steadfast- 



JEWISH AND PROFANE AUTHORS. 31 

ness of faith in these Christians, which Pliny styles an absurd and 
excessive superstition. 

7. This epistle affords a striking proof of the early and extensive 
propagation of Christianity, and of its tendency to overthrow idola- 
try. It also confirms the statements of the early apologists respect- 
ing the same points, while it establishes our confidence in their 
statements where we have not, as in this case, the testimony of con- 
temporary writers. 4 

Lucian of Samosata travelled in Syria, Asia Minor, Italy, and 
France, and had the best means of becoming acquainted with the 
Christians who had already become numerous in those countries. 
From his frequent and reproachful mention of the Christians of his 
day, 5 we may collect the following particulars. 

1. He speaks of the followers of Christ by their appropriate name, 
Christians, though in speaking of them he usually employs some 
reproachful epithet. 

2. He speaks of the author of this religion as one who lived in 
Palestine and was crucified. He styles him a great man, and says 
that his followers reverence him as their lawgiver. 

3. He denominates their religious teachers, prophets, masters of 
the synagogue, and rulers. 

4. He, in common with many of the fathers, calls their rites of 
worship, new mysteries. 

5. He particularly mentions the fraternity of Christians, their de- 
nial of the gods of the Greeks, and their worshipping of Him cruci- 
fied. 

6. He records their readiness to relieve and to support those who 
were sick or in prison. 

7. He mentions their dtlnva noiy.lla, their manifold meals, refer- 
ring obviously to their agapae and sacramental suppers, possibly to 
abuses similar to those which are reproved by the apostle Paul, 1 
Cor. 11: 20—22. 

8. It is observable also that Lucian makes mention of the sacred 
books of the Christians ; andjilso, 

9. Of their community of goods, as is described Acts 4: 32 — 37 ; 
and, 

Finally, of certain prohibited articles, as by the church at Jerusa- 
lem they were required to abstain from things strangled and from 
blood ; — all which evinces their piety and benevolence and diligence 
in the christian life. 



32 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 



§ 2. Origin of the Christian Church. 

Christianity, after the lapse of several centuries, assumed an in- 
termediate character between other forms of religion. But it was 
at first a substitute for the religion of the Jews, or rather it was only 
a modified and improved form of the same. The author of this 
system was himself obedient in all things to the law of Moses, out 
of which he also taught his disciples, and, undeniably, derived from 
the same source the rites of initiation and fellowship, baptism and 
the Lord's supper. 

This affinity between the Jewish and christian religion, was well 
understood by intelligent heathen, and by the ancient apologists of 
Christianity it was not denied. Chrysostom complained that the 
Christians, even of the fourth century, were half Jews. 

On the contrary, scarcely the remotest trace of paganism can be 
found in the christian church as originally constituted. Whatever 
has been adduced in favor of such a resemblance, is only uncertain 
conjecture, or gratuitous hypothesis. The apostle of the gentiles re- 
monstrates against the incorporating of any part of their religion with 
the Christian, Gal. 2: 14, 15 ; and the apostle Peter accords with 
him on this point, 1 Pet. 4: 3. Neither can anything be drawn 
from the apostolic fathers and early defenders of the christian reli- 
gion which, with any appearance of truth, can be made to harmo- 
nize with the religion of the gentiles. But they uniformly manifest 
the strongest aversion to any connection with idolators and their re- 
ligious rites. 

Basil, of Seleucia, has indeed affirmed that there is paganism dis- 
guised under the form of Christianity. But this can be said with 
truth only after the establishment of the system of secret discipline, 
and when the jealousy of the church for the purity of her faith and 
the integrity of her discipline had, in a measure, abated. Even the 
most celebrated Roman Catholic writers find much difficulty in the 
attempt to trace this blending of two systems back to a remote anti- 
quity. Protestant writers, on the other hand, labor to show that the 
decline of the church dates its origin from the introduction of pagan- 
ism into Christianity ; and that papacy is little else than a disguised 
system of pagan superstition. 1 The truth is, that the primitive 
church was at first established on the principles and in the spirit of 



ORIGIN OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 33 

the Jewish church ; the domestic rites of the Jews, and their leviti- 
cal priesthood being strictly excluded. But when, in process of time 
Christianity became the state religion, this alliance of church and 
state, it was thought, would acquire more honor and respect by 
blending with it a priesthood and a ritual like that of the Old Testa- 
ment. This, therefore, became the basis of a new church-service ; 
and the same office was transformed into a priesihood the elements 
of which were derived both from Jew and gentile systems of religion. 

The rules and institutions of the primitive church are chiefly val- 
uable to show what Christ and his apostles taught and approved. 
They have not, with us, the form of a law any further than they are 
founded on the Scriptures. Accordingly, different religious denom- 
inations have, from time to time, varied at pleasure from their ori- 
ginal form, not only the less important and common institutions of 
religion, but even the characteristic ordinances of the church — bap- 
tism and the Lord's supper — and that too, without laying any sacri- 
legious hand upon the ancient church of Christ. 

The law of the Christian church is the law of liberty. The truth, 
says Christ, shall make you free, with evident reference to the free- 
dom of religious worship under the Christian dispensation. To this 
the sacred writers frequently refer, John 4: 24. Rom. 6: 18, 22. 1 
Cor. 7: 22. Gal. 5: 1 seq. 4: 9 seq. Col. 2: 16—20. James 1: 25. 
comp. 2: 12. Not only do the several writers of the New Testa- 
ment declare the unrestrained freedom of christian worship; but 
the earliest and most venerable fathers harmonize with this sentiment, 
which again is confirmed by the symbolical books, and many other 
writings of indisputable authority. 

Christianity accordingly rejected from the religion of the Jews all 
that related to them as a separate and peculiar people, and modified 
that religious system, so that it might become the religion of all na- 
tions. At the same time it rejected with abhorrence every other 
form of religion. In this way it sought to retain whatever might 
best promote the kingdom of God, and the edification of his people. 
On the.same principle did the reformers, Luther, Melancthon, Zuin- 
glius and Calvin proceed. They confessedly retained much that 
pertained to the Catholic religion, and yet they were actuated by the 
most enlarged views of religious freedom and independence. 



34 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 



<§> 3. Peculiarities of the Christian System. 

1. This system presents the only true form of a church. The 
Jews had no distinct organization which could, with propriety, be 
denominated a church. Much less is any association under other 
forms of religion, entitled to this appellation. 

2. The christian church has always been distinguished for its ven- 
eration for the Holy Scriptures. The reading and exposition of 
these has, from the beginning, been an important part of christian 
worship. All the instructions and exhortations of the preacher, 
have been drawn from this source. The prayers, the psalmody, the 
catechisms and confessions of faith of the primitive Christians, to- 
gether with their religious ordinances, were all based on the Scrip- 
tures. 

3. The doctrines of the Trinity and of the divinity of Christ, are 
the distinguishing characteristics of the christian system. The 
church itself is based especially on the first mentioned doctrine ; so 
that there is not an ancient symbol, or confession, or rule of faith, in 
which it is not either expressed or distinctly implied, nor an ordi- 
nance which is not commemorative of the belief in God, the Father, 
Son, and Holy Ghost. This is implied in the consecration of 
churches to God. Even the names of God, Kvgioc, Dominus, ac- 
cording to the Athanasian creed, expresses the idea of a triune God. 
Deus triunus, Pater Dominus, Filius Dominus,, Spiritus Sanctus Do- 
minus ; non tamen tres Domini, sed unus Dominus. The same 
sentiment is implied in the baptismal formulary ; in the three ele- 
ments of the eucharist — the bread, the wine, and the water ; and in 
the three great festivals of the ancient church, which were instituted 
about the fourth century. [The author might have added, that the 
same is implied in the form of the ancient Christian's oath which 
was usually taken in the name of God, of Christ, and of the Holy 
Spirit. — Vegetius, as quoted by Bingham and Cave. — Tr.] 

The doctrine of the divinity of Christ appears in the sacrament 
which commemorates his death, and in the religious services con- 
nected with this ordinance, as well as in the prayers, doxologies, 
psalms and hymns, which are addressed to him. The same senti- 
ment is expressed in many of the emblems and symbols of the an- 
cient church, and in their mystical names, such as *£#t's, composed of 



SECRET DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 35 

the initials of the following words : ^hjaovg Xqiaibg Oeqv Tlbg, 2onr\Q, 
Jesus Christ the Savior, the Son of God. The mystical word 
Abraxas, is another instance of the same kind, each letter repre- 
senting the initials of the following words : 2N Father, 23 So?i, jrn 
Spirit, lhfi§ one, i. e. one God, Xgiaxog Christ, ''Av&Qanog man, i. e. 
God-man, Sohi]q Savior. 1 

5. It is peculiar to the christian religion, that all the people take 
part in their religious services. The humblest worshipper, as well 
as the highest functionary, here enters the temple of his God, ap- 
proaches the altar, and offers an acceptable sacrifice to our common 
God and Father. 

6. It is the peculiar privilege of the Christian that he may wor- 
ship God, not at some appointed place, and at stated seasons ; but 
at all times and in every place. The reader is directed to an ex- 
tended discussion of this subject in the index of authorities. 2 

§ 4. Of the Secret Discipline, the Disciplina Arcani, of the 
Ancient Church, Apostolical Constitutions, etc. 

As frequent references will be made to these in the subsequent 
work, a brief explanation is given for the information of the common 
reader. No intimation is given either in the Scriptures, or in the 
writings of the apostolic fathers, or by Justin Martyr, that any rites 
or ordinances of religion are to be concealed from the people. Ire- 
naeus, Tertuliian, and Clemens are the first who make mention of 
any such custom of the church. But it afterwards became custom- 
ary to celebrate the sacrament with an air of the most profound 
mystery, and indeed to administer baptism, and to perform most of 
the appropriate rites of religion with cautious secresy. Not only 
were unbelievers of every description excluded from the view of 
these rites, but catechumens also, and all who were not fully initia- 
ted into the church and entitled to a participation in its ordinances. 
From all else the time, and place, and manner of administering the 
sacred rites were concealed, and the import of each rite was a pro- 
found mystery which none was at liberty to divulge or explain. To 
relate the manner in which it was administered, to menlion the words 
used in the solemnity, or to describe the simple elements of which 
it consisted, were themes upon which the initiated were as strictly 
forbidden to touch, as if they had been laid under an oath of secresy. 



36 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 

Not a hint was allowed to be given, nor a whisper breathed on the 
subject to the uninitiated. Even the ministers, when the}' were led 
in their public discourses to speak of the sacraments, or the higher 
doctrines of faith, contented themselves with remote allusions, and 
dismissed the subject by saying: The initiated know what is meant, 
Xaaviv oi fis^vrjfievoi. They never wrote about them except through 
the medium of figurative and enigmatical expressions, for fear of 
giving that which is holy unto dogs, or casting pearls before swine. 

These mysteries were particularly — the manner of administering 
baptism ; the unction or chrism ; the ordination of priests ; the man- 
ner of celebrating the Lord's supper ; the liturgy or religious service 
of the church; the knowledge of the holy Trinity, the creed, and 
the Lord's prayer. Such was the secret discipline of the ancient 
church, the disciplina arcani above mentioned. 

The reason which led to the introduction of this discipline proba- 
bly was, the persecution to which the early Christians were subject. 
Under these circumstances they very naturally would conceal their 
worship as far as practicable from the observation of their enemies 
by whom they were surrounded. This precaution is distinctly indica- 
ted in the foregoing letter of Pliny, p. 26. Accordingly this secret 
discipline gradually fell into disuse after the time of Constantine, 
when Christianity had nothing to fear from her enemies. 1 

Apostolical Constitutions and Canons. 

These two collections of ecclesiastical rules and formularies, were 
attributed in early ages of the church to Clement of Rome, who was 
supposed to have committed them to writing from the mouths of the 
apostles, whose words they pretend to record. The authority thus 
claimed for these writings has, however, been entirely disproved ; 
and it is generally supposed by critics that they were chiefly com- 
piled during the second and third centuries : or that at least the 
greater part must be assigned to a period before the first Nicene 
council. We find references to them in the writings of Eusebius, 
Epiphanius, and Athanasius, writers of the third and fourth centu- 
ries. A modern critic supposes them not to have attained their pre- 
sent form until the fifth century. 

The Constitutions are comprised in eight books. In these the 
apostles are frequently introduced as speakers. They contain rules 
and regulations concerning the duties of Christians in general, the 



APOSTOLICAL CONSTITUTIONS AND CANONS. 37 

constitution of the church, the offices and duties of ministers, and 
the celebration of divine worship. The tone of morality which runs 
through them is severe and ascetic. They forbid the use of all per- 
sonal decoration and attention to appearances, and prohibit the read- 
ing of the works of heathen authors. They enjoin Christians to as- 
semble twice every day in the church for prayers and psalmody, to 
observe various fasts and festivals, and to keep the sabbath, (i. e. the 
seventh day of the week,) as well as the Lord's day. They require 
extraordinary marks of respect and reverence towards the ministers 
of religion ; commanding Christians to honor a bishop as a king or 
a prince, and even as a kind of God upon earth, — to render to him 
absolute obedience, — to pay him tribute, — and to approach him 
through the deacons or servants of the church, as we come to God 
only through Christ! This latter kind of (profane) comparison is 
carried to a still greater extent ; for the deaconesses are declared to 
resemble the Holy Spirit, inasmuch as they are not able to do any- 
thing without the deacons. Presbyters are said to represent the 
apostles ; and the rank of christian teachers is declared to be higher 
than that of magistrates and princes. — We find here also a complete 
liturgy or form of worship for christian churches ; containing not 
only a description of ecclesiastical ceremonies, but the prayers to be 
used at their celebration. 

This general description of the contents of the Books of Constitu- 
tions is alone enough to prove that they are no productions of the 
apostolic age. Mention also occurs of several subordinate ecclesias- 
tical officers, such as readers and exorcists, who were not introduced 
into the church until the third century. And there are manifest con- 
tradictions between several parts of the work. The general style in 
which the Constitutions are written is such as had become prevalent 
during the third century. 

It is useless to inquire who was the real author of this work ; but 
the date, and probable design, of the forgery are of more importance, 
and may be more easily ascertained. Epiphanius, towards the end 
of the fourth century, appears to be the first author who speaks of 
these books under their present title, Apostolical Constitutions. But 
he refers to the work only as one containing much edifying matter, 
without including it among the writings of the apostles; and indeed 
he expressly says that many persons had doubted of its genuineness. 
One passage, however, to which Epiphanius refers, speaks a language 



38 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. 

directly the reverse of what we find in the corresponding passage 
of the work now extant ; so that it appears probable that the Apos- 
tolical Constitutions which that author used have been corrupted and 
interpolated since his time. 

On the whole, it appears probable, from internal evidence, that 
the Apostolical Constitutions were compiled during the reigns of the 
heathen emperors towards the end of the third century, or at the 
beginning of the fourth ; and that the compilation was the work of 
some one writer (probably a bishop), of the eastern church. The 
advancement of episcopal dignity and power appears to have been 
the chief design of the forgery. 

If we regard the Constitutions as a production of the third century 
(containing remnants of earlier compositions), the work possesses a 
certain kind of value. It contributes to give us an insight into the 
state of christian faith, the condition of the clergy and inferior eccle- 
siastical officers, the worship and discipline of the church, and other 
particulars, at the period to which the composition is referred. The 
growth of the episcopal power and influence, and the pains and arti- 
fices employed in order to derive it from the apostles, are here par- 
tially developed. Many of the regulations prescribed, and many of 
the moral and religious remarks, are good and edifying ; and the 
prayers especially breathe, for the most part, a spirit of simple and 
primitive Christianity. But the work is by no means free from traces 
of superstition ; and it is occasionally disfigured by mystical inter- 
pretations and applications of Holy Scripture, and by needless re- 
finements in matters of ceremony. We find several allusions to the 
events of apostolical times ; but occurrences related exclusively in 
such a work are altogether devoid of credibility, especially as they 
are connected with the design of the compiler to pass off his book as 
a work of the apostles. 

The Canons relate chiefly to various particulars of ecclesiastical 
polity and christian worship ; the regulations which they contain be- 
ing for the most part sanctioned with the threatening of deposition 
and excommunication against offenders. The first allusion to this 
work by name is found in the acts of the Council which assembled 
at Constantinople in the year 394, under the presidency of Nectari- 
us, bishop of that see. But there are expressions in earlier councils 
and writers of the same century which appear to refer to the canons, 
although not named. In the beginning of the sixth century, fifty of 



NAMES ASSUMED BY CHRISTIANS. 39 

these canons were translated from Greek into Latin by the Roman 
abbot Dionysius the younger ; and about the same time thirty-five 
others were appended to them in a collection made by John, patri- 
arch of Constantinople. Since that time the whole number (eighty- 
five) have been regarded as genuine in the east ; while only the first 
fifty have been treated with equal respect in the west. It appears 
highly probable that the original collection was made about the mid- 
dle of the third century, or somewhat later, in one of the Asiatic 
churches. The author may have had the same design as that which 
appears to have influenced the compiler of the Apostolical Constitu- 
tions. The eighty-fifth canon speaks of the Constitutions as sacred 
books ; and from a comparison of the two works, it is plain that they 
are either the production of one and the same writer, or that, at 
least, the two authors were contemporary, and had a good under- 
standing with each other. The rules and regulations contained in 
the Canons are such as were gradually introduced and established 
during the second and third centuries. In the canon or list of sacred 
books of the New Testament given in this work, the Revelation of 
St. John is omitted, but the two epistles of Clement and the Apostol- 
ical Constitutions are inserted. 2 



CHAPTER II. 

NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

§ 1. Scriptural Appellations and Names assumed by 
Christians. 

The professors of the christian religion were originally denomi- 
nated saints, ayiot. This is their usual appellation in the sacred 
Scriptures. This they apply, not only to apostles and teachers, but 
generally to the community of Christians. The inspired writers are 
indeed particularly styled, holy men of God, 2 Pet. 1:21. Timo- 
thy is denominated a man of God, 2 Tim. 3: 17. But it might also 
be shown from many passages that all Christians, without distinc- 
tion, are included in the venerable appellation of saints. The term 



40 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

is derived from the Hebrew a D' v £np , by which the Jews were deno- 
ted as God's chosen people, in distinction from all idolatrous nations. 
But, by the apostle Peter, the several prerogatives and titles of the 
people of God are ascribed also to all Christians. He denominates 
them a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, a peculiar people, 1 
Pet. 1: 15. But he also teaches that this sanctity consists, not in 
mere outward forms of social worship, but in that piety which their 
holy calling requires them to cultivate, 2 Pet. 3: 11. comp. Eph. 5: 
3. Col. 1: 12. 3: 12. 

The name was doubtless adopted for the sake of convenience, 
and not as implying that all were the true worshippers of the holy 
Jesus. For among Christians wicked persons were also found. 
Even a Judas Iscariot was numbered with the apostles. But, to the 
highest honor of Christianity, it should be said that her followers, 
generally, were men of a pure spirit, and sanctified the Lord God 
in their hearts. Such is the uniform testimony of her early histori- 
ans and apologists. And even her enemies acknowledged, that the 
spotless character of her followers caused religion to be universally 
respected, and led to its introduction into every country. 

The names which Christians assumed for themselves, such as, 
saints, ayiov ; believers, TTiaisvaarTtg ; elect, sy.lsy.iol ; disciples, 
[ia&ijTal ; brethren, ad sXyol ; people of God, Xabq tov Oeov, and 
the like, were adopted from the Jews, and were expressive, several- 
ly, of some moral quality. But in process of time, the common ac- 
ceptation of these terms became so different from their original ap- 
plication, that they ceased to be used as the distinctive appellations 
of their community, composed both of Jews and Gentiles. What 
name they should assume, became now a question on which they 
were greatly divided among themselves ; and so much the more so 
because they had, from the first, refused all sectarian names. They 
would call no man master ; neither would they receive any title 
which should imply that their religion was of human origin, as the 
writers of the fourth and fifth centuries began to assert. In this di- 
lemma a name was providentially conferred on them, which soon 
gained ascendancy among friends and foes, and supplanted all 
others. 

Of the origin of this name we have a distinct account in the 
eleventh chapter of the Acts of the Apostles ; where we are inform- 
ed, that while Paul and Barnabas were laboring together at Antioch, 



NAMES ASSUMED BY CHRISTIANS. 41 

the disciples of our Lord first began to be called Christians. The 
form of this word, XqktthxvoI, clearly proves it to be a Latin deriva- 
tive from Xqkttoc, Christ. Nor is there the remotest probability 
that either the Christians, or the Jews would have invented this name. 
To the latter, this term was peculiarly offensive, 1 Cor. 1:23, The 
followers of Christ they styled Galileans, Acts 2: 7. 24: 5, or the 
sect of the Nazarenes, Acts 26: 28. 1 Pet. 4: 14, 16. In the New 
Testament the phrase occurs in only two other passages, and in 
these in such a connection as to indicate the foreign origin of the 
word. 

On the supposition that the pagan inhabitants of Antioch, in deri- 
sion first promulgated the name of Christians as a nickname, it is 
easy to see how it might soon come into general use among the Ro- 
mans. For that the Roman historians regarded Christians as an in- 
significant and contemptible faction, is evident from the language of 
Tacitus, who says that " Nero inflicted the severest punishments 
on those who were commonly denominated Christians, and were 
detested for their infamous crimes. Their name they derived from 
one Christus, who, in the reign of Tiberius suffered under Pontius 
Pilate." 2 Suetonius, also, referring evidently to Christians, relates, 
that the Jews were expelled from Rome because of their ceaseless 
tumults, to which they were instigated by one named Chrestus. 3 

It would seem therefore, that the apostles themselves adopted the 
name which had been imposed upon them in derision, and rejoiced 
to bear this reproach. 4 From the apostles, their followers adopted it, 
as the exclusive name of their body. To be denominated a Chris- 
tian was, in the estimation of the christian professors and martyrs, 
their highest honor. This is forcibly illustrated in the narrative 
which Eusebius has copied from an ancient record, of one Sanctus 
in Vienna, who endured all the inhuman tortures which art could 
inflict. His tormentors hoped, by the continuance and severity of 
his pains, to extort from him some unfortunate acknowledgement ; 
but he withstood them with unflinching fortitude, neither disclosing 
to them his name, nor his native land, nor his condition in life, 
whether freeman or slave. To all their interrogations he only re- 
plied, in the Latin tongue, I am a Christian, affirming that his name, 
his country, and his kindred, — all were included in this. Of the 
same import also was the deportment of the martyr Lucian as re- 
lated by Chrysostom. 5 To every interrogation he replied, I am a 

6 



42 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

Christian. Of what country are you ? I am a Christian. "What 
is your occupation ? I am a Christian. Who are your parents ? 
I am a Christian. And such was his reply to every question. 

It was a favorite sentiment with the primitive Christians, that the 
name of Christian would be sufficient to prevent all sectarian divi- 
sions, and to preserve and to perpetuate among them unity of faith 
and doctrine. I honor Peter, said Gregory Nazianzen, 6 but I am 
not called by his name. I honor Paul, but I am not of Paul. The 
name I bear is derived from no man, but I am from God. No sect 
or church took their name from the apostles, observes Epiphanius. 7 
For we have never heard of the followers of Peter, Paul, Bartholo- 
mew or Thaddeus : But all the apostles, from the beginning, held 
one faith, and preached, not themselves, but Jesus Christ their Lord. 
For this reason they all gave the church one name, derived, not from 
themselves, but from their Lord Jesus Christ, after they had al- 
ready begun to be called Christians at Antioch. As they all had 
one Lord, so were they also one, and bore the common name of 
Christians, professing themselves to be the followers of him, not as 
the head of their sect or parly, but as the author of their common faith. 
They even refused the name of Chrises church, claiming to be only 
a christian church, i. e. a body of Christians. From this primitive 
church, various religious sects separated themselves, who assumed 
the names of Manichaeans, Simonians, Valentinians, Ebionites, etc. 

Without attempting a full definition of all the names which have 
been ascribed to Christians by the fathers, I give a brief account of 
the principal appellations by which they were known. 

1. Catholics. While the church remained one and undivided, it 
was appropriately styled the Catholic church. But after the rise 
of different sects, who, notwithstanding their separation from the 
church, still claimed to be called Christians, then did the true be- 
lievers assume the name of Catholics to distinguish themselves from 
these heretical sects. So that the Catholic church is the true church, 
in distinction from all heretics. None were allowed to be Christians 
who did not belong to this Catholic church. I am of the Catholic 
church, said Pionius the martyr, for Christ has no other. 

2. Ecclesiastics, men of the church. Eusebius, Origen, Epipha- 
nius, and Cyril of Jerusalem, frequently use this term in distinc- 
tion from Jews, gentiles, and heretics ; and in such a connection 
as not to designate by it the priesthood, to whom the appellation 
of ecclesiastics appropriately belongs. 



REPROACH CONFERRED ON CHRISTIANS. 43 

3. Dogmatics,, ol zov doyfiaxog, men of the trite faith. This term 
denotes those who held fast the sound doctrines of the church. Pri- 
marily, it was applied only to religious teachers and rulers in the 
church, but subsequently, it was so extended as to include all who 
were sound in the faith. 

4. Gnostics. Denoting such as are truly learned, in opposition 
to the pretensions of false teachers. By this, Christians were espe- 
cially distinguished from an arrogant sect who claimed to be called 
by the same name. Clemens Alexandrinus, Irenaeus, and others, 
would intimate by this term that not merely the teachers, but all 
members of the catholic church, were in possession of true wis- 
dom drawn from no corrupt fountain, and mixed with no foreign 
ingredient. 

5. Theophoroi, -frsocpogoi, Christophoroi, zQiaroyoooi. These epi- 
thets, originally applied as titles of honor, became, in time, proper 
names. The former was first conferred upon Ignatius, who is 
usually quoted as Ignatius 6 xal Osocpogog. From him or some other 
ancient father, it passed into a sur-name, hut whether from his de- 
claration to the emperor Trajan that he bore Christ his God in his 
heart — or from the blessing of Christ bestowed upon him in his child- 
hood — or from the name of Christ imprinted on his breast — or for 
some other reason, is not known. It is certain, however, that many 
other eminent Christians were so named. 8 

6. 'fy&vg Fishes. An acrostic fancifully derived from the initials 
of the several appellations of our Saviour, 'irjaovg, Xquttoq, Osov Tlog, 
2mi-\o. The first letters of each are united in the word 3 I/&bg. 

The names Christian, Christiana, Christopher, Theophilus, and 
the like, so common in every age of the church, though adopted for 
convenience, by implication denotes also, devotedness to the service 
of Christ, and the acknowledgement of his name and his divinity. 

§ 2. Names of Reproach and Derision conferred on Christians 
by their enemies. 

These are indeed without number. Such hatred and contempt 
was felt for Christianity and its professors, both by Jews and gen- 
tiles, that they seized every opportunity to expose the disciples of 
Christ, as dangerous and contemptible men. The reproachful epi- 
thets cast upon them, with few exceptions, relate only to the first 



44 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

centuries of the christian era, and are chiefly interesting to the his- 
torian and antiquarian. And yet they are of importance as illustra- 
ting the condition of the primitive church. 

1. Jews. By the Romans, Christians were at first regarded merely 
as a Jewish sect, like the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes. As such 
they were accordingly denominated Jews, and despised as a super- 
stitious and misanthropic sect. After they began to be distinguished 
from the Jews, they were described by Suetonius as a class of men 
of a new and mischievous superstition. Genus hominum supersti- 
tionis novae et maleficae. 1 

2. Nazarenes. Both Jews and gentiles unitedly denominated the 
Christians Nazarenes. The word is variously written Nazurenes, 
Nazarenes, Nazorenes, Nazerenes, and Nazirenes. The significa- 
tions of the term seem to have been as various as its form, though it 
is uniformly applied in a bad sense. 2 Acts 24: 5. 

3. Galileans, The author of the name Galileans as a term of re- 
proach was, according to Gregory Nazianzen, 3 Julian the apostate. 
This he constantly employed, and made a law requiring that they 
should not be called by any other name. He died with these re- 
markable words on his lips : Ah ! thou Galilean ! thou hast con- 
quered. 4 

4. Greeks. In direct opposition to Julian, christian converts were 
by the ancient Romans, styled Greeks ; which with them was a pro- 
verbial phrase, expressive both of suspicion and contempt, as an im- 
postor. Whenever they saw a Christian in the high way, they were 
wont to exclaim: Ah! a Greek impostor. 5 Christ himself was re- 
garded as an impostor, Matt. 27: 63. 

5. Magicians. By heathen nations, the author of the christian 
religion was styled Magician, and his followers Magicians. 6 

Of other names which the malice of their persecutors invented 
or applied to them, the following is a brief summary. 

Sibyllists. From their being charged with corrupting the Sibyl- 
line books. A favorite insinuation of Celsus. 7 

Sarmentilii. Derived from the faggots with which the fires were 
kindled around them at the stake. 8 

Semaxii. From the stake to which they were bound. 

Parabolani, naga^oloL. From their being exposed to ravenous 
beasts. 9 

Bia&dvaToi, self-murderers. Alluding to their fearlessness of 
death. 



CLASSIFICATION OF CHRISTIANS. 45 

"A&eoi, Atheists? 

Nsotsqoi, 11 Novelli, new lights. 

2iuvQolv.TQai^ worshippers of the cross, 2 Cor. 1: 18. 

Plautinae prosapiae 13 homines et Pistores, men of the race of 
Plantus, bakers. Plautus is said to have hired himself to a baker, 
to grind in his mill. 

Asinarii, 14 worshippers of an ass. Creduli, Simplices, Stulti, Lu- 
cifugae, Stupidi, Fatui, Imperiti, Abjecti, Hebetes, Idiotae, etc. 

§ 3. Division and Classification of Christians. 

As in the Old Testament, two great classes of persons are recog- 
nized and distinguished, the one from the other — the children of 
Israel and the gentiles fcKSUft "|2a and firn-j . So in the New Tes- 
tament we observe a similar division, ol Icrco and ol s'Sw, those that 
are within and those that are without. The former denotes Chris- 
tians, not only as united together in the fellowship of the church, 
but as opposed to the latter class, which includes both Jews and gen- 
tiles. This classification, however, has no reference to a division of 
Christians among themselves, but simply to the distinction between 
such as are, and such as are not, believers in the Christian religion. 
A similar form of expression is used in various passages also to 
distinguish the true and the false disciples of Christ, Mark 4: 11. 
13: 14. Luke 6: 13. 2 John 2: 19. 

The equality of all Christians is clearly asserted in the Scriptures. 
They are brethren, and as such have equal rights, laoTiftiot. Comp. 
2 Pet. 1: 1. They are one heritage, 2 Pet. 5: 3 ; and all members 
of the same head, Col. 1: 18. Nay, Christ himself asserts the 
equality of all his disciples, Luke 22: 25, 26. And yet a distinction 
is made between the master and his disciple — the teacher and the 
taught. The one are denominated the people, o laoq; the flock, zb 
■noi^vlov ; the body of believers, to nlij-d-og tojv niax^v ; the church, 
t\ sxy.lrjdla ; private persons, Id iutou ; and laymen, or men devoted 
to seculiar pursuits, Simatol. The others are styled teachers, di- 
ddo-xalob; leaders, iiyov^svoi ; shepherds, noipsvEg ; overseers, inh- 
xotioi; elders, ngosa^vTsgoi ; rulers, nooso-iuTec, etc. Subordinate to 
these were the deacons, didxovoi ; the widows, xvQ a h or deacon- 
esses, diav.ovi<j(sai ; the attendants, imrjoeiai, and the inferiors, vscjie- 
qcu. So that even the New Testament indicates an ecclesiastical 
order, which at a later age became much more prominent. 



46 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

The sacred persons mentioned in the New Testament, and the 
regulations prescribed for the worship of God, were undoubtedly- 
derived from the religion of the Jews. Indeed this fact has never 
been called in question. The only inquiry has been whether the or- 
ganization of the christian church is to be derived chiefly from the 
forms of the temple service, or from those of the synagogue worship, 
both of which were in use through the period of the second temple, 
from the time of the Babylonish captivity to that of the christian era. 

This difference of opinion is evidently very ancient. Tertullian 
compares the office of bishop with that of the high priest. 1 Cyprian 
and Jerome consider the Mosaic economy as the prototype of the 
christian church ; 2 while Chrysostom, Basil the Great, Augustine and 
others, refer its origin to the synagogue. The church of Rome 
manifestly has great interest in establishing the first hypothesis. 
And yet there are not wanting in that church those who maintain the 
contrary opinion. The majority of the learned, especially of the 
evangelical church, oppose the theory that the constitution of the 
church is to be traced for the most part to the temple service ; but 
in every particular they labor to show that it is derived from the 
regulations of the Jewish synagogue. 

The most ancient specific classification in the church, of which we 
have any knowledge, is found in Eusebius. 4 " In every church 
there are three orders of men. One of the ijyovpsvctiv, superiors, i. e. 
rulers, leaders or guides ; and two of the vjioPeftrjxoTwv, subjects, i. e. 
the people, the body of the church. The latter class comprehends 
two divisions, the unbaptized, and the faithful. The unbaptized are 
usually denominated xuTrj^ov^svoi, catechumens, candidates for bap- 
tism." See § 5. 

The above classification of Eusebius, in reality recognizes but 
two classes of men. Those that teach, and those that are taught. 
And this corresponds with the classification given by Jerome, 5 though 
he specifies five classes — bishops, presbyters, deacons, believers, 
and catechumens. Here again, there really are but two divisions ; 
those that teach, comprising the first three, and those that are taught, 
comprising the last two. The divisions of the church which occur 
in periods still later, are substantially the same. They universally 
recognize the distinction of the teacher, and the taught. These 
are most frequently denominated the laity and the clergy, with this 
difference, that in the latter class, the idea of ruler as well as teacher 



OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 47 

is comprehended, a distinction, however, which is rather implied 
than expressed. 

§ 4. Of the Christian Church. 

This term, ixxXfjcria, in the New Testament, and by the ancient fa- 
thers, primarily denoted an assembly of Christians, i. e. believers in 
the christian religion in distinction from all others. In this sense it 
included the officers and teachers, though these were more frequent- 
ly denominated ixylriviaoiixol, ecclesiastics. But it has, from the 
earliest ages, been used in a more restricted sense to denote the 
great body of the church, the laity, in distinction from her officers 
and teachers. So it is used by Eusebius, Cyril of Jerusalem, and 
Amalarius. 

That it so seldom occurs in this signification, is to be ascribed 
merely to the circumstance that the term laity was the technical 
name of the body of the church in contradistinction from the clergy. 
The derivation of the word is unquestionably from the Greek Xaog, 
people. In this sense it is not indeed used in the New Testament, 
but it occurs in the earliest christian writers, and was in familiar use 
in the third century. 

Tertullian especially complains of heretics, that they confounded 
the officers of the church. One is made bishop to-day, another to- 
morrow. One is to-day a deacon, to-morrow a reader ; to-day a pres- 
byter, to-morrow a layman ; for they confer the sacerdotal offices 
even upon the laity. 2 Such was the anxiety of the ancient church 
to distinguish between the clergy and laity, and to guard them from 
assuming any of the official duties of the priesthood. Jerome in- 
deed speaks of a lay priesthood, but by the term he only designates 
those who have received christian baptism, in allusion to the passage : 
He hath made us kings and priests unto God ! 

The laity were also divided into different classes, which were 
very distinctly known and cautiously observed previous to the gene- 
ral introduction of infant baptism. The prevalence of this ordi- 
nance changed, in a great measure, the ancient classification of the 
church, which again was subject to other modifications by the rise of 
the different classes of penitents, and of the energumens and the 
several orders of monastics. 



48 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

[The views which the primitive Christians entertained of them- 
selves as the priests of God are clearly exhibited in the following 
extracts from Bib. Repos. July 1840, pp. 97—99. u They viewed 
themselves as the priests of God, placed in a polluted world to sanc- 
tify it, to be purified temples in which the Holy Spirit might dwell, 
safe from the contact of surrounding corruption, to be purified chan- 
nels in which the sweet influences of heaven, the rills from the river 
of life, which surrounds the throne of God, might freely flow to puri- 
fy a world which lay in wickedness. 

" ' We,' says Justin Martyr, (Dial. Tryph. 355,) ' are the true 
high priests of God, as God himself testifies, when he says that plea- 
sant incense and a pure offering shall in every place among the 
heathen be offered to him. Mai. 1: 11. He receives offerings from 
none but his priests. Prayer and thanksgiving only, brought by the 
worthy, are genuine offerings well pleasing to God ; and those, 
Christians alone are in a condition to give.' Sayslrenaeus (iv. 20), 
4 All the righteous have the sacerdotal dignity.' Says Tertullian 
(de Orat. c. 28), ' We are the true worshippers and the true priests, 
who, praying in the Spirit, in the Spirit offer to God the prayer 
which is his due, and is well-pleasing to him. Such prayer, coming 
from a heart full of devotion, nourished by faith, kept pure by a 
blameless life, made glorious by love, and accompanied with good 
works, we must with psalms and hymns bring to the altar of God ; 
and it is all which God requires of us.' 

" There was then no such distinction between clergymen and lay- 
men, that compliances which would be acknowledged improper in 
the one would yet be considered harmless in the other. They were 
all equally the priests of God, and as such they felt their responsi- 
bilities, and as such they endeavored to keep themselves unspotted 
from the world, and always to maintain the grave and serious de- 
meanor becoming in a priest of the Most High. Says Tertullian 
(Monog. 7), ' We are priests, called thereto by Christ. The su- 
preme High Priest, the great Priest of the Heavenly Father, even 
Christ, when he clothed us with that which is his, for as many of 
you as are baptized have put on Christ, Gal. 3: 27, hath made us 
kings and priests to God and his Father.' Rev. 1: 6. ' We are de- 
luded if we imagine lhat that is allowed to the layman which is not 
permitted to the priest. Are not we laymen also priests ?' (Exhort. 
c. 7.)" 



CATECHUMENS. 49 

According to Rh'einwald, Arch. § 12, and Gieseler Kirchengesch, 
I. 169, the distinction between laity and clergy was unknown until 
the second century. Previous to this, all performed the office of 
priests as they had occasion. The power of speaking and exhorta- 
tion was considered rather the free gift of the spirit, and was posses- 
sed by many of the Christians, though exercised in different ways — 
prophets, teachers, speaking with tongues, 1 Cor. 12:28 — 31. chap. 
14. There was as yet no distinct order of clergy, for the whole so- 
ciety of Christians was a royal priesthood, 1 Pet. 2: 9 ; the chosen 
people of God, 1 Pet. 5: 3. comp. Deut. 4: 20. 9: 29. 

In support of his opinion, Gieseler quotes the following authorities. 
— " Tertullian de exhort, castit. c. 7. Ambrosiaster (Hilarius Dia- 
conus?), about A. D. 380, in comment, ad Ephes. iv. 11 : Primum 
omncs docebant et omnes baptizabant, quibuscunque diebus vel tem- 
poribus fuisset occasio ; nee enim Philippus tempus quaesivit aut 
diem, quo eunuchum baptizaret neque jejunium interposuii. * * * 
Ut ergo cresceret plebs et multiplicaretur, omnibus inter initia. con- 
cessum est et evangelizare et baptizare et scripturas in ecclesia ex- 
planare. At ubi omnia loca complexa est ecclesia, conventicula 
constituta sunt et rectores, et caetera officia in ecclesiis sunt ordina- 
ta, ut nullus de clericis [ceteris ?] auderet, qui ordinatus non esset, 
praesumere officium, quod sciret non sibi creditum vel concessum. 
Et coepit alio ordine et providentia gubernari ecclesia, quia si omnes 
eadem possent, irrationabile esset, et vulgaris res et vilissiraa vide- 
retur. Hinc ergo est, unde nunc neque diaconi in populo praedi- 
cant, neque clerici vel laici baptizant, neque quocunque die creden- 
tes tinguntur, nisi aegri. Ideo non per omnia conveniunt scripta 
Apostoli ordinationi, quae nunc in ecclesia est., quia haec inter pri- 
mordia sunt scripta. — Tr.] 

§ 5. Catechumens. 

These take their name from xetT^oifisvot, learners, a word of fre- 
quent occurrence in the New Testament, Acts 18: 25. Gal. 6:6. 
Rom. 2: 19. 1 Cor. 14: 19. The catechumens of the ancient church 
were candidates for baptism under instruction for admission into the 
christian church. They were styled candidates, candidi, because 
they were wont to appear dressed in white on their admission to 
church. In the Latin church they were sometimes denominated 

1 



50 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

Novitii, Tirones, Audientes, Rudes, Incipientes, Pueri, etc. equiva- 
lent to the terms pupils, beginners, etc. 

The importance of this order in the opinion of the ancient church, 
appears from the fact that schools were instituted especially for 
their instruction, and catechists appointed over them. One part of 
the church service was also suited to them especially, and another to 
the faithful. The discipline and instruction which they received in 
this manner, was usually an indispensable preliminary to their ad- 
mission into the church. 

The reasons which led to the institution of this order, are well de- 
scribed by Jamieson, in the following extract : 

" While those who were entitled to partake of the Lord's supper 
were exclusively denominated the faithful, and considered as occu- 
pying the rank of perfect or approved Christians, there were seve- 
ral other classes of persons, who, though connected with the Church, 
and forming constituent parts of it, were yet separated from, and in- 
ferior to, the former, being in various stages of advancement towards 
a qualification for the holy rites of the Gospel. These orders, known 
by the name of catechumens, were distinguished from each other by 
lines of demarcation, beyond which none was allowed to pass with- 
out a long and gradual preparation ; and between a newly made cate- 
chumen, and a Christian in the rank of the faithful, there was as 
wide a difference in the eye of the primitive Church, as between an 
infant of a day, and one who has attained the stature of a full-grown 
man. In the records of apostolic times, we shall in vain look for any 
traces of this distinction, — for then a heathen no sooner made an 
avowal of his faith in Christ, than he received the initiatory rite of 
Christianity. His conversion was immediately followed by his bap- 
tism, and whatever shades of difference there might be in the know- 
ledge of the new converts, all were considered as equally entitled to 
the outward sign, as they were to the inward and spiritual benefits 
of the ordinance. But in the process of time, when the Church was 
enlarged by a daily increasing influx of members from heathenism, 
and when her purity was no longer guarded by the presiding care of 
those who possessed the miraculous gift of discerning spirits, the pi- 
ous solicitude of her rulers in after-times, gave rise to the custom of 
deferring the admission of converts into the fellowship of the Chuich, 
till clear and satisfactory evidence was obtained of their fitness, in 
point of knowledge and sincerity, to be enrolled in the ranks of the 



CATECHUMENS. 51 

disciples. The dear-bought experience of the primitive Christians 
had convinced them that the gross habits of idolaters were not easily 
and all at once, in many instances, relinquished for the pure and 
spiritual principles of the Gospel, and that multitudes of professed 
believers held their faith by so slender a tie, that the slightest temp- 
tation plunged them anew into their former sensuality, and the first 
alarm drove them back into the enemies' camp. To diminish, and, 
if possible, to prevent the occurrence of such melancholy apostasies, 
which interrupted the peace and prosperity of the christian society, 
and brought a stain on the christian name, was a consummation de- 
voutly wished for by the pious fathers of the primitive age ; and ac- 
cordingly, animated by a spirit of holy jealousy, they adopted the 
rule, which soon came into universal practice, of instituting a severe 
and protracted inquiry into the character and views of candidates for 
admission to the communion of the church, — of not suddenly ad- 
vancing them to that honorable degree, but of continuing them for a 
limited period in a state of probation. It was thus that the order of 
the catechumens arose, an order which, though unknown to the age 
of Peter and Paul, boasts of a very early introduction into the prim- 
itive church ; and, at whatever period its date may be fixed, its ori- 
gin is to be traced to the laudable desire of more fully instructing 
young converts in the doctrines of the christian faith, and at the same 
time affording them opportunities to give evidence of the sincerity of 
their profession, by the change of their lives and the holiness of their 
conversation." — Manners of Prim. Christ, pp. 130 — 2. 

Alexandrinus and Origen have much to say in recommendation 
of a certain secret doctrine of the cburch, ixvaxriQioaocpia, scientia 
arcani. This discovers itself about the same time with the order of 
catechumens, and appears to have fallen into disrepute, as the church 
increased, and additions were made to it from baptized children of 
christian families, rather than from the candidates who had been re- 
ceived from among Jews and Gentiles. 

There was no specific rule respecting the age at which Jewish 
and heathen converts were received as catechumens. History in- 
forms us, that the greater part were persons of adult age. Even 
Constantine the Great was reckoned among this class. The delay 
of baptism, against which Gregory of Nyssa and others inveighed so 
earnestly in the fourth century, seems to intimate that these subjects 
of baptism were usually advanced beyond the legal age of manhood. 



52 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

It must indeed be admitted as an exception to this usage, that whole 
families were occasionally baptized, as in the times of the apostles, 
Acts 16: 15, 31. 18: 8. 1 Cor. 1: 16. And as an argument in favor 
of infant baptism, this usage is the more persuasive from the fact 
that after the fourth century paedobaptism was much more gene- 
rally introduced and defended. In the meanwhile, no rule is given 
for the children of christian parents, respecting their requisite age, 
for becoming catechumens. And it is remarkable that Tertullian 
and Cyprian who, in other respects are so harmonious, should so 
disagree on this point. The latter was an advocate for paedobap- 
tism ; the former, a zealous opposer. u It is better, he says, for each 
one to delay his baptism, according to his condition, disposition and 
age — especially for the young. Let them come when they have 
arrived to maturity ; let them come when they have sufficient know- 
ledge — when they are taught why they come ; let them become 
Christians (by baptism) when they have a competent knowledge of 
Christ." 1 

The case of Augustine may with propriety be cited in this place. 
By his pious mother Monica he had, from his infancy, been care- 
fully instructed in the christian religion. In consequence of a dan- 
gerous sickness he was about to be baptized in early childhood, that 
he might die as a Christian, under the covenant. But the adminis- 
tration of the ordinance was deferred in consequence of his re- 
covery ; and the delay he regarded as a kind Providence. From 
this example the inference is, that he might have received due pre- 
paration for the ordinance from his pious mother, but that his bap- 
tism would have been an exception to the general rule on this sub- 
ject. He was converted under Ambrose of Milan, and, though at 
this time a distinguished writer, became a regular catechumen. Af- 
ter due preparation, he was baptized in the year 387. 

It is however certain that children were, at an early age, the sub- 
jects of baptism, and that too, not merely in cases of emergency, 
but by established rule and usage ; for it was against this usage that 
Tertullian felt himself constrained to write. But these little children 
who were incapable of knowing Christ, as Tertullian describes them, 
could not of course be subject to any such preliminary preparation 
as the catechumens received. They could only be subject to such 
exercises subsequent to baptism, just as, since the general introduc- 
tion of infant baptism, the subsequent instructions preparatory to 



CATECHUMENS. 53 

confirmation are regarded, which is a religious ordinance introduced 
into the church very unlike the original usage. 

No general rule prevailed respecting the time which the catechu- 
mens should spend in that relation. It varied at different times, and 
according to the usages of the several churches ; especially, ac- 
cording to the proficiency of each, individually. In the constitution 
of the apostles, 2 three years are prescribed. By the council of Illi- 
beri, 3 A. D. 673, two years, By that of Agatha, 4 A. D. 506, eight 
months. Cyril of Jerusalem, and Jerome, direct them to observe a 
season of fasting and prayer for forty days. 5 From all which, the 
inference is, that there was no determinate rule on this subject. 
This public preparation of the catechumens necessarily implies, that 
they were previously subject to private instruction. The same is 
inferred from the instructions which were preliminary to confirmation. 
The true idea of which is, that of completing and confirming the 
discipline to which the candidate has already been subjected. Ex- 
ceptions there undoubtedly were. Instances may be adduced in 
which all the preparation which the candidate received was limited 
to a single day. 6 And the procedure is authorized by examples in 
the Scriptures. But the rules of the church, have ever required a 
longer period of probation. 

The catechumens were early divided into separate classes. But 
their number, and their names, were somewhat different. The 
Greek canonists specify two classes. 7 The uninitiated, aisXsaitQoi, 
and the more advanced, jelsaT^oi, perfectiores. These are styled 
by Suidas, 8 the cwgowfisvol, such as are occupied in learning, and 
svxofievol, such as are engaged in devotional pursuits. Maldonatus 
gives three classes, 9 the audientes, the competentes, and the poenilen- 
tes. According to Bingham, 10 there were four classes. 1. Those 
who were subject to private instruction. 2. Such as received pub- 
lic instruction. 3. Those who were occupied with devotional ex- 
ercises. 4. Those who were duly qualified for baptism. But this 
classification is not duly authorized. 

These distinctions, however, are of little importance, and have 
never been generally recognized. They seem to have been made 
as occasion required, rather than by any essential rule of classifica- 
tion. The churches at Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, and Alex- 
andria, were at variance among themselves on this point, and each 
agreed with the churches of its own communion only in a few lead- 



54 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

ing particulars. The gradations of improvement were particularly 
observed. The age, and sex, and circumstances of the catechu- 
mens, were also duly regarded ; men of age, and rank, not being 
classed with children of twelve or thirteen years of age. x\t one 
time they may have all been united in one class, and at another, may 
have been divided into two, three, or even four several divisions. 

The mode of their admittance was very brief, and unceremonious. 
But some form of admission was uniformly required, a circumstance 
which illustrates the degree of consideration in which the rite was 
held, while it indicates the existence both of some determinate time 
of admission, and of some difference of opinion respecting it. The 
imposition of hands was one of the prescribed ceremonies. 11 The 
sign of the cross is also mentioned. Augustine received the sign of 
the cross, and affirms that this, with the imposition of hands, was 
the usual mode of setting them apart. By Porphyry, bishop of Ga- 
za, converts from paganism were received, by prostrating them- 
selves at his feet, and requesting to receive the sign of the cross. 
After having passed upon them this sign, and received them as cate- 
chumens, he propounded them for admission to the church, and dis- 
missed them with his benediction. Soon after this, he baptized 
them, having previously given them catechetical instruction. 12 In 
this instance, the term of probation must have been short. They 
were also immediately recognized as candidates for baptism, without 
reference to the distinction of classes. 

The manner of receiving a catechumen, therefore, was substan- 
tially as follows : The bishop examined the candidate, and, if he 
was found worthy, enroled his name in the records of the church. 
The solemnity was then concluded by prayer, imposition of hands, 
and the signing of the cross. — Siegel, Catechumenat, Vol. I. p. 367. 

The exercises of the catechumens until their union with believ- 
ers, were wholly directed with reference to their preparation for 
baptism. They consisted generally in attending to various catecheti- 
cal and doctrinal instructions, the reading of the Scriptures, etc. 
The advanced class, before baptism, were subject to repeated exami- 
nations, and to a kind of exorcism accompanied with imposition of 
hands, the sign of the cross, and insufflation, the breathing of the 
priest upon them. They also passed many days in fasting and 
prayer, and in learning the words of their creed and the Lord's 
prayer. 13 



CATECHUMENS. 



55 



In case of severe sickness, baptism was administered to the pa- 
tient on his bed, inl tijg y.Uvi^g. This was called clinic baptism. In 
such instances, it was allowable to administer it by sprinkling. Bap- 
tism was also administered to apostate catechumens in the near ap- 
proach of death, and to such apostates as gave evidence of repent- 
ance it was not denied, even though they were not received to the 
class of penitents. 

Any one devoted to martyrdom, was reckoned among the cate- 
chumens, martyrdom being regarded as a full substitute, and there- 
fore styled blood baptism. 14 

This notion was derived from various passages in the Scriptures. 
' He that loseth his life, shall find it,' Matt. 10: 39. ' I have a bap- 
tism to be baptized with,' Luke 12: 50. Baptism was accounted 
essential to salvation. Martyrdom was also esteemed a passport to 
heaven. It was therefore made a substitute for baptism. 

On the contrary, if any catechumen who had caused the delay of 
his baptism by his crimes, died unbaptized, he was not treated as a 
Christian. His name was not enrolled in the records of the church 
while living, and after death, he was denied the solemnities of chris- 
tian burial, and refused a place in the catalogue of Christians. He 
was buried, Sine cruet et luce. 

Much controversy has arisen out of a passage from Augustine, 15 
respecting the sacrament of the catechumens, relating chiefly to the 
consecrated bread panis benedictus. But Bona, Basnage and Bing- 
ham have sufficiently shown, that it was not the sacramental bread, 
but bread seasoned with salt ; and that this, at their baptism, was 
administered with milk and honey, salt being the emblem of 
purity and incorruption. 16 

The ancient discipline of the catechumens, preparatory to their 
admission into the communion of the church as above stated, is 
briefly summed up in the following extract. It exhibits so clearly 
the extreme caution and deliberation of the ancient church, in re- 
ceiving candidates into their communion, that no apology can be 
necessary for inserting it as a brief recapitulation. 

"The moment that a heathen announced his resolution to aban- 
don the religion of his fathers, and to embrace that of Jesus, he was 
introduced to the pastor of the place, who, having laid his hand upon 
his head, a ceremony of very frequent use in all the offices of the 
ancient church, and prayed that he might become a partaker of the 



56 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

grace of the gospel, consigned him to the care of some missionaries, 
whose duty it was from time to time to wait upon him privately, and 
in his own house, to instruct him in the elementary principles of 
the christian faith. At an appointed time, and when he had satis- 
fied his private instructors of his capacity to profit by the services 
of the church, he was permitted to come into the congregation, 
where he stood in a particular place appropriated to the hearers — 
those who were admitted to hear the Scriptures read, and the plain 
and simple discourses on the fundamental articles of faith and points 
of duty, which always formed the subject of the preliminary exhor- 
tations of the church. If the proficiency and conduct of the cate- 
chumen during his continuance in this lower rank were approved of, 
he was, at a certain period, advanced to a higher order, which was 
privileged not only to be present at the reading of the Scriptures, 
and the delivery of the sermons, but also at the prayers, which we 
described as concluding the first service. After remaining the ap- 
pointed time in this more advanced stage of his progress, he was 
successively privileged to be present at the public prayers of the 
church, to hear the discourses addressed to the faithful on the higher 
and more abstruse doctrines of Christianity , and even to witness, at an 
humble distance, the dispensation of the Lord's supper. He was 
then considered ripe for baptism, and immediately put upon a new 
course of discipline, preparatory to partaking of the holy mysteries 
at the next celebration of the solemnity. Hitherto, he had been 
trained, by a regular course of catechetical instructions in private, to 
a knowledge of the leading doctrines and duties of the gospel, and 
now he was subjected to frequent and minute examinations in public 
on every branch of his religious education. If approved, he was 
forthwith instructed in some of the sublimer points of Christianity, 
which had been hitherto withheld from him, — such as the doctrine 
of the Trinity, the union of the divine and human natures in Christ, 
the influences of the Spirit, and the way in which a participation of 
the symbols of a Saviour's love gives spiritual nourishment to the 
soul. He was allowed to employ the Lord's prayer, — the use of 
which was considered as the exclusive privilege of his adopted chil- 
dren ; and was enjoined to commit to memory the creed, as a 
formula which embodied, in a small compass, all the grand articles 
of revealed truth, which it had been the object of his protracted dis- 
cipline to teach him. For twenty successive days he continued a 



OF BELIEVERS. 57 

course of partial fasting, during which he had daily interviews with 
his minister, who, in private, and secluded from the presence of 
every other observer, endeavored, by serious discourse, to impress 
his mind with a sense of the important step he was about to take,- — 
and more especially, prayed with him, in the usual solemn form, by 
imposition of hands, that he might be delivered from any evil spirit 
that had possession of his heart, and be enabled to consecrate him- 
self a living sacrifice to God and the Saviour. Such was the disci- 
pline of the catechumens, — a discipline to which all ranks and 
descriptions of men, who were desirous of being admitted into the 
bosom of the church, were in primitive times indiscriminately sub- 
jected. " None," to use the words of Lord King, " were permitted 
to enjoy the privileges of the faithful, till they had in a manner 
merited them, — which was, when they had, through a considerable 
time of trial, manifested the sincerity of their hearts by the sanctity 
and purity of their lives. When they had changed their manners, 
and rectified their former habits, then they were washed with the 
waters of baptism, and not before. 

" The period during which they continued this course of prepara- 
tion varied in different places, and was, indeed, often regulated by 
no other rule than the proficiency of the candidates. In general, it 
lasted for two or three years ; though, in cases of severe indisposi- 
tion and imminent danger, the probation was shortened, and the most 
benevolent and anxious provision made to dispense to the sick or 
dying catechumens, whose life was consistent with their views, 
though they had not completed their appointed time of discipline, all 
the comforts which a participation in the privileges of the church 
could give. But when no such pressing emergency occurred, the 
young disciple was left to accomplish his noviciate in the ordinary 
course ; and it was only by slow and progressive steps he ascended 
to the standard of knowledge and virtue that gave him a passport to 
the region of the faithful.'" 

§ 6. Of Believers — or, the Faithful. 

This term is used to designate the constituents of the christian 
community, that body or assembly which was appropriately denom- 
inated the church, t\ ixydrjala, and ixxlrjala rwv ct/iaiv. Persons of 
this description were distinguished by various names, designed in a 

8 



58 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

measure to illustrate the true nature and peculiar constitution of the 
church. 

1. They were styled kiotoI, the faithful, as has already been men- 
tioned. This is the favorite and universal name which has uniform- 
ly been used to denote such as have been duly instructed in the fun- 
damental principles of the christian religion ; and received, by bap- 
tism, into the communion of the church. By this name they are 
distinguished on the one hand from the umazoi, such as are not 
Christians, and heretics, and on the other, from the clergy and from 
the catechumens, penitents, energumens, and ascetics. It is worthy 
of remark, that the disciples of Christ use the active form, ol maiev- 
ovisg, or mcnsvaavTsg, while the fathers uniformly use the passive, 
ol maiol. The latter, however, occurs occasionally in the New 
Testament, Acts 16: 1. 2 Cor. 6: 15. 1 Tim. 4: 12. 5: 16, but in a 
sense more unlimited than that in which it is used by the fathers. 

2. <lJ(tiTi£o(Atvoi, illuminati, the enlightened. This name they re- 
ceived upon being baptized, baptism being by them denominated 
cpojTLa^ioc, or (parna^u, illumination. It is a curious fact, that the 
baptized are denominated cpanL'Qo^iBvoi, and candidates for baptism 
qxoTHj&ivTsg, while on grammatical principles precisely the reverse 
might have been expected. The usage of (puTia&evTsg is supposed 
to be derived from Heb. 6: 4, as the most proper to denote such as 
were suitably enlightened to be received into the church. 

3. MtfAvyfisvoi, the initiated. This appellation was most in use 
in the fourth and fifth centuries, when so much was said of the ar- 
cani disciplina, the secret mysteries of the christian religion. It de- 
notes such as have been initiated into these mysteries, a privilege 
belonging exclusively to members of the church. The phrase the 
initiated know, occurs about fifty times in Augustine and Chrysos- 
tom alone. The terms ^vaial and [ivaTccywyrjToi are also often used, 
and, in short, almost all the phraseology which profane writers use 
respecting an initiation into their mysteries. Indeed the rite of bap- 
tism itself has an evident relation, as Cyril of Jerusalem represents, 1 
to the initiatory rites of Eleusis, Samothrace, etc. 

4. TsIsiol and rslsiov^sroi, the perfect. This name, like the fore- 
going, has a relation to their sacred mysteries. It is adopted from 
the New Testament, where it is used, not indeed in the same, but 
in a kindred meaning in relation to christian perfection. To join the 
church was styled el&uv inl t6 tsXslov, or \xui%uv xov isfoiov, to at- 



OF BELIEVERS. 



59 



tain unto perfection ; and the participation of the sacrament, which 
in the ancient church invariably followed baptism, was denominated 
teXsti] rdsTbJvZ perfection of perfections. 

5. The titles, brethren, saints, elect, beloved, sons of God, etc. 
have ever been applied as the special prerogative of believers, or 
professing Christians. 

The foregoing titles also conveyed to those who bore them exclu- 
sively, certain rights and privileges. 

1. They were permitted to be present at all religious assemblies 
without exception, — to take part in the missa catechumenorum, the 
first religious service of public worship, designed especially for the 
catechumens, as well as in the missa fidelium, the after-service, which 
was particularly designed for them, and which none but the initi- 
ated were permitted to attend. To this service neither catechu- 
mens, nor any other, were permitted to be present, not even as spec- 
tators. 

2. It was another special privilege of the faithful, that they 
were permitted to hear and join in the rehearsal of the Lord's 
prayer. None but believers were permitted, in any case, audibly to 
adopt the language of this prayer and say, Our Father who art in 
heaven ; though it might be used in silent prayer. In the worship 
of the faithful, on the contrary, it might be rehearsed aloud, or sung 
by them, or repeated in responses. 

3. As another prerogative, they were allowed to seek an explana- 
tion of all the mysteries of the christian religion. Origen and Gre- 
gory of Nyssa often allege, in commendation of Christianity, that it 
has refined mysteries, [xvaTi'jQia, aggrjia, and anoggrjTa, which no vul- 
gar mind can comprehend. By which is understood, among other 
things, the rites and doctrines of the church, and the subtleties of 
their faith. All these were cautiously concealed from catechumens, 
and taught to believers only, because "by God's gift they were made 
partaker of these mysteries, and therefore qualified to judge of them." 
To the uninitiated, the ancient fathers discoursed only on obvious 
points of morality ; and if, at any time, they were led to touch upon 
their profound mysteries, they dismissed them with the expression, 
i'cracuv oi litfjivrjiiivoi, To the initiated it is given to know these things.* 

* De moralibus quotidianum sermonem habuimus, cum vel Patriarcharum 
gesta, vel proverbiorum legerentur praecepta : ut his informati atque insti- 



60 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

4. The most important religious privilege of believers, is that of 
partaking of the eucharist, which has always comprehended a right 
to participate in all the sacred mysteries, and hence has derived the 
significant name of xoivwvla, communion. 

5. In close connection with this communion stands also that im- 
portant right which, as a member of the church, each communicant 
had of taking part in all the transactions of that body, especially in 
the choice of the clergy (Wahl der Geistlichen) , and in the disci- 
pline of the church. 

In view of the importance of this right, we are surprised to observe 
that it is passed over in entire silence by Bingham, and but briefly 
touched upon by other writers on this subject. In treating of rules 
for electing a bishop, Book IV. Ch. 2, Bingham has indeed much to 
say respecting the rights of suffrage enjoyed by the people, but that 
relates only to the form of the election. This, however, is the pro- 
per place distinctly to assert this right of suffrage which the faithful 
enjoyed, although it is of necessity implied and included in the gen- 
eral privileges of church membership. That the church, i. e. the 
united body of believers has had a part in the election of their pas- 
tor, from the earliest period downward, is certain, not merely from 
the testimony of Scripture, but also from the most ancient of the fa- 
thers ; and has never been denied even by those who, in this respect, 
have been most anxious to abridge the privileges of the people. All 
they assert is, that the original usage has been changed, because of 
its manifold abuses, and of necessity abrogated. Hence has arisen 



tuti assuesceretis majorum ingredi vias eorumque iter carpere, ac divinis 
obedire mandatis, quo renovati per baptismum ejus vilae usum teneretis, 
quae ablutos deceret. Nunc de mysteriis dicere admonet atque ipsam sacra- 
mentorum rationem edere : quam ante baptismum si putassemus insinuan- 
dum nondum initiatis, prodidisse potius, quam edidisse, aestimaremur. Am- 
bros., De his qui mysteriis initientu?- , c. 1. — Dimissis jam catedbumenis, vos 
tantum ad audiendum retinuimus : quia, praeter ilia, quae omnes Christianos 
convenit in commune servare, specialiter de caelestibus mysteriis locuturi 
sumus, quae audire non possunt, nisi qui ea donante jam Domino percepe- 
runt. Tanto igitur majore reverentia debetis audire quae dicimus, quanto 
majore ista sunt, quae solis baptizatis et fidelibus auditoribus committuntur, 
quam ilia, quae etiam catechumeni audire consueverunt. August. Serm. 1 
ad Neoph.— Aorj(J,0)<s did xovq djuvT;rov$ ttsqi rwv &tio)V Stafaydfisd-a fivartj- 
qlojv tovtojv §s %ojQitofievojv ^ ooxpujs zoig /LisfiivyjLiivovg Siddoxousv. Theo- 
doret. Quaes t. 15 in Num. 



OF PENITENTS. 61 

the question whether, in the election of a pastor, the church is enti- 
tled to a valid, elective vote, or whether their suffrage should be 
testimonial only, or negative. Then again arises another question, 
of equal importance, relating to the method of voting by proxy and 
by a body of electors which, so far as is known, appears to have 
been first practised by the church in Africa. 3 

The participation of the church in church-discipline discovered 
itself especially in the excommunication of penitents, and reception 
of them again, which, although administered by the bishop, could not 
be ratified except by the concurrence of the church.* 



§ 7. Of Penitents. 

None but such as had received baptism and confirmation could be 
reckoned among the penitents. They consisted wholly of such lay- 
members of the church as had been separated from it by reason of 
their unworthy deportment, or for grosser offences, and who volun- 
tarily submitted to the penalties inflicted upon them with a view to 
their read mission into the church and restoration to christian fellow- 
ship, and the privileges of communion. See Chap. XVII, on Penance. 



§ 8. Of Energumens, ok Demoniacs. 

Mention is often made in the ancient church, of persons possessed 
of an evil spirit. The regulations of the church bestow upon them 
special care. They constitute a distinct class of Christians, bearing 
some relation both to the catechumens and the faithful ; but differing 
from both in this, that they were under the special oversight and di- 
rection of Exorcists, while they took part in some of the religious 
exercises of both classes. 

Catechumens who, during their probationary exercises became de- 
moniacs, were never baptized until thoroughly healed, except in case 
of extreme sickness. 1 Believers who became demoniacs, in the worst 
stages of their disease, like the weeping penitents, were not permit- 

* In ordinationibus clericis, fratres carissirai, solemus vos ante consulere, 
et mores ac merita singulorum communi consilio ponderare. Cyprian, ep. 
33. ad cler. et j)lcb. Carth. Plebs ipsa maximam liabet potestatem vel eli- 
gendi dignos sacerdotes, vel indignos recusandi. Cyp. ep. G8. 



62 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

ted to enter the church ; but were retained under close inspection in 
the outer porch. From this circumstance they were denominated, 
/s^ua'^ousvoL, or xsiptt&vTsg, hyemanles* When partially recovered 
they were permitted, with the audientes, to join in public worship, 
but they were not permitted to partake of the sacrament until whol- 
ly restored, except in the immediate prospect of death. Id general, 
the energumens were subject to the same rules as the penitents. 2 

§ 9. Ascetics, Coenobites, Monks, Fraternities. 

The ascetics of antiquity, and of the middle ages were essentially 
different in many respects. To the first class belong all those who 
sought a life of solitude for religious exercises, and private contem- 
plation, and either alone, or in company with others, separated them- 
selves from christian society without wholly excluding themselves 
from the communion of the church. These constituted, therefore, 
a distinct class of the laity. 

The origin of the ascetic manner of life dates back far beyond the 
christian era. In Egypt, Assyria, Persia, and India, there were at 
this early period ascetics, hermits, and recluses. The Therapeutics, 
of whom Philo and Josephus speak, were a religious fraternity, who 
in many respects had a striking influence in the subsequent forma- 
tion of monastic establishments. Many of the Pythagorian institutes 
also bore a striking resemblance to the monastic rules of later date. 
Some again have compared them with those of the Nazarites and 
Rechabites of Scripture, respecting whom, Witsius and Less may be 
consulted. The prophet Elijah, the schools of the prophets, and 
John the Baptist, have also been considered as patterns of monastic 
life. But its high antiquity is sufficiently proved by Jerome. 1 

As early as the second century, the foundations of monachism were 
laid in a vain admiration of the supposed virtues of fasting, solitude, 
and celibacy. Soon after the age of the apostles, bodily mortifica- 
tion, and a contemplative life, began to be regarded by many Chris- 
tians as indications and means of extraordinary piety. In the time 
of Cyprian andTertullian, the " sacred virgins of the church," or the 
" canonical virgins," were recognized as a distinct class, and celiba- 

(* Suicer. Bingham and Du Fresne derive it from the agitations to which 
they were subject, like a ship in a storm. — Tr.) 



ASCETICS. 



63 



cy was extolled as a species of super-eminent sanctity. Cyp. Ep. 
62. al. 4, ad Pompon. Such superstition with its pernicious adjuncts 
and consequences made rapid progress in the church. 

But many Greek and Latin writers concur in ascribing the origin 
of christian Anchorets and Monks to the third century. They are 
believed to have arisen first in Egypt. Among the founders of this 
sect, some of the most celebrated were Paulus, Antonius, Pachomi- 
us, Hilarion, and Athanasius. To these may be added Basil the 
Great, Ephraim the Syrian, the two Gregories, Epiphanius, Chry- 
sostom, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, Cassian, and many others. 

In the fourth and fifth centuries the monastic life had become 
common to all orders of men, not only in the eastern, but also in the 
western church ; but it had not attained the celebrity which it after- 
wards acquired. Men of the highest distinction obtained indeed great 
renown from this manner of life ; but as yet, they were far from en- 
joying equal privileges with the clergy. Neither were they reckoned 
among the laity. But they were accounted a distinct religious order, 
denominated Religiosi, or Canonici, by which, until the tenth cen- 
tury, they were distinguished, both from the clergy and laity. From 
that period they began to be reckoned with the clergy. About the 
same time arose the distinction between the Clerici seculares, and 
Clerici regulares. The former denoted such as had a regular pa- 
rochial charge and cure of souls ; the latter, the clergy belonging to 
some religious order. The Clerici seculares, however, uniformly 
refused to own the monastics as fellow laborers in the ministerial of- 
fice. • Indeed the monks have never been fully blended with the cler- 
gy. On the contrary, in all cloisters, there have ever been a certain 
class of lay-brethren, or lay-monks, monachi laid, who, without 
discharging any of the appropriate functions of the ministry, have, 
as in the ancient church, occupied an intermediate station between 
the clergy and the laity. 

The following are the principal orders of the monks and the names 
by which they are distinguished. 

1. Ascetics, 'Aaxrpal. Originally the term was used by profane 
writers to denote the gladiators and athletae of the ancients. But in 
the fathers it denotes all those, of every age and condition, who de- 
vote themselves peculiarly to acts of piety, such as fasting, prayer, 
watchings, and the denial of sensual desires. They are sometimes 
styled ayaftob, unmarried, and (y/.quiuq, continentes. There were 



64 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

also female ascetics. The places appropriated for these exercises 
were styled wo-x??t£h«. 

2. Monks, appropriately so called. Movd/oL, sometimes Movd- 
'£ovitg, ol novo) 'Cwvjtg &m. Such as lived a sequestered life, taking 
no part in the ordinary pursuits of men, and retiring alone into de- 
sert places, and solitary cells ; or, in company, frequenting the wil- 
derness and distant mountains. These belonged exclusively to the 
laity, and were characterized chiefly by their deep seclusion from 
society, while the ascetics belonged either to the clergy or laity, and 
were distinguished particularly for their austerities. These monks 
were sometimes denominated Coenobites, Solitarii, Solitares, etc. 2 

3. Anchorets, 'AvaxaQrjTal, Hermits. A distinction however is 
sometimes made between the two— anchorets denoting those who 
led a solitary life without establishing their residence in solitude, 
while hermits are those who inhabit the most desolate and inhospita- 
ble places, in solitary cells and caves. 3 

4. Coenobites, from y.onbg (Hog, communis vita. So called from 
their inhabiting one place in common, styled coenobium, and having 
all things common. They are also called <m'od/r<« 4 and from avv- 
odoig, 5 conventuales. 6 

5. Grovagi. Strolling vagrants, whose lives were dishonored by 
the lowest sensuality, and the most shameless vices. 7 

6. SrvXnai, Pillarists. So called from their living continually 
upon a pillar, a manner of life so austere and forbidding, that few 
were induced to adopt it. 8 

There are a multitude of names denoting different classes of monks 
and ascetics, the mention of which may serve to show how numer- 
ous were these religious orders in the ancient church, and the esti- 
mation in which they were held. Such as the following : 

Znovbaloi, studiosi, 9 "Ey.lBy.zoi, electi, ]0 *Axolftr}Toi, insojnnes, 11 Boa- 
y.ol, pascentes, v2 who lived by themselves in perpetual silence ; c Hav- 
/ttora/, quiescentes ; 13 'AnoTaSapsvoi, renuntiantes ; 14 Culdei, Keldei, 
Keledei, etc., certain monks in Scotland and the Hebrides ; Aposto- 
lici, monks in Britain and Ireland. 

8. Canonici regulares, clerical monks. These were the priests 
who were addicted to a monastic life in distinction from the secular 
or parochial clergy, canonici seculares. 

9. Secular Monks, Monachi Seculares ; a class distinct from the 
lay brethren. These without renouncing marriages and the social 



ASCETICS. 65 

relations, under the guidance of overseers of their choice, devoted 
themselves to various offices of piety. Thus constituted, they served 
as patterns for those religious fraternities or brotherhoods which first 
appeared in France, Italy and Germany in the ninth century, and 
in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries became exceedingly nume- 
rous and powerful, and widely dispersed. All these fraternities oc- 
cupied an intermediate rank between the laity, the monks, and the 
clergy. 15 

Monastics of the female sex were not, at first, accounted a distinct 
religious order. Nor is there mention of them as such so long as 
the ancient rule of the church remained in force, which positively 
debarred women from ever conducting religious worship, or assum- 
ing any of the offices of the priesthood. 

Monasteries and nunneries probably arose simultaneously. The 
first traces of the associations of women in a monastic life discover 
themselves in the fourth century. In this period they begin to be 
denominated Mova%al, but more frequently Moral, monae, solae, vi- 
daae. Jerome was the first to call them Nonnae, Nuns. By some, 
this is understood to be the same as matron, or venerable widow. 
Others derive it from Novlg, a virgin. They are also called by 
many other names, such as Sanctimoniales, Virgines Dei, s. Christi, 
Ancillae Dei, Sorores ecclesiae, etc. But by whatever name they 
are known they are carefully to be distinguished from the ancient 
order of deaconesses in the church. As early as the fifth and sixth 
centuries, the office of deaconess ceased in the Western church. 
After this, many offices of charity which they were wont to perform 
to the poor and the sick, were discharged by the sisters of the church. 
For this purpose they formed themselves into various associations 
and corporations. Their influence was, in general, very happy, and 
so powerful that they outlived the storms of political revolutions; 
and, to a great extent, still survive under various names and in dif- 
ferent establishments. 



66 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

CHAPTER III. 

OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

§ 1. Of the Clergy and the Laity. 

Such as bore the office of the priesthood were denominated, in 
distinction from the laity, the clergy, cleri and clerici. Respecting 
the derivation of this term the learned are much divided in opinion. 
All agree indeed that it is derived from x/Siqoq, a lot, but allege very- 
different reasons for using it to denote the priesthood. Some affirm, 
that men at first were elected to this office by lot, and were there- 
fore called cleri, from y.b~joog. In confirmation of this theory, 
they allege that this mode of election was common, both among 
pagans and Jews, and not unknown in the primitive church, as ap- 
pears from the choice of Matthias, by lot, Acts 1: 17, 25. But this 
method of electing persons to the sacred office, has never been al- 
lowed in the church, except in some extraordinary cases. Jerome 
says, they were called clergy, either because they are chosen by 
lot to be the Lord's, or because the Lord is their lot, or heritage. 
The Jews were of old God's peculiar people, the heritage of the 
Lord. Such, especially, were the Levites who ministered at the 
altar. And, after the cessation of the Levitical office, the name was 
transferred to the ministers of the christian church. Hence the 
name ylijQog, clergy, which primarily signifies a lot, or heritage. 
Such is the approved derivation of this word. But many learned 
men derive it from the mode of election, by lotJ 

Many allege that this term came into general use in the begin- 
ning of the third century, as the name of the religious teachers of 
the church. But this cannot be accurately determined. The formal 
distinction between the clergy and laity, was evidently introduced 
at a period still later. Previous to this, the whole church were 
styled God's heritage, 1 Pet. 5: 3 ; and every Christian, a priest of 
God. 2 And yet, the epithet might with peculiar propriety be ap- 
plied to those, who devoted themselves to the ministerial office ; and 
the more naturally, inasmuch as this phraseology is common in 
the Old Testament. With this usage, several passages in the New 



CLERGY AND LAITY. 67 

Testament very well accord, Acts 16: 18. Col. 1: 12. Eph. 1: 11. 
The unlearned again, Idiwrai, in 1 Cor. 14 : 16, 23, 24, may, for 
aught that appears, be laymen or catechumens, as Chrysostom and 
Theodoret affirm. Different officers there certainly were in the 
time of the apostles, such as rulers, bishops, elders, deacons, 
etc., derived immediately from the Jewish synagogue, though they 
may with propriety be compared also with the Levitical priesthood, 
as the author of the epistle to the Hebrews has done. 

Much importance is attached to the authority of Clemens Roma- 
nus on this subject, who, in the first century speaks of the laity, and 
the several officers of the church and orders of the priesthood, as 
though they were then the same that they are known to have been in 
the second and third centuries ; 3 that passage, however, relates to 
the Levitical priesthood. Ignatius is also quoted to the same effect, 
but the genuineness of the passage is disputed. 4 

It is worthy of remark, that the advocates of the Episcopal form 
of church government, labor much to prove that the distinction be- 
tween the clergy and the laity, was as ancient as the time of the 
apostles, while the Roman Catholic writers, Rigaltius, Salmasius, 
and others, deny this early distinction. The dispute, however, is of 
little importance ; for the distinction can, in no case, be proved to 
be of apostolic authority. It can, therefore, be of little consequence 
to show, that it was introduced a few years earlier or later. Boeh- 
mer, and Rigaltius, have shown that Tertullian may be regarded as 
the author of the distinction in question, — but in this general sense 
only, that he distinctly pointed out the difference between the laity 
and clergy, and clearly defined the limits of the several offices of 
the church ; the confounding of which he complained of, as the 
leading fault of heretics. And yet, who will venture to affirm, that 
these distinctions and offices were wholly unknown before Tertul- 
lian lived ? It may at least be said with truth, that at some time in 
the first two centuries, the three higher orders, bishops, presbyters, 
and deacons, were denominated clergy ; so that a higher antiquity 
may be claimed for this name, than for some subordinate classes 
which had their origin in the third and fourth centuries. 5 

The clergy were also known by the name of canonici, xctvovixoi, 
ot tov nuvovoq. Two reasons are assigned for this appellation. One, 
that they were subject to the canons, or general rules of the 
church. The other, that they were wont to be registered in a cata- 



DO MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

logue of the church, as the authorized officers of the same. This 
catalogue was also called a canon,y.avoiv, uyiog y.avoiv,y.ajakoyog Uga~ 
iw.og, album, matricula, and tabula clericorwn. 6 

They were also called Ecclesiastics, Dogmatists, and Gnostics, 
names applicable to all Christians, but especially to their officers 
and teachers. In the middle ages, it was customary to denominate 
the subordinate officers of the church ecclesiastics. 

Another name by which they were less frequently known, is xa- 
%ig lov (jijfMxioc, order of the altar, or shrine, from their being 
permitted to enter within the sacred enclosure which surrounded 
the altar. 

The word order, ordo, id^ig UgaTixrj, as applied to the priesthood, 
like that of xXtjqos, has also been the subject of more critical discus- 
sion than its importance demands. Many contend, that it is adopted 
from the Roman language, and used by Tertullian and others in the 
classic sense, to exhibit the patrician rank of the clergy like the ordo 
senatorius of the Romans. The result, however, of the discussion 
is, that the word is derived from the Roman language as a technical 
phrase, but applied not according to the usus loquendi of the JRo- 
mans, but, of the church, and of the Scriptures, to denote the dis- 
tinction between the priesthood and the people, — the ordo ecclesias- 
ticus and the laity ; and that, in this sense it has been used since 
the close of the second century. Jerome uses it as synonymous 
with gradus, qfficium, potestas, dignitas, etc.; Basil, as the same as 
Tttiric, Tayiitty 6a&p6g, %ooqu, u$lu, o^lu^a, etc. 7 

The precise time, when this distinction between the superior and 
inferior clergy was introduced, is unknown. It must, however, 
have been very early, for the several offices and officers of the church 
were clearly defined, towards the close of the second, and beginning 
of the third century. To say nothing of the authority of Ignatius 
which is justly suspected, there are authorities sufficient to show 
that, at this early period, the officers of the church were, substantially, 
the same as in later centuries. 8 On this subject, the remark of Ama- 
larius is worthy of special notice : " that the offices of the priesthood 
and deacons were instituted by the apostle Paul, because they were 
indispensable in the church, and that as the church increased, other 
offices were created, and inferior officers appointed in aid of the 
superiors. 9 " 

The Roman Catholics divide the officers of the church into two 



CLASSES OF CLERGY. 69 

classes, ministers, and magistrates. In the former, are included 
bishops and presbyters ; in the latter, the other officers of the 
church. 10 

According to the authority of Cave, " the whole xamloyog Ugornxog, 
as it is often called in the Apostle's Canons, — the roll of the clergy of 
the ancient church, taking it within the compass of its first four hun- 
dred years, consisted of two sorts of persons,— the Ugov^svot, who 
were peculiarly consecrated to the more proper and immediate acts 
of the worship of Cod ; and the vntjQsiai, such as were set apart 
for the lower and common services of the church. Of the first sort 
were these three, bishops, presbyters, and deacons.' 111 

The distinction of ordinary and extraordinary officers of the 
church, is given on the best authority, based on many passages of 
Scripture, Eph. 4: 11, 12. 1 Cor. 12: 28. Rom. 12: 7, 8. 1 Tim. 3: 
5. etc. The shepherds and teachers were the same as bishops and 
elders, ministers of particular congregations, who were equally 
necessary at all times. But there were others, who were known in 
the church only while the miraculous gifts of the Spirit were con- 
tinued, and of whom mention is very seldom made in later times. 
Among these maybe reckoned, 1. Apostles, including the imme- 
diate disciples of Christ, and several others, Acts 14:4. 2 Cor. 8: 23. 
Phil. 2: 25. In the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries, missiona- 
ries to foreign lands bore this title. 2. Evangelists. This term is 
used sometimes in a restricted, and sometimes in a wider sense. 
Eph. 4: 11. Acts 21: 8. 2 Tim. 4: 5. In later ages, the officer who 
read, or chanted the gospel, was called Evangelist. 3. Prophets. In- 
spired writers and teachers of the christian religion — such as fore- 
told future events, and also a particular class of teachers in the 
primitive church, whose business it was to act as expounders of the 
Scriptures, and interpreters of the divine will. 

§ 2. General remarks upon the different Orders and Clas- 
ses of the Clergy. 

The pastors and teachers noi^ieveg and dtdourxaXoi., of whom men- 
tion is made in Eph. 4: 11, and 1 Cor. 12: 28 — 30, are usually reck- 
oned among the permanent and ordinary teachers and rulers of the 
church. The extraordinary teachers might also bear the same 
names, inasmuch as they are represented as overseers of the church, 



70 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

and promulgators and defenders of the gospel of Christ. An apos- 
tle or evangelist might with propriety be styled noifiijv y.cu diddaxaXog, 
a pastor and teacher. But after the cessation of the extraordinary 
teachers, the ordinary, with great propriety assumed their names as 
venerated and significant titles, derived from the writings of the Old 
Testament. 

The term pastor or shepherd, noipjv, without regard either to sa- 
cred or profane writers, is particularly recommended by the circum- 
stance, that our Lord styled himself a shepherd, and the church his 
flock, John 10: 12. The apostle Peter also denominated him the 
chief Shepherd, 1 Pet. 5: 4. 

The word master, teacher, diSdo-y.alog, was the honorary title of a 
Jewish teacher. It is the Greek interpretation of the Hebrew "i3n , 
rabbi, John 1: 38. These terms, pastor, and teacher, have ever 
been approved in the church, to designate one who is entitled to in- 
struct, to administer the sacrament, and to discharge all the func- 
tions of the ministerial office. 

The appropriate officers of the church which are specified in the 
New Testament, are these three. 1. Bnlay.onoi, overseers, superin- 
tendants ; 2. ngsa^insgoi, presbyters, elders ; 3. Aiuv.ovoi, deacons. 
These together constitute the ordo ecclesiasticus, the ecclesiastical 
order, and require a more extended examination. Some derive 
these several orders from the institutions of the Romans ; but they 
bear a closer, and a more natural comparison, with the orders be- 
longing to the temple and synagogue of the Jews, and from them, 
they were doubtless derived ; as the following remarks may suffi- 
ciently show. 

1. The * Eniwonoi in the church correspond to the rulers of the 
synagogue, as their name overseers implies. The ruler of the syna- 
gogue, who in Hebrew was styled head of the assembly, tf'QVSTt '&tt~l, 
had the oversight both of the discipline and instructions of the syna- 
gogue. He is also styled isnia, our master, or teacher, and Pi^iS 
^i^Sln , legatus congregationis. 

2. The ngeafivzegoi correspond to the b n 2j£t , elders, which, among 
the Jews, designated, not so much the age of these officers, as 
the rank and authority of their office. In the latter ages of the He- 
brew commonwealth, the members of the Sanhedrim were styled 
by preference, presbyters, or elders. They are classed in the New 
Testament with the rulers, the chief priests, and the scribes. 



CLASSES OF CLERGY. 71 

The connection cf liQmfiivsQM, elders, with mlaxonoi, bishops, is 
in like manner indicated in the following passages. Acts 11: 30. 
14: 23. 15. 2, 4, 6,22,23. 16: 4. 20: 17. 21: 18. 1 Tim. 5: 17, 19. 
Tit. 1: 5. James 5: 14. 1 Pet. 5: 1. 2 John 1: 3. 3 John 1. But in 
all these passages, these elders of the church compare, not with the 
C" l :p # T , the elders of the Jews ; but with the officers of the syna- 
gogue, who were styled ^53 -] a — a word which, both in Chaldee 
and Syriac, denotes pastors, rulers, etc. 

3. The office of deacon was similar to that of fTrj , inspector, 
overseer. But the official duties of the deacon, in the second, third, 
and fourth centuries, better compare with this Jewish officer, than 
those which were at first prescribed, such as the care of the sick, 
and of the charities of the church, Phil. 1: 1. 1 Tim. 3: 8, 12. Rom. 
16: 1. The principal duties of the ]Vn was to preserve order and 
decorum, to assist in the reading of the law, and to lead the 
singing. But the silence of Scripture, on this subject, is no evidence 
that the deacons might not also have the same offices to perform. 
And these Jewish officers might also have been charged with the 
care of the sick, and the contributions of the people. At least, it is 
certain that the usage in regard to these points has not been uniform. 

The vTii]Qsirjg f servant, corresponds to the Hebrew n!2*33> , which 
is rendered dovlog, nalg, a servant. In Luke 4: 20 he is styled the 
waiter in the synagogue. At other times he is a waiter or attendant 
upon the assembly of the Sanhedrim, Acts 13: 5. 26: 16. 1 Cor. 
4: 1. He acts, not with freedom and independence in the discharge 
of his duties, but is subject to the direction of another. These ser- 
vants are analogous to the sub-deacons, acolyths, and subordinate 
officers of the church who have the general title of inferiors. 

The distinction of inferior and superior orders, though not of apos- 
tolic origin was very early made, as has been already observed. 
Jerome and many others assert that in the first two centuries 
bishops and presbyters constituted the superior order, and dea- 
cons with their assistants and subordinate officers, the inferior or- 
der. 2 At times, however, Jerome classes them with bishops and 
presbyters, styling them co-presbyters and associate priests— Au- 
gustine, and Optatus also, do the same. They were, undeniably, 
reckoned as a third class in the superior order, except when the of- 
fices of bishops and presbyters were regarded as the same ; in which 
case deacons constituted the second class in the same order. 



72 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

The or do sacerdotalis. and or do ecclesiasticus of Tertullian 3 is the 
same as the senatus ecclesiasticus of Jerome. 4 It is an ecclesiastical 
court, a presbytery ; and even if laymen were received as members, 
it consisted chiefly of clergymen, and was controlled by them. In 
the absence of the bishop, or when his office was vacant, it was con- 
ducted by presbyters and deacons. 5 From which we infer that dea- 
cons were considered as belonging to the superior order. 

In the division of the priesthood it is a great mistake to seek for 
any general and fixed rules at a time when circumstances would not 
admit of them, and without regard to the exigencies of different com- 
munities and countries. In a populous city, and among a numerous 
body of clergymen, a more careful distinction of office and of rank 
might naturally be expected, than in smaller states and dioceses. This 
remark is too obvious to require any illustration, but is fully con- 
firmed by a letter to Fabius, bishop of Antioch, from Cornelius bish- 
op of Rome, who died in the year 252. 6 From this epistle several 
important facts and inferences are derived. 1. That Christians at 
Rome had, at this early period, become so numerous as to have 
more than forty churches. 2. That there were more than 1500 wi- 
dows and paupers who were supported by charity. In this connec- 
tion it is worthy of remark, that according to Chrysostom, more than 
three thousand widows and virgins were daily fed by the church of 
Antioch, with only moderate revenues, besides the contributions in 
food and clothing made for the maintenance of clergymen, prisoners, 
leprous persons, and strangers. So that even Julian recommended the 
heathen to imitate the Galileans, in the care which they took of the 
poor. 7 3. It appears that at Rome the members of the church consti- 
tuted three classes — the clergy and paupers, who were supported by 
the church — the rich, who paid for their support by contributions and 
taxes — and the great body of the people, who paid little or nothing. 
4. It is particularly worthy of notice that Cornelius recognizes the 
order of the clergy, and declares the inferior order to comprehend 
five distinct classes. Sub-deacons, {nodiaxovovg; acolyths, ay.olov- 
&ovg ; exorcists, i^ogyuaiag ; readers, avayvwcriag, and door-keepers, 
TivJ.cagovg. 5. It is also worthy of remark, that there were only seven 
deacons. It is also observable that the usages in the neighboring 
churches such as Milan, Naples, Syracuse, and Ravenna, did not, at 
the same time, correspond with those of Rome. 

For the vast church at Constantinople, Justinian prescribed the 



CLASSES OF CLERGY. 73 

following officers— sixty presbyters, one hundred deacons, forty dea- 
conesses, ninety sub-deacons, one hundred and ten readers, and twen- 
ty-five singers ; in all, four hundred and twenty-five, besides one 
hundred door keepers, osliarii. 

From all these authorities the inference clearly is, that the dis- 
tinction of superior and inferior clergy was recognized in all the 
churches, though there was no uniform rule of division. 

In this connection it is important also to take notice of the differ- 
ent classifications which prevail in the several great divisions of the 
church. 

In the Greek church, the officers were as follows : 1. Bishops ; 
2. Priests ; 3. Deacons ; 4. Sub-deacons ; and 5. Readers, to which 
class the singers and acolyths also belonged. 

Their ecclesiastical judicatories consisted of three orders — arch- 
bishops, metropolitans, and patriarchs. To these another officer 
still higher was sometimes added, styled exarch. The ecclesiastical 
court of Russia is styled the Holy Synod. Its organization corres- 
ponds with that of the Greek church. 9 

The Syriac and Nestorian churches affect to copy after the hea- 
venly hierarchy, and to compare their officers with those of the court 
of heaven. The Nestorians compare their patriarchs, metropolitans, 
and bishops with the orders of Cherubim, Seraphim, and Thrones, — 
their arch-deacons, pastoral priests, and preachers, with angels of the 
second rank, styled Virtues, Powers, and Dominations— their dea- 
cons, sub-deacons and readers with those of the third rank, viz. 
Princedoms, Archangels, and Angels. 10 

The Roman Catholics of the Western church, in general abide 
firmly by the principle established by the schoolmen, that the priest- 
hood is to consist of seven classes corresponding to the seven spirits 
of God. Of these, the three who are chiefly employed in the duties 
of the ministerial office, compose the superior order, and the four, 
whose duty it is to wait upon the clergy in their ministrations, and to 
assist in conducting public worship,. belong to the inferior order. 

The canonists divide the priesthood into nine classes, of which 
four belong to the higher order, and five to the lower. The follow- 
ing is a catalogue of the several classes as given by them, proceed- 
ing from the lowest to the highest. Of the inferior order — 1. Sing- 
ers ; 2. Door-keepers ; 3. Readers ; 4. Exorcists ; 5. Acolyths. 

10 



74 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

Of the superior order — 6. Sub-deacons ; 7. Deacons ; 8. Presbyters ; 
9. Bishops. 11 

The classification according to the scholastics of the Roman Cath- 
olic church, is as follows : Of the superior order, three — 1. Presby- 
ters or priests ; 2. Deacons ; 3. Sub-deacons. Of the inferior order, 
four — 1. Acolyths ; 2. Exorcists ; 3. Headers ; 4. Door-keepers. 
This classification of the inferior order was established by the 
council of Trent, but another of a subordinate rank is sometimes 
added. 12 

§ 3. Of the Episcopal form of Religion. 

1. The official and honorary titles of the clergy. 

The term bishop, is the same as the Latin episcopus, and the 
Greek imaxonog. In the Latin it is sometimes rendered inspector, 
super inspector ; superintended, or super attendees. Augustine more 
properly renders it speculator, and prepositus. 1 Jerome derives it 
from immtonovvTsg, i. e. superintendentes, superintendants. 2 The 
Hellenists translate the Hebrew 1*pD and "PpS , inlay.onoq. The 
word rnip^ of very common occurrence is accordingly rendered 
iniGKoni], bishoprick. The apostle Peter, also, in saying, ye have 
returned to the shepherd and bishop of your souls, uses the phrase, 
not to denote any official rank in the church, but to designate the 
office rather of an overseer, guardian, or protector. The Greek wri- 
ters, as appears from Athenaeus, Demosthenes, and the scholiasts 
of Aristophanes, 3 sometimes use the term sjilcrxoTtog to denote a spe- 
cific civil office, — that of revising the judicial and municipal admin- 
istration of the government. According to this analogy the Inlaxo- 
Tiog, praeses,praejectus, maybe compared with the bishop under 
the Carlovingian dynasty, as the framer of the synodical court of 
judicature. 

By the term bishop the Hellenists also translate the Hebrew 
npp.^Ji ipfi*") , who is ruler of the synagogue, and the 1i2£H il" , b«p, 
i. e. ujzcoTolog (y.y.lr^lag. The office of bishop they compare with 
that of ruler of the synagogue. According to this comparison, the 
bishops are the same as presbyters, T 1 ^* , or elders. The apostle 
Peter, in exhorting the elders, ngsa^vjigoi, to feed the flock of Christ, 
taking the oversight of them, iniayoTiovpTsg, evidently uses the term 
nQwfivTSQ&i as an honorary, and imaxonovnsg or htiaxmtot as an of- 



EPISCOPAL FORM OF RELIGION. 75 

jicial title of the same persons. This usage is also very frequent 
with the ancient fathers, and in official documents even down to the 
third century. 

[Rheinwald, Gieseler and Siegel concur also in opinion with our 
author, that originally the term b ishop denoted merely the official 
title of a presbyter who had been constituted a moderator, ruler, or 
overseer of the church. 4 For a fuller explanation of the name see 
references. — Tr.] 5 

The following are the most important names which were ancient- 
ly applied to the bishops. 

1. IIq8g{3vt£qoi, ngotaiwieg, 1 Tim. 5: 17 ; Tigoiairi^evoi, 1 Thess. 
5: 12 — rendered in Latin prepositi, and used to designate them as 
the presiding officers in christian assemblies. The Greek fathers 
are careful to add the phrase spiritual, Jiysvptxiwoi or nvsvfiaTiy.ov 
Xoqov, to distinguish them from secular rulers. 6 

2. IIq6e5qoi, praesides, praesidentes, — used in close connection 
with the foregoing, and derived from the noosdola, the elevated seat 
which the bishop occupied in the synod, and in the religious assem- 
blies of the people. 7 

3. "Ecpoqol, inspectors. Not often used because it is liable to be 
confounded with the tyoqoi of the Greeks. Both the Greek and 
Latin term is much in use among protestants to designate the prin- 
cipal of a school, or corporation, or church, and is synonymous with 
church or school inspector, or master of a gymnasium. 

4. "Anoaxoloi, apostles. So called by Theodoret to distinguish 
them from presbyters who were also called infoxoTioi. 8 — Also, Am- 
80x01 tuv omovTolm>, vicarii, or successors of the apostles. 9 On this 
title now depends the important dogma concerning the perpetual 
and uninterrupted succession of bishops which, not only the Greek 
and Romish churches, but a portion also of the church of England 
maintain with singular pertinacity. 

5. Angeli ecclesiae, angels of the church. An epithet derived 
from the angel of the church in the Apocalypse. It was a doctrine 
of great antiquity that some angel in heaven acted as the represen- 
tative of every nation and kingdom and province, and that some 
guardian angel was intrusted with the care of each individual, Heb. 
1: 14. The bishops, therefore, who were appointed by Christ and 
his apostles to the ministry of the gospel, and the service of the 
saints, were supposed to bear the same relations in the hierarchy of 



76 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

the church that these tutelary angels bore in the court of heaven. 
On the subject of guardian angels, see references. 10 

6. Summi sacerdotes, pontifices maximi, chief priests, etc. These 
titles were conferred by those writers who derived the organization 
of the church from the regulations of the temple service, rather than 
from those of the synagogue. They afterwards became the titles of 
the patriarchs and bishops of the Roman Catholics. 

7. Patres, patres ecclesiae, patres clericorum, and patres palrum, 
' fathers, fathers of the church, fathers of the clergy, fathers of fa- 
thers ;' according to the oriental custom of calling a teacher or su- 
perior, iN., «/?/S« and apdag, father. 

The title of a presbyter is usually that of paler laicorum, fatJier 
of the laity, or simply pater, father. The presiding officer of these 
was accordingly called paler patrum. 

Abba and abbas was originally the common appellation of a monk. 
Modern usage also confers upon him the name of father. 

Papa, pope, corresponds in signification with upfiu, n ann a, father, 
honored father, and is a familiar and affectionate form of expression. 
The most probable opinion is, that it was first applied to the bishop 
of Alexandria. Siricius was probably the first Roman bishop who, 
about the year 384, assumed the name as an official title in a public 
document. 11 It was not, however, employed officially until the time 
of Leo the Great ; and it was afterwards applied exclusively to the 
bishop of Rome according to an order of Gregory the Great, who 
declares this to be the only appropriate title, belonging to the office. 

8. Patriarchs. At first all bishops were called by this name, as 
being superior to the presbyters, who were merely denominated pa- 
tres. It was afterwards only applied to the archbishop and metro- 
politan, or to the bishop of some large and influential diocese. Be- 
tween the fourth and sixth centuries, five large churches arose whose 
highest ecclesiastical officer bore the title of patriarch. These were 
the churches of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Theopolis or 
Antioch, and Jerusalem. 

9. Stadtholders and vicegerents oj Christ and oj God. From the 
time of Ignatius and the date of the apostolic constitutions, the bish- 
ops were represented to have received their commissions from 
Christ himself, and, in his name, to administer the affairs of the 
church. Cyprian speaks of the bishop as acting " vice Christi,^ in 
the place of Christ. Basil represents him as occupying the place of 



DUTIES OF THE BISHOP. 77 

the Saviour ; 12 and Augustine and Ambrose employ much the same 
language. So early did the church forget the Saviour's injunction, 
" Call no man master." 

10. "Aqxovtsq ixxXrjartojv, rulers of the church. So Origen, Euse- 
bius, Chrysostom, Jerome and others. They were rulers, however, 
not in a political, but merely in a religious sense. 

11. Princeps sacerdotum, and Episcopus episcoporum, are synony- 
mous with archbishop, patriarch, etc. 

12. Various other epithets are applied to them, such as blessed, 
most blessed — holy, most holy— most beloved of God, etc. The usual 
salutation of a letter was as follows : Tm ayimazm xul ^ay.aQozaro) 
aQXi£Tii<jy.6nto xal olxov^isviyM naiQidgxj]. 

§ 4. Official duties of the Bishop, 

The office of bishop comprehended in general two different clas- 
ses of duties. 

I. All those that relate to the worship of God. This division 
comprises all the offices of religious worship without exception, 
whether performed by the bishop in person, or by others acting un- 
der his commission. 

II. Duties relating to the government, and discipline of the church. 
Under this class, is comprised the oversight in all the churches of 
his diocese, both of the laity and the priesthood ; and the manage- 
ment of the affairs of the several churches which were submitted to 
his care. 

These separate divisions require, each, a careful examination. 

I. In regard to duties pertaining to religious worship, we are to 
distinguish carefully, between the right or vocation, and the actual 
exercise of the duties consequent upon this vocation. In the earliest 
period of the church, while yet the greatest simplicity of form pre- 
vailed, and before any determinate distinction was known between 
bishop and presbyter, ijtiaxonog and nQeafivisQog, many services re- 
lating to the worship of God were prescribed to the deacons and 
ministers, diaxovoig and vnyghaig, who were already known in the 
New Testament. According to Justin Martyr, 1 it was the duty of 
the minister, 6 ngosffitag tgjv uddcpwv, synonymous with inlaxojrog, 
v.QxisQtvg, Uquqxw, to consecrate the elements. To the deacons be- 
longed the duty of distributing them. The same distribution of the 



78 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

services is also prescribed in the Apostolical Constitutions. 2 Other 
duties are also assigned to the deacons and subordinate officers of 
the church, to be performed however by the direction, or under 
the immediate oversight of the bishop, whose representatives they 
all are. 

It is made especially the duty of the bishop to perform the servi- 
ces of catechist and preacher. Ambrose expressly declares that it 
was the duly of the bishop to instruct the people? This duty was 
distinctly acknowledged, and actually performed by Chrysostom, 
Gregory Nazianzen, Cyprian, Augustine, Leo the Great, Gregory 
the Great, and others. Such was not only the sentiment of the 
church generally, but Charlemagne and Louis I., expressly en- 
join the bishops not to neglect this important part of their official 
duties on any plea of ignorance or indolence. 4 The same duty is 
explicitly taught by the council of Trent in the following terms, and 
in perfect accordance with the views of the primitive church. 
" Whereas the preaching of the gospel, which is the peculiar office 
of bishops, is as essential to every christian community as the read- 
ing of the word, therefore, this sacred synod has determined and de- 
creed that all bishops, archbishops and primates, and all other pre- 
lates of the churches, are themselves required, and personally bound, 
to preach the blessed gospel of Jesus Christ unless specially pre- 
vented, legitime prohibiti." 5 

Such, beyond all controversy is the duty of those who sustain the 
office of bishop, though their practice has at times been altogether 
the reverse of this, and still is in part. Occasionally, even in the 
ancient church, the bishops, through the pressure of secular cares, 
neglected entirely their ministerial duties. At other times they re- 
fused in the pride of office their duties as preachers and catechists ; 
and the more humble duties of the sacred office, as derogatory to 
their character. But at no time has the right and the duty of the 
bishop, to discharge all the offices of the ministry been called in 
question. The act of ordination, of itself, and according to the ca- 
nons of the church, exclusively invests them with all the offices and 
prerogatives of the priesthood. 

It only remains to specify certain other offices which belong ex- 
clusively to them. 

1. The confirmation of baptized persons, by which they are re- 
ceived as regular members of the church. This, which is styled the 



DUTIES OF THE BISHOP. 79 

sealing of the covenant, was the prerogative of the bishop. This 
rite is still performed in the Roman Catholic church by the bishop 
himself, or his substitute. In the orthodox churches, as the act of 
confirmation follows immediately upon baptism, and no rule is given 
respecting it, the priest is permitted to administer the ordinance. 

2. The ordination of the clergy, and consecration of other officers 
of the church. It has been a uniform rule of the church, both in an- 
cient and modern times, to which there have been only occasional 
exceptions that the right of ordaining belongs to the bishop. The 
substitute was regarded as acting strictly in the place of the bishop, 
and in this way the bishop gained peculiar influence and considera- 
tion in the view of pagan observers. The archdeacon is sometimes 
represented as officiating in the ancient church in the ordination of 
inferior officers ; but he is to be regarded as acting in such cases in 
the place of the bishop, so that what he does by another he does of 
himself. Instances of this kind are also to be found in the ancient 
church. Three bishops were required to assist in the ordination of 
one to that office ; but some of the higher officers in other orders of 
the clergy were subsequently permitted to assist in this service. 

3. The reconciling of penitents, or the restoration of offending 
members of the church. It is the duty of the bishop to announce 
those who make profession of penitence — to receive them on pro- 
bation — to prescribe the time and form of their penance, and to ex- 
ercise a watch over them ; though in all this the presbyter often co- 
operates with him. But to remove the sentence of excommunica- 
tion was in the ancient church the especial prerogative of the bishop 
which was very seldom delegated to a presbyter or any other. On 
the introduction of the forms of confession and private absolution, 
the whole system of penance previously in use was changed, but 
there still remained much to be administered publicly by the bishop. 

4. It was especialty the duty of the bishop to perform the several 
acts of consecration, and to pronounce the benediction. 

II. Of the power of the bishop in the government, and discipline 
of the church, after the establishment of the hierarchy. 

It was a favorite sentiment in the church after the establishment 
of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, that all power centered in the bishop 
as an universal hierarch — that all the clergy were subject to his au- 
thority — that all spiritual benefices and preferments proceeded from 
him, and that all the sacraments were to be administered in his name, 



80 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

and by a commission from him. Both the Apostolical Constitutions 
and the liturgy of the pseudo Dionysius the Aveopogite, represent 
that everything relating to the worship of God in all its parts, is the 
collective work of the bishop. But restrictions were early laid up- 
on the authority of the bishop by regulations of the church, by 
synodical divisions, and by metropolitan, patriarchal, and papal de- 
crees. By these regulations and decrees, the power of the bishop 
was at times greatly reduced. But however limited his prerogatives, 
the bishop uniformly remained the source and centre of ecclesiasti- 
cal authority within his own diocese. The diocesan clergy of 
every rank were dependent upon him, and by him were the regu- 
lations of the churches directed. His influence was especially 
manifested in the following particulars. 

1. In the superintendence of religious worship. All the forms of 
public worship were subject to his direction. This direction he gave 
at pleasure, either in accordance with his own will, or in conformity 
with usage, or by rules more or less specific. It was his business to 
see that everything was done according to the established order. 
Over occasional and peculiar religious acts, such as processions, pil- 
grimages, fasts, and vows, he had a special control. 

2. The oversight of all the members of his diocese in regard to 
spiritual and ecclesiastical matters. This oversight he exercised by 
adjudicating, excommunicating, prescribing penance, and regulating 
the laws of the marriage institution. The doings of the priest were 
especially open to an appeal to him and subject to his revision. In 
a word, all that related to the discipline of the church, was subject 
to his control. 

3. All the subordinate members of the priesthood, and the servants 
in the church were subject to the superintendence of the bishops, both 
as to the discharge of their offices, and the conduct of their lives. 
It was an ancient rule in the church that the clergy are under the 
same subjection to the bishop as the soldier to his commander. His- 
tory indeed abounds with examples of severe punishment inflicted 
upon a refractory and disobedient priesthood. At first, no exemp- 
tion was made in favor even of the monks; but in the middle ages 
they threw off their subjection to the bishops to the great dishonor 
of that office — -to the injury of the parochial clergy and of the wel- 
fare of the church. 

4. It was the specif c duty of the bishop to visit curates, churches, 



DUTIES OF THE BISHOP. 81 

schools, cloisters, and religious establishments. Many rules of the 
church enforce this duty upon the bishops personally, and it was 
with reluctance allowed to the bishop to appoint to this service ru- 
ral bishops, chorepiscopi, exarchs, and itinerant or visiting presbyters, 
Ttsgiod&viod. The council of Laodicea in the middle of the fourth 
century, decreed that bishops should not reside in the country or 
smaller villages ; but itinerant presbyters only, and that these should 
do nothing without the knowledge of the bishop residing in the city, 
just as presbyters acted in subordination to his will. Under the Car- 
lovingian dynasty, bishops and counts of the realm were placed on 
equal footing, and exercised a joint jurisdiction. 

5. The bishop acted as moderator of all synods within his diocese, 
and gave direction to their doings. This was formerly a privilege of 
great importance. The disrespect into which synodical councils and 
decrees have fallen in modern times, has greatly reduced the au- 
thority and influence of the bishops. Ecclesiastical councils are 
supposed to have been first held in the Greek church towards the 
close of the second century. 

6. The bishop controlled and disbursed at pleasure, both the occa- 
sional contributions and the stated revenues of the church. The dea- 
cons at first, acted as his assistants in the business, but as the man- 
agement of the revenue became more intricate and responsible, it 
was intrusted to stewards subject to the direction of the archdeacons, 
over whom the bishop retained a general superintendence. 

7. The bishop exercised in part a civil as well as ecclesiastical ju- 
risdiction, especially in cases relating to marriages and divorces, 
and to the person or goods of ecclesiastics ; and in what are called 
mixed cases in civil and penal actions which are to be adjudged, both 
by statute and by common law. At first there were certain justices, 
ey.div.oi, and avvdwoi, advocati, and consules, who acted as his substi- 
tutes and in his name. Special tribunals were established here as 
occasion required for the management of his various judicial con- 
cerns. Such was the origin of the office of deputies, officials and 
chancellor, and of the courts of the archdeacons and consistories. 
But these all acted in the name, and by the authority of the bishop, 
and were accountable to him. 

Chapters of clergy and collegiate establishments were entirely un- 
known in the ancient church. The first traces of them appear in the 
ninth century. In the twelfth they obtained a constitution through 
11 



82 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

the influence of the court of Rome and the favor of their sovereigns, 
which laid, indeed, salutary restraints upon the arbitrary will of the 
bishop ; but, at the same time, it laid the foundation for a most per- 
nicious aristocracy in the church. The bishop continued indeed 
o be nominally at the head of these bodies, but his best intentions 
and efforts were baffled by their detraction and intrigue. 

§ 5. Insignia of the Bishop. 

No badge of office or clerical dress was worn by the clergy until 
the fourth century. The various insignia or emblems of office which 
have from time to time been appropriated to the bishop are as fol- 
lows : 

1. A ring, emblematical of his espousals to the church in imita- 
tion of the ancient ceremony of presenting a ring on the espousal of 
the parties in marriage. It was called the ring of his espousals, an- 
nulus sponsalitius, annulus pronubus, and sometimes, annulus pa- 
latii. 

2. A shepherd's staff or crook, dixavliaov. Sometimes a straight 
staff was presented instead of the crook. That of the archbishop 
had usually a single, and that of the patriarch a double cross piece. 
According to Montfaucon the staff of the Greek archbishop had a 
head-piece resembling the letter T. 1 According to Goari, it was 
curved upward, thus, Y for which he offers the following whimsical 
reason: Ansas retortas habet baculus hamorum instai, ut efferatos 
fuget et perniciosos et ultimo Christi crucem manifested 2 

3. A mitre or fillet. It is usually stated that only bishops and ab- 
bots of the Western church have worn the mitre since the tenth cen- 
tury. But the usage was not unknown in the Eastern church also. 3 

4. A pair of gloves, chirotliecae. These the bishop always wore 
when engaged in any religious offices. 4 

5. Sandals. Without these, no priest was permitted to celebrate 
mass. They consisted of a sole so attached to the foot as to leave 
the upper part bare. They were called sandals from the vegetable 
color in which they were dyed. From the seventh and eighth cen- 
turies they are mentioned as one of the badges of the episcopal of- 
fice, in distinction from that of the priests. 5 

6. Caligae or boots. These, in ancient warfare, were a part of 



INSIGNIA OF THE BISHOP. 83 

the military equipments of the soldier. To the bishop they were 
emblematical of that spiritual warfare upon which he entered. 

7. The robe, w/xocpoQiov, hoa otoI)}, pallium superhumerale, pecto- 
rale; ephod. This badge was so essential, that writers often use the 
robe to denote both the person and the office of the bishop. It was 
at first worn by all bishops, but afterwards became the distinctive 
badge of archbishops, metropolitans, and. patriarchs. 6 Gregory Na- 
zianzen affirms, 7 that it was the insignia of the Roman emperor as 
pontifex maximus ; and that Constanline the great, first granted it to 
the bishop of Jerusalem. But this is in direct opposition to tradition, 
which reports that Mark the Evangelist as bishop of Alexandria first 
assumed the robe, and left it for his followers. 

Nothing is known of the form and quality of the robe in the first 
centuries, save that it was a seamless garment, nullis acubus perfo- 
rata, made of white linen, and hung loosely from the shoulders. 8 
It was afterwards made of woollen. In the twelfth century, it was 
made of white woollen, having a circular gathering on the shoulders, 
and two scarfs hanging over it behind and before. On the left side 
it was double, and single on the right. Previous to the eighth cen- 
tury, it had also four purple crosses upon it, — before and behind, 
one ; and one on either side. It was fastened by three golden pins. 9 
The Greek bishops, according to the patriarch Germanus, assumed 
the purple crosses as early as the eighth century. The robe itself 
was styled nolvaxavQiov. 

The rationale, to Xoyiov, of the robe has been the subject of dis- 
pute among the learned. It appears, however, to relate to the prop- 
er form of it when the bishops of Rome assumed it as they did the 
name of pontifices maximi, high priests, and all the prerogatives of 
the Jewish high priest. 

8. The cross. This was both worn on the neck or breast, and 
carried in public processions, and thus became a twofold badge of the 
bishop's office. He was accustomed to wear upon the neck or breast, 
a cross made of wood, or gold, or some sacred relic, which by the 
Greeks was called to nsglafiku, and was regarded as an amulet, or 
phylactery. It was also sometimes called to v/y.olniov, from xolnog, 
the bosom. ]0 The cross was used in like manner, in the Latin church. 
Binterim is of opinion that it was at first worn by Christians indis- 
criminately, and not as an official badge. 11 

The cross which was carried before the bishops in processions 



84 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

and festive parades, was called crux gestaioria. For a long time 
the bishops of Rome claimed the right of carrying the cross as ex- 
clusively their own. In the twelfth century it was granted to me- 
tropolitans and patriarchs, and to archbishops in the time of Grego- 
ry IX. The patriarchs of the Greek church did not so frequently 
carry the cross, bat in the place of it, they carried lamps and burn- 
ing candles. 

§ 6. Of the several orders of Bishops. 

The names of several orders of bishops appear early in the histo- 
ry of the church, such as archbishops, metropolitans, patriarchs, etc. 
But their office was very unlike those of the same name under the 
established hierarchy of the church, just as in civil governments, the 
same name may, at different times, denote offices widely different. 

In this place it is proper to remark, that a long, intricate, and an- 
gry strife existed between the Eastern and Western churches, as 
well as between particular and provincial churches. But it would 
be foreign to my purpose to speak of these, and I dismiss them with 
this brief notice. 

The Episcopal form of government recognizes in general two or- 
ders of bishops — superior and inferior. 

I. Of the superior order of Bishops. 

These are archbishops, metropolitans, primates, exarchs, inde- 
pendent bishops, patriarchs, cardinals, and high priests. 

1. Of Archbishops, ""Aqxmihy.oTiov. They are not the same as 
metropolitans, as has frequently been supposed. The two have 
ever been distinct in the Eastern church, and usually in the West- 
ern. The archbishop is the highest functionary, and as such presides 
over both metropolitans and bishops. 1 The theory of Bingham is 
not altogether correct, who supposes that the bishops of larger cities, 
such as Alexandria, Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, etc. may have 
gained an ascendancy in the fourth and fifth centuries over the bish- 
ops and metropolitans of smaller towns, and assumed the name of 
archbishops to denote this superiority. The title however is known 
to have been first given to the bishop of Alexandria, and to have 
been adopted as an official title in the year 431. 2 But it prevailed 
only until the introduction of the Jewish title, patriarch, to which the 



SUPERIOR ORDER OF BISHOPS. 85 

name of archbishop gave place, and yet it was very seldom used a3 
exactly synonymous with it. 

The first bishop of any diocese was sometimes styled archbishop. 
The policy of the church of Rome in giving the occupants of such 
a place, the title of archbishop was to prevent them from exercising 
the rights of metropolitans. That church even bestowed the title 
upon such as had no diocese under their jurisdiction. In the Greek 
church the office was held in more respect. 

2. Metropolitans. These were so called because they presided 
over the principal town of the district or province, 3 but the limits of 
their authority were not necessarily the same as those of the state ; 
for there are many examples both in ancient and modern history of 
inconsiderable towns which yet were metropolitan sees. The title 
was not in use previous to the council of Nice. 4 But instead of it, 
other titles were employed, such as ag/itnlcry.oTToc, nganog, xecpaXv, 
Z*ciQ%oq ri]q shagging, etc. The third council of Carthage decreed 
that the chief bishop should neither be called princeps sacerdotum, 
nor summits sacerdos ; but merely primae sedis episcopus, senior 
bishop. In Africa, and especially in Nicomedia and Mauritania, his 
title continued for a long time to be senex and senior, while the sen- 
iority of office continued to be carefully maintained and observed. 

3. Primates, ttqwtol, TQmevovTsg, eniay.onwv. This title is not, as 
many suppose, derived from an ancient civil office in Rome. The 
term primas urbis, castelli, palatii, etc. primate of the city, palace, 
etc. is of much later origin, and probably was itself derived at first 
from the church. Bishops, venerable for their age or personal dig- 
nity, and those who held offices over other dignitaries of the church, 
were called primates. The distinction, however, between titular or 
honorary primates, and primates in power, was very early made. 
In Africa, the senior bishop, and the bishop of Carthage, were each 
respectively styled primate of all Africa. The term primate was 
often the same in signification as archbishop, metropolitan, and pa- 
triarch. In the eighth and ninth centuries it was common to style 
the chief dignitaries of the whole province, or empire, primates — 
such as primate of the kingdom, primate of Gaul, Germany, etc. 
But it has ever been the policy of the Roman church to take care 
that these splendid titles should not express any high prerogative. 

4. Exarchs. These were in the Eastern church the same as the 
primates of the Western church. Morini affirms it to be an ecclesi- 



8b MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

astical office inferior in dignity to that of patriarch, but superior to 
that of metropolitan. 5 Evagrius asserts that the bishops of Antioch, 
Ephesus, Caesarea, and Heraclea were distinguished by the title of 
exarch, and that they exercised the right of the patriarch in conse- 
crating the metropolitans of their diocese. 6 It is a disputed point 
whether the word originally denoted an ecclesiastical, or civil office. 
But the title of exarch of Italy, Ravenna, Africa, etc. of later times 
assuredly denoted a secular office. 

5. Absolute or independent bishops, axicpuXoi and avioxicpaloi, not 
subject to the authority of a superior. Such were all bishops and 
metropolitans who had the independent control of their dioceses. 
It was not in frequent use because the Monophy sites claimed the 
same title in another, but kindred sense. According to Bingham 
the four following classes received this title. 1. All metropoli- 
tans anciently. 2. Some metropolitans who remained independent 
after the establishment of the patriarchal power, such as those of 
Cyprus, Iberia, Armenia, and Britain. 3. Such bishops as acknow- 
ledged no subjection to metropolitans, but only to the patriarch of 
the diocese. 4. Such as were wholly independent of all others, and 
acknowledged no superior whatever. 7 In reality, however, none 
but the pope, in the height of his supremacy, can with propriety be 
said to be ay.i(pa).og or ai'ioyJq>u).oc. The independent bishops of the 
Western church were so only in regard to their archbishops and pri- 
mates, and even the church of Ravenna, which for a long time re- 
fused to surrender her independence, submitted at last to the apos- 
tolic see. 8 

6. Patriarchs. Few topics of antiquity have been so much the 
subject of strife among the learned, as this relating to the patriarchs 
of the ancient church. 9 But it will be sufficient for our purpose, to 
take only a brief view of the points in question. 

This term originally applied to the archbishop, first occurs in the 
year 451, and was synonymous with ii-a^oc t?/c F.jiug/lac. 10 It was 
borrowed from the Jews who after the destruction of Jerusalem, 
styled the primates of their church patriarchs, and when this office 
became extinct, the name was conferred upon the dignitaries of the 
christian church. According to Jerome, the Monanists and Cata- 
phryians had already appropriated this title previous to that event. 11 

The bishops of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch and 
Jerusalem particularly were called patriarchs. Several councils 



SUPERIOR ORDER OF BISHOPS. 87 

had bestowed upon these bishops peculiar marks of distinction, 12 
which encouraged them proudly to assume this title. Agreeably to 
the designs of Theodosius the Great, Constantinople maintained her 
proud prerogative, and became a second Rome in ecclesiastical 
power and dignity. These high pretensions of her rival, Rome her- 
self reluctantly saw ; Alexandria and Antioch uniformly protested 
againsi them ; Jerusalem retained indeed her empty honors, but not 
her patriarchal rights and privileges. The Romanists are careful to 
say that there were at first five patriarchs in the church, that those 
of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch were deservedly so called, per 
se et ex natura ; but that those of Constantinople and Jerusalem 
were by mere accident, per accidens, graced with this title. 

In the sixth century Rome and Constantinople engaged in a bitter 
strife for the title of imperial patriarch, nargid^xv? tfs oixov^svrjg, 
universalis ecclesiae papa. But the primate of Rome finally ended 
the controversy by resigning the title of patriarch, and assuming only 
that of pope, or pontifex Maximus. 

The following summary of the prerogatives of the patriarch is 
given by Bingham, Book II. chap. 17. 1. " They were to ordain 
all the metropolitans of their own diocese, and to receive their own 
ordination from a diocesan synod. 2. To call diocesan synods and 
and to preside over them. 3. To receive appeals from metropoli- 
tans and provincial synods. 4. To censure metropolitans and their 
suffragan bishops if metropolitans were remiss in censuring them. 
5. They might delegate metropolitans as their commissioners to 
hear ecclesiastical causes in any part of the diocese. 6. They 
were to be consulted by metropolitans in all matters of moment. 
7. To communicate to their metropolitans such imperial laws as 
concerned the church, as the metropolitans were to notify the pro- 
vincial bishops. 8. Absolution of great criminals was reserved to 
them. 13 9. They were absolute and independent one of another. 

7. Cardinals. 14 The order of cardinals really belongs to the 
Western church. The corresponding court in the church of Con- 
stantinople is the college of the Exocatacoeli.* To the Russian 
church Peter the Great gave, after the resignation of the patriarchal 

* Critics are not agreed as to the origin of this name. The most proba- 
ble is that of Da Cange who derives it from the fact that, those who were 
high in office were seated in public assemblies in high and more honorable 
seats erected for the purpose on either side of the patriarchal throne. 



88 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

power, the court of the holy synod, corresponding to the college of 
cardinals at Rome, and with that of the electors in the Roman catho- 
lic States of Germany. 

The term has long been in use, and originally either signified the 
same as praecipuus, principalis, id quod rei cardo est, synonymous 
with praelatus ; or else it was derived from cardinare or incardinare, 
to hinge or join together ; and was applied to the regular clergy of 
the metropolitan church. In Italy, Gaul, etc., such churches early 
received the title of cardinal churches, the ministers of these 
churches were also called cardinals. 

The following statements comprise the important historical facts 
relative to the office of Cardinal. 

1. The institution of the office has been ascribed by respectable 
Roman catholic writers to Christ himself, — to the apostle of their 
faith, — to the Roman bishop Evaristus, to Heginus, Marcellus, 
Boniface, III, and others. But we only know that cardinals, pres- 
byters, and deacons occur in history about the sixth and seventh 
centuries, who were however not itinerant, but stationary church 
officers for conducting religious worship. The deacons and pres- 
byters of Rome especially bore this name, who composed the pres- 
b} T tery of the bishop of the place. The title was also conferred up- 
on the suffragan bishops of Ostia, Albanum, and others in the im- 
mediate vicinity, but without any other rights, than those which 
were connected appropriately with the ministerial office. 

2. The import of the term was varied still more in the ninth cen- 
tury, and especially in the eleventh, by Nicolaus II., who, in his con- 
stitution for the election of the Roman pontiff, not only appointed 
his seven suffragan bishops as members of the pope's ecclesiastical 
council, but also constituted them the only legitimate body for the 
election of the pope. 15 To these he gave the name of cardinal 
bishops of the church of Rome, or cardinals of the Lateran church. 

This is the important period in history when the first founda- 
tion was laid for rendering the hierarchy of the church independent 
both of the clergy and of the secular power. This period has not 
been noticed so particularly by historians as its importance requires. 
They seem especially to have overlooked the fact that the famous 
Hildebrand, Gregory VII, in the year 1073, concerted these meas- 
ures for the independence of the church, as the following extract 
will show. " k was the deep design of Hildebrand, which he for a 



SUPERIOR ORDER OF BISHOPS. 89 

long time prosecuted with unwearied zeal to bring the pope wholly 
within the pale of the church, and to prevent the interference, in his 
election, of ail secular influence and arbitrary power. And that 
measure of the council which wrested from the emperor a right of 
so long standing, and which had never been called in question, may- 
deserved ly be regarded as the master- piece of popish intrigue, or 
rather of Hildebrand's cunning. The concession which disguised 
this crafty design of his, was expressed as follows— that the emperor 
should ever hold from the pope, the right of appointing the pope^ Q 

3. As might have been expected, this privilege was afterwards 
contested by the princes of the German States, especially by those 
of Saxony, and the house of Hohenstaufen. But these conflicts uni- 
formly resulted in favor of the ambitious designs of the pope. A 
momentary concession, granted under the pressure of circumstances, 
became reason sufficient for demanding the same ever afterwards 
as an established right. In the year A. D. 1179, Alexander III, 
through the canons of the Lateran, confirmed yet more the inde- 
pendent election of the pope, so that after this the ratification of the 
emperor was no longer of any importance. Something similar was 
also repeated by Innocent III, A. D. 1215, and Innocent IV, A. D. 
1254. The former had already, in the year A. D. 1198, renounced 
the civil authority of Rome, and ascended the papal throne. In the 
year 1274, the conclave of cardinals for the election of the pope was 
fully established by Gregory X, and remains the same to this day. 

4. The college of cardinals, which, until the twelfth century, had 
been restricted to Rome and its vicinity, has since been greatly en- 
larged, so as to become the supreme court of the church universal. 
Priests of illustrious name in other provinces and countries, have 
been elevated to the dignity of cardinals. Of this Alexander III 
gave the first example in the year 1165, by conferring the honor 
upon Galdinus Sala, archbishop of Milan, and upon Conrad, arch- 
bishop of Mentz. But to the injury of the church, the greater part 
have ever been restricted to the limits of Rome and Italy. 

5. The formal classification of the cardinals into three distinct 
orders, 1. Cardinal bishops ; 2. Cardinal presbyters ; 3. Cardinal 
deacons, was made by Paul II, in the fifteenth century. He also 
gave them, instead of the scarlet robe which they had worn since 
the year 1244, a purple role, from whence they derived the name 
of the purple, a title indicative not merely of their superiority to 

12 



90 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

bishops and archbishops, but of their regal honors and rights. Boni- 
face VIII, gave them the title of eminentissimi, most eminent ; and 
Pius V, in the year 1567, decreed that no other should have the 
name of cardinal. 

6. The number of cardinals was at first not less than seven, and. af- 
ter having ranged from seven to fifty-three, it was reduced again in 
the year 1277, to the minimum above mentioned. The General As- 
sembly of the church of Basil limited the number to twenty-four; 
but the popes from this time increased them at their pleasure. Un- 
der Leo X, there were sixty-five cardinals; Paul IV, and Pius V, 
decreed that the maximum should be seventy — equal in number to 
the disciples of Jesus. These were arranged under the following 
grades. 1. Six cardinal bishops with the following titles — the 
bishops of Ostia, Porta, Albano, Frescati, Sasina, and Palaestrina. 
2. Fifty cardinal priests, who were named after the parochial and 
cathedral churches of Rome. 3. Fourteen cardinal deacons, who 
were named after the chapels. This number was seldom full, but 
since 1814, they have again become quite numerous. 

Lastly. Among the superior officers of the church may be men- 
tioned the Pope, papa Romanus,pontifex Maximus. Upon this offi- 
cer, elevated to the summit of ecclesiastical dominion, we can only 
bestow a complimentary notice. An entire volume would be re- 
quired merely for an enumeration of the most important transactions 
of the pope, and they are recorded by innumerable authors both an- 
cient and modern. 

II. Of the inferior order of Bishops. 
1. 'EjthxoTioi o-^oAwaOj'Tfc, vacui, vacantes, cessantes, quiescentes, 
bishops without cures. To this class belong those who, for any cause, 
declined the duties of their office. In times of persecution and reli- 
gious commotion, especially in the fourth and fifth centuries, many- 
men of distinction refused to be considered candidates for the office 
of bishop, and even when elected, declined the duties of the office. 
Others resigned who had been fully inducted into office ; and others 
again, not being acknowledged by their colleagues and dioceses, 
were subject to a compulsory resignation. Under this head may al- 
so be ranked those bishops who, though they did not resign, absent- 
ed themselves from their diocese for a length of time, and resided, 
without good reason, in other places. In the fourth and fifth centu- 



INFERIOR ORDER OF BISHOPS. 91 

ries it was not uncommon for ten or twelve bishops to relinquish the 
duties of their office, and resort to the court at Constantinople. 
These were deservedly accounted subordinate to their colleagues 
who continued in the faithful discharge of their duties. 

2. Titular bishops, Episcopi inpartibus injideliiim, Episcopi gen- 
tium, regionarii. Bishops of this class were invested with their of- 
fice, but had no stated charge or diocese. This title was first given 
in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, to the bishops of those provin- 
ces which had been gained by the conquests of the cross, and which 
had long been held under the dominion of the Saracens and Tartars. 
They may be compared with various juridical and political pretend- 
ers, and with the kings of Jerusalem, who retained their title after 
the overthrow of the kingdom. The patriarchs of Constantinople 
made the same claim, and resigned it with extreme reluctance. 

Since the reformation, the Romish church has manifested the same 
deportment towards those bishoprics which they have lost. That 
church expressly decreed that no one should be ordained at large, 
aTTofoivfxsvcag, without a specific charge. 1 And yet their titular dig- 
nitaries receive the unmeaning titles of bishops of Tarsus, Ephesus, 
Samaria, Aleppo, etc. Under a change of circumstances, a bishop 
so ordained, micrht enter immediately upon the discharge of the of- 
ficial duties of his office. Even Bingham, though zealously opposed 
to these nugatory and titular bishops, admits that instances of this 
kind sometimes, though seldom, occurred in the ancient church. 

3. Suffragan bishops. These were originally the same as dioces- 
an bishops, who acted as the representatives and substitutes of their 
metropolitans. They were called suffragan, either because they 
could not be consecrated without the suffrage of the metropolitan, or 
because they had the right of suffrage in the synod, whilst yet dis- 
tinct from other members of that body. The latter is the most prob- 
able explanation of the term. 

These suffragan bishops are not the same as the chorepiscopi. 2 
But after the cessation of these, the necessity of suffragans became 
much greater ; and they were accordingly increased. Bishops who 
had no metropolitan power, first began in the tenth century to have 
suffragans under them. These were also styled vicar generals, vice- 
gerents, bishops in pontificalibus, vice Episcopi, etc. 3 The suffra- 
gan bishops of Germany were appointed for the ordination of infe- 
rior officers, and the consecration and benediction of churches, al- 
tars, baptismal waters., etc. 



92 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

4. Country bishops. XcogsTtlay.onoL, Episcopi rurales, s. villain. 
These, though of ancient origin, have been the subject of much dis- 
pute among the learned, and called forth a multitude of treatises and 
authors, ancient and modern. 

These authorities are not agreed as to the etymology of the word. 
Some derive it from chorus, a choir of singers. 4 Others from the ap- 
pellation, occulus or cor episcopi, eye or heart of the bishop, as his 
archdeacon was sometimes called ; 5 and others again from the Syri- 
ac word, to which in connection with the word bishop, denotes a 
vicar of the bishop. 6 But it was doubtless derived from /aga or 
XooqIov, country, and denotes a country bishop. 

The most important points in explanation of this office, may be 
comprised under the following remarks. 

a) There is not indeed satisfactory evidence that this office is autho- 
rized in Titus 1: 5, but there is very early notice of its institution from 
Clemens Romanus, who says that " as they, the apostles, preached 
in the cities and country places, xwgctg, they appointed their first con- 
verts as bishops and deacons over them that should believe, having 
first proved them by the spirit. 7 " Eusebius speaks both of presbyters 
and bishops over the neighboring countries and cities, tujv o^oqojv 
aygixiv is xou nolzwv ngsa^visgoi, distinguishing thus these chorepisco- 
pi from the bishops of the cities. 8 Some affirm that no churches 
were established in the country in the first three centuries, and 
accordingly, that this office was not instituted until a later period. 9 
But the eniay.onoi xdv ayqojv of Eusebius are the chor episcopi in ques- 
tion, nor is it fair to infer that they were first created in the fourth 
century, because the synods of that period more definitely prescribe 
the duties of their office, for they speak of the office itself as already 
well known. 

b) Those that sustained this office are expressly distinguished from 
presbyters both of the city and country, but are described as officia- 
ting bishops, subordinate in rank and restricted in many respects. 10 
They are styled avUmovgyol, fellow laborers with the bishop, and, 
like the cardinals of later times, were reckoned seventy in number, 
which shows again that they, as well as the bishops, were compared 
with the apostles in office. 11 The council of Nice also, c. 8, so speaks 
of them as to show that they held an intermediate grade between 
presbyters and bishops. Their duties were, to give letters of re- 
commendation and the testimonials of the church, to take the over- 



INFERIOR ORDER OF BISHOPS. 93 

sight of the church in the section of country allotted to them, to ap- 
point the readers, sub-deacons, and exorcists ; and they might ordain 
presbyters and deacons, but not without the consent and cooperation 
of the city bishop. 12 In the year 451, they voted, for the first time, 
as the substitutes or representatives of their bishops. 13 Previous to 
this time, they had an independent vote in general council, as in the 
council of Nice, and in the presence of the city bishops. 14 

c) These officers were at first confined to the Eastern church. 
In the Western church, and especially in France, they began to be 
known about the fifth century. They have never been numerous 
in Spain and Italy. In Africa, on the contrary, they constitute a nu- 
merous body under the name of Donatists. In Germany they must 
have been frequent in the seventh and eighth centuries. 15 And in 
the twelfth century the arrogance, insubordination and injurious con- 
duct of this class of ecclesiastics became a subject of general com- 
plaint in the Western church ; but more especially in France. In 
the East the order was abolished for the same reasons by the coun- 
cil of Laodicea, A. D. 361. But so little respect was entertained for 
this decree that the order continued until the tenth century. They 
were first prohibited in the Western church in the ninth century, 16 
but according to some writers they continued in France until the 
twelfth century, and until the thirteenth in Ireland. About this time 
they disappeared from the page of history, and were succeeded by 
archdeacons, rural-deans, and vicar-generals. 

5. Visitors, nfQiodevial, itinerant presbyters. They were, at 
first, appointed by the council of Laodicea in the room of the chore- 
piscopi. Their business was, to go about continually to guard the 
wavering, and to confirm the faithful. But it was their peculiar 
characteristic that they had no fixed abode. They had not the inde- 
pendent prerogatives of the country bishops, but were merely vica- 
rious assistants of the bishop, like a visiting committee of the church, 
or the visitores ecdesiarum of the Latin church. 18 

6. Intercessors, intercessores and interventores. Officers peculiar 
to the African church, who are first mentioned in the fifth council of 
Carthage. They were temporary incumbents of a vacant bishopric, 
and, for the time being performed the several offices of bishop. It 
was their duty to take measures for the regular appointment of a 
bishop as speedily as possible. To prevent abuse no one was allow- 
ed to continue in office more than one year. 



94 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 



§ 7. Of Presbyters — their equality and identity with 
Bishops. 

Bishops and presbyters are regarded by some as having been, 
from the beginning, distinct orders of the clergy. Others maintain 
that they were originally the same ; and that the bishop was only 
the foreman or chairman of a body of presbyters or clergymen. Of 
these conflicting views, the former is entertained by those who con- 
tend that the bishops were constituted by the apostles themselves a 
distinct and superior order of the clergy. The latter, by those who 
deny the divine origin of episcopacy. 

The controversy on this subject has arisen chiefly from the equi- 
vocal import of the term TTQtafivTtQoq which, in the peculiar phrase- 
ology of the church, denotes both a superior and a teacher. The 
first mentioned signification earliest prevailed. The TrgtafjvTtgoi, 
presbyters or elders of the christian church correspond to the Q" l :jp t T , 
elders of the Jews. Both denote precedence in office, not seniority in 
age. But as seniority of age and precedence in office are very natu- 
rally united in the same person, and in the christian church ever 
have been united, so also in the New Testament there are examples 
of the union of both in the same person. The apostles style them- 
selves elders and fellow laborers, nqzofii'TwovQ and av^ingsa^vTsgovg, 
with evident reference to this twofold relation. The passage in 1 
Tim. 5: 17, is peculiarly pertinent in this connection. Let the el- 
ders that rule well be counted worthy of double honor ; especially 
they who labor in the word and doctrine. In other passages these 
elders are styled shepherds and teachers. 

It is equally evident also that both bishops, ijilaxonot, and elders, 
TTQsafivitQoi, are of similar import both in the Scriptures and ecclesi- 
astical writings of the first centuries of the christian era. In the 
Scriptures in the following passages : Acts 17: 28. Phil. 1: 1. 1 Tim. 
3: 1. Tit. 1: 5, 7. comp. Acts 15: 2, 4, 6, 22,23. 1 Cor. 12:28— 
30. Eph. 4: 11, etc. The following passages are sufficient to illus- 
trate the usage of early ecclesiastical writers. Chrysostom says 
that the elders or presbyters were formerly called bishops and dea- 
cons of Christ, and that the bishops were called elders. Ol ngmfiv.- 
teqol to nalaibv zxuIovvto inhzojioi xul diuxovot tov Xqktiov, xal ol 
inloxoTioi (ixaXovvTo) noiG§visQQL? Theodoret styles both the elders 



OF PRESBYTERS. 95 

and the bishops, watchmen, alleging that, at that time, they were 
called by both names, aiucpoisga /ccq si/ov v.ax exslvov iov xcciqov %k 
ovofiaxa. 2 In another passage he also says, that those who were 
called bishops evidently held the rank of presbyters, elders, cog that 
dijXov oxi vnb jovrov iiiXovv 61 iv to> noooifxtoo nXrj&ivzsg eTiicrxonoi, iov 
TtQsafivisQov drjlovoTL Tijv xa*iv nXtjoovvisg. The famous Irenaeus, 
bishop of Lyons, in his official letter to the Roman bishop Victor, 
enumerates all the bishops who preceded Victor at Rome, and styles 
them presbyters who formerly presided over that apostolic church 
at Rome. 

" Jerome, one of the most learned of the Latin fathers, who had 
before him all the testimonies and arguments of earlier writers, has 
placed this matter in its true light with peculiar distinctness. In his 
annotation on the first chapter of the Epistle to Titus, he gives the 
following account of the nature and origin of the episcopal office : — • 
1 A presbyter is the same as a bishop. And until, by the instigation 
of the devil, there arose divisions in religion, and it was said among 
the people, " I am of Paul, and I of Apollos, and I of Cephas," 
churches were governed by a common council of the presbyters. 
But afterwards, when every one regarded those whom he baptized 
as belonging to himself rather than to Christ, it was everywhere de- 
creed that one person, elected from the presbyters, should be placed 
over the others ; to whom the care of the whole church might be- 
long, and thus the seeds of division might be taken away. Should 
any one suppose that this opinion,— that a bishop and presbyter is 
the same, and that one is the denomination of age, and the other of 
office,— is not sanctioned by the Scriptures, but is only a private fan- 
cy of my own, let him read over again the apostle's words to the 
Philippians, "Paul and Timotheus, the servants of Jesus Christ, to 
all the saints in Christ Jesus which are at Philippi with the bishops 
and deacons ; grace be unto you and peace, from God our Father, 
and from the Lord Jesus Christ," etc. Philippi is a single city of 
Macedonia ; and certainly, of those who are now styled bishops 
there could not have been several at one time in the same city. But, 
because at that time they called the same persons bishops whom 
they styled also presbyters, therefore the apostle spoke indifferently 
of bishops as of presbyters.' The writer then refers to the fact, 
that St. Paul, having sent for the presbyters (in the plural) of the 
single city of Ephesus only, afterwards called the same persons 



96 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

bishops. (Acts xx.) To this fact he calls particular attention ; and 
then observes that, in the Epistle to the Hebrews also, we find the 
care of the church divided equally amongst many ; ' Obey them 
that have ihe rule over you, and submit yourselves ; for they watch 
for your souls, as they that must give account ; that they may do it 
with joy, and not with grief, for that is [un] profitable for you.' — 
' And Peter,' continues Jerome, ' who received his name from the 
firmness of his faith, says, in his Epistle, " The presbyters who are 
among you I exhort, who am also a presbyter, and a witness of the 
sufferings of Christ, and also a partaker of the glory lhat shall be 
revealed ; feed the flock of God which is among you, [he omits the 
words, taking the oversight thereof, ijnay.onovvieg, i. e, superintend- 
ing it,] not by constraint, but willingly." These things we have 
brought forward to show that, with the ancients, presbyters were the 
same as bishops. But in order lhat the roots of dissension might be 
plucked up, a usage gradually took place that the whole care should 
devolve upon one. Therefore, as the presbyters know that it is by 
the custom of the church that they are subject to him who is placed 
over them, so let the bishops know that they are above presbyters . 
rather by custom than by the truth of our LoroVs appointment, and 
that they ought to rule the church in common, herein imitating Mo- 
ses,' etc.* 

* ' Idem est presbyter, qui et episcopus ; et antequam diaboli instinctu 
studia in reliffione fierent, et diceretur in populis, Ego sum Pauli, ego ^pot- 
to, ego autem Cephae, communi presbyterorum consiJio ecclesiae guberna- 
bantur. Postquam vero unusquisque eos, quos baptizaverat, suos putabat 
esse, non Christi, in toto orbe decretum est, ut unus de presbyteris electus 
superponeretur caeteris, ad quern omnis ecclesiae cura pertineret, et schis- 
matum semina tollerentur. Putet aliquis non Scripturarum, sed nostram, 
esse sententiam, episcopum et presbyterum unum esse, et aliud aetatis, aliud 
esse nomen officii : relegat Apostoli ad Pbilippenses verba dicentis, " Pau- 
lus et Timotheus servi Jesu Christi, omnibus Sanctis in Christo Jesu qui sunt 
Philippis, cum episcopis et diaconis, gratia vobis et pas," — etreliqua. Phi- 
lippi una est urbs Macedoniae, et certe in una civitate plures, ut nuncupatur, 
episcopi esse non poterant. Sed quia eosdem episcopos illo tempore quos et 
presbyteros appellabant, propterea indifferenter de episcopis quasi de pres- 
byteris est locutus. Adhuc hoc alicui videatur ambiguum, nisi altero testi- 
monio comprobetur. In Actibus Apostolorum scriptum est, quod cum ve- 
nisset Apostolus Miletum, miserit Ephesum, et vocaverit presbyteros eccle- 
siae ejusdem, quibus postea inter caetera sit locutus, " Attendite vobis, et 
omni gregi in quo vos Spiritus Sanctus posuit episcopos, pascere ecclesiam 



OF PRESBYTERS. 97 

" The same views are maintained by this father in his Epistle to 
Evagrius, with the additional mention of the fact, that from the first 
foundation of the church of Alexandria down to the days of Heraclas 
and Dionysius, the presbyters of that church made (or, as we should 
say, consecrated) their bishops. The passage, which is quoted at 
some length in the note, is very important. Having referred to 
several passages of the Acts and Epistles in proof of an assertion 
which he had made, to the effect that bishop and presbyter were at 
first the same, he proceeds to say that ' afterwards, when one was 
elected, and set over the others, this was designed as a remedy 
against schism. * * * For at Alexandria, from the evangelist Mark 
down to the bishops Heraclas and Dionysius, the presbyters always 
gave the name of bishop to one whom they elected from themselves, 
and placed in a higher degree ; in the same way as an army may 
create its general, or as deacons may elect one of their own body, 
whom they know to be assiduous in the discharge of duty, and call 
him archdeacon. For what does a bishop perform, except ordina- 
tion, which a presbyter may not do,' etc.* The fact which Jerome 

Domini, quam acquisivit per sanguinem suum." Et hoc diligentius obser- 
vate, quo modo unius civitatis Ephesi presbjteros vocans, postea eosdem 
episcopos dixerit. Si quis vult recipere earn epistolam, quae sub nomine 
Pauli ad Hebraeos scripta est, et ibi aequaliter inter plures ecclesiae cura 
dividitur. Siquidem ad plebem scribit, " Parete principibus vestris,et subjecti 
estote ; ipsi enim sunt qui vigilant pro animabus vestris, quasi ra.tione.rn red- 
dentes, ne suspirantes hoc faciant : siquidem hoc utile (sic) vobis est." Et 
Petrus, qui ex fidei firmitate nomen accepit, in epistola sua loqniter dicens, 
" Presbyteros ergo in vobis obsecro compresbyter, et testis Chrisii passion- 
um, qui et ejus gloriae, quae in f'utero revelandus est, socius sum, pascite 
eum qui in vobis est gregem Domini, non quasi cum necessitate, sed volun- 
tarie." Haec propterea, ut ostenderemus apud veteres eosdem foisse pres- 
byteros quos et episcopos ; paulatim vero, ut dissensionum plantaria evelle- 
rentur, ad unum omnem sollicitudinem esse delatam. Sicut ergo presbyteri 
sciunt se ex ecclesiae consuetudine ei qui sibi praepositus fuerit esse sub- 
jectos, ita episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine quam dispositions domi- 
nicae veritate presbyteris esse majores, et in commune debere ecclesiam re- 
gere, imitantes Moysen ; qui cum haberetin potestate solus praeesse populo 
Israel, septuaginta elegit, cum quibus populum judicaret. — Hieron. Com- 
ment, in Tit. i.' 

* ' Quod autem postea unus electus est qui caeteris praeponereter, in schis- 
matis remedium factum est : ne unusquisque ad se Irahens Christi eccle- 
siam rumperet. Nam et Alexandriae a Marco evangelista usque ad Hera- 

13 



98 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

here states respecting the appointment and ordination of bishops in 
the church of Alexandria by presbyters alone for the space of more 
than two centuries, is attested also by Eutychius, patriarch of Alex- 
andria. And the opinion of Jerome respecting the original equality, 
or rather identity, of presbyter and bishop, is in perfect accordance 
with the language of a still earlier writer, Tertullian. De Bap. c. 17."* 

The identity of bishops and presbyters is further evident from the 
circumstance that they both received the same honorary titles, ngot- 
GiwTsg, nQoaiuTai, TiQoidQoiiprepositi, antistes, equivalent to presi- 
dents, moderators, chairmen or presiding officers. Presbyters were 
also denominated guv&qovol and ol tov &qovov, partners of the throne. 
A distinction is sometimes made between those of the first, and of 
the second throne ; in which case the latter evidently designates pres- 
byters. But it is still plain that, in such instances, the preeminence 
ascribed to the bishop is only that of primus inter pares — chief 
among equals. 

Even the most zealous advocates of the Episcopal system in the 
Greek, Roman, and English church are constrained to recognize and 
admit the identity of the terms iniav.oTiog and nQtaSvveoog according 
to the usus loquendi of the ancient church. They are constrained 

clam et DionysiunTepiscopos, presbyteri semper unum ex se electum, in 
excelsiori gradu collocatum, episcopum nominabant: quo modo si exereitus 
imperatorem facial ; aut diaconi eligant de se, quem industrium noverint, et 
archidiaconum vocent. Quid enim facit, excepta ordinatione, episcopus, 
quod presbyter non faciat ? Nee altera Romanae urbis ecclesia, altera totius 
orbis existimanda est. Et Galliae, et Britanniae, et Africa, et Persis, et 
Oriens, et India, et omnes barbarae nationes unum Christum adorant, unam 
observant regulam veritatis. Si auctoritas quaeritur, orbis major est urbe. 
Ubicunque fuerit episcopus, sive Romae, sive Eugubii, sive Constantinopoli, 
sive Rhegii, sive Alexandriae, sive Tanis, ejusdem meriti, ejusdem et sacer- 
dotii. Potentia divitiarum, et paupertatis humilitas, vel sublimiorem, vel 
inferiorem, episcopum non facit. Caeterum omnes apostolorum successores 

sunt Presbyter et episcopus aliud aetatis, aliud dignitatis, est 

nomen. Unde et ad Titum, et ad Timotheum de ordinatione episcopi et di- 
aconi dicitur ; de presbyteris omnino reticetur; quia in episcopo et presby- 
ter continetur. . . Et, ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumetas de ve- 
teri Testamento ; quod Aaron et filii ejus (one order, namely, priests, cor- 
responding to bishops or presbyters), atque Levitae (another order, corres- 
ponding to deacons), in templo fuerunt, hoc sibi episcopi et presbyteri, et 
diaconi, vindicent in ecclesia. — Hieron. Ep. ad Evagrium, 85.' 
* Riddle, pp. 166-196. 



i 



OF PRESBYTERS. 99 

to admit that the distinction between the office of bishop and presby- 
ter, which prevailed about the third and fourth centuries and to a 
period still later, was unknown in the first two centuries. 

A fierce controversy arose about the time of the Reformation 
whether the word itqiitrfiVTSQdg, as used in the Scriptures, and in the 
most ancient documents of the church, does not denote merely the 
laity and not any order of the clergy. This position was maintain- 
ed not only by Presbyterians, but by another class of modern wri- 
ters who are in reality no friends of the system. They sought to 
show that both presbyters and bishops were not originally religious 
teachers, but overseers and managers of the general concerns of the 
church. According to this theory, which had many advocates, 5 the 
presbyters were merely municipal officers like the elders of the 
Jews. The principal arguments for this theory were drawn from 
1 Tim. 5: 17. 1 Thess. 5: 12, especially the first. This theory has 
been ably discussed by Vitringa, Danovius, Gabier, and many others. 
The result of the whole is given in the following extract from Gab- 
ier. 6 " We admit that there were not a few presbyters in the apos- 
tolic age, appointed by the churches who did not act as religions 
teachers. But contend that Paul, disapproving of this measure, and 
that he might prevent the further spread of the errors of false teach- 
ers and apostles, ordered that all presbyters should be teachers, es- 
sent diduy.Tol. If now we admit that Paul in 1 Tim. 5: 17 speaks of 
presbyters as they were (not as they ought to be), all acting as ru- 
lers ', but not all acting as teachers, still we learn from another pas- 
sage in this same epistle, 1 Tim. 3: 2, that the apostle's desire and 
direction was, that all who should, in future, be chosen presbyters 
should be " apt to teach." 

History clearly informs us that presbyters were uniformly reckon- 
ed as belonging to the regular priesthood from the time when the 
church first began to rear up an ecclesiastical hierarchy, and when 
the distinction began to be made between clergy and laity. The 
language of the fathers, and especially of Cyprian seems to imply 
that there still were some who did not perform the duties of their 
office as teachers; but even these were still reckoned among the 
regular clergy, and not as belonging to the laity. 

Ignatius always joins bishops and presbyters together as presiding 
over the church, one, in the place of Jesus Christ, and the other, as 
the great council of God, in the place of the apostles, without which 



100 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

the church is no church. Tl da tiqeg^vtsqlov alt i] Gvatrj^a Ieqov, 
aififjovlot, y.al Gvvsdgsvial iov iiTia-y.oTTOV. Tfisig ds svTgsntcr&e aviolg 

{irtiGy.onoLc) wg Xqigtov c Ir t aovv oi de TigsatSviigoi, ug avvioaiov 

&EOV y.al avvdsa^og utiogioIwv XytGTOV. 1 

Much the same representations are made by many other ancient 
authors. In the Apostolical Constitutions, the presbyters are denomi- 
nated the counsellors of the bishop — the sanhedrim and council of 
the church? Chrysostom calls them the sanhedrim of the presby- 
ters. 9 Cyprian styles them the sacred and venerable assembly of 
our clergy, 10 and Jerome the assembly of presbyters — the senate of 
the church. 11 The original of each is here given in their order. 
2v^^ovIol (consiliarii) aniG'/.oiioi — avvsdgiov y.al ftovlt) i^g iy.xlrjGiag 
— Apost. Con. To jwv 7TQEa t Ji'TiQ(x)v (jvviogiov— Chrysostom. Cleri 
noslri, sacer venerandusque consessus — Cyprian. Coetus presbyter o- 
rum, senatus- ecclesiae— Jerome. To which the following may with 
proprietygbe added : Primum presbyteri episcopi adpellabantur ut 
uno recedente sequens ei succederet. Primum episcopi et presby- 
teri una ordinatio sint. Uterq.ue enim sacerdos est, sed episcopus 
primus est ut omnis episcopus presbyter est ; non omnis presbyter, 
episcopus: Hie enim episcopus est qui inter presbuteros primus est. 

From all these passages the conclusion is that the imposition of 
hands and the pivileges of the priesthood, Uqugvvi), belonged of right 
to the presbyters. For this reason, and not because of any seniority 
in age, they were called nQzafivTiooi, which is the same as priests, 
or pastors, shepherds, etc. The term senior or elder, which is the 
literal interpretation of ngs afivisgog very seldom occurs, and when it 
does is applied only to such persons as sustained no ministerial of- 
fice, bishops, presbyters, deacons, and seniors, and seniors of the 
people are mentioned in connection. The clergy and seniors are 
also contrasted one with the other. These seniors Augustine styles 
viri nobilissimi, oplimates, prmcipes, etc. They correspond with 
the elders in the Presbyterian church, and with the notables in the 
Reformed church in France. Bingham erroneously compares them 
to church-wardens, vestry-men and stewards who assist in the cere- 
monies of the church, but take no part in its discipline, or ministerial 
services. 

[Gieseler's account of the foregoing subject is as follows. " The 
new churches everywhere formed themselves on the model of the 
mother church at Jerusalem. At the head of each were the elders^ 



OF PRESBYTERS. 101 

7iQ?(r8iiztQoi, inlcrxonoi, all officially of equal rank, though in several 
instances a peculiar authority seems to have been conceded to some 
one individual from personal considerations.* — After the death of 

* That these names are the same, follows from Acts 20. 17, 28. Tit. 1 : 5, 7. 
Phil; 1:1.1 Tim. 3: 1, 8. Acknowledged by Hiercnymus, Epist. 82 (al. 83) 
ad Oceanum : Apud veteres iidem Episcopi et Presbyteri, quia illud nomen 
dignitatis est, hoc aetatis. Epist. 101, ad Evangelum. See under § 32, n, 2. — 
Idem ad Til, 1: 7. Idem est ergo Presbyter, qui Episcopus : et antequam di- 
aboli instinctu studia in religione fierent, et diceretur in populis, Ego sum 
Pauli, ego Apollo, ego autem Cephae, cum muni Presbyterorum consilio ec- 
clesiae gubernabantur. Postquam vero unusquisque eos, quos baptizaverat, 
suos putabat esse, non Christi ; in toto orbe decretum est, ut unus de Pres- 
byteris electus superponeretur caeteris, ad quem omnis ecclesiae cura pertine- 
ret, et schismatum semina tollerentur. Putat aliquis non Scripturarum, sed 
nostram esse sententiam, Episcopum et Presbyterum unum esse : et aliud aeta- 
tis, aliud esse nomen officii : relegat Apostoli ad Philippenses verba, dicen- 
tis: — here follows the passages cited above. Then : Haec propterea, ut osten- 
deremus, apud veteres eosdem fuisse Presbyteros, quoset Episcopos; paula- 
tim vero, ut dissensionum plantaria evellerentur, ad unum omnem sollicitu- 
dinem esse delatam. Sicut ergo Presbyteri sciunt, se ex ecclesiae consuetu- 
dine ei, qui sibi praepositus fuerit, esse subjectos : ita Episcopi noverint se ma- 
gis consuetudine, quam dispositions. dominicae veritate, Presbyteris esse ma- 
jores,et in commune debere ecclesiam regere. Augustini Epist. 82, ad Hie- 
ron. c. 33. — cf. Chrysostomi horn. I. in Philipp. i. Thcodoret. in Philipp. i. 1. 
It is remarkable how long this notion of the original sameness of Bishops 
and Presbyters was retained. Isidorus Hispal. Etymol. VT1. c. 12, copies the 
passage from Hieron. Epist. ad Oceanum. BernaJdus Constantiensis (about 
1088), the most zealous defender of Gregory VJI., after citing Jerome in his 
de Presbyterorum officio tract, (in Monumentorum res Allemannorum illus- 
trantt. S. Bias. 1792. 4to. T. 11. p. 384 seq.), continues : Quum igitur Pres- 
byteri et Episcopi antiquitus idem fuisse legantur, etiam eandem ligandi at- 
que solvendi potestatem et alia nunc Episcopis specialia habuisse non dubi- 
tantur. Postquam autem Presbyteri ab episcopali excellentia cohibiti sunt, 
coepit eis non licere, quod licuit, videlicet quod ecclesiastica auctoritas solis 
Pontificibus exequendum delegavit. Even Pope Urban 11. in Cone. Bene- 
vent. ann. 1091. can. 1 : Sacros autem ordines dicimus Diaconatum et Pres- 
byteratum. Hos siquidem solos primitiva legitur ecclesia habuisse : super 
his solum praecepturn habemus Apostoli. Hence Gratian adopts without hes- 
itation the passages, Hieron. ad Tit i. (Dist. XCV. c. 5.) Epist. ad Evangel. 
(Dist. XC1II. c. 21), and Isidori Hisp. (Dist XXI. c. 1). Also Kicol. Tudes- 
chus, Archiep. Panormitanus (about A. D. 1428) super 'prima parte Primi 
cap. 5, (ed. Lugdun. 1547. fol. 112 b) : Olim Presbyteri in commune regebant 
ecclesiam et ordinabant sacerdotes. It is, perhaps, still more remarkable 
that even the papal Canonist, Jo. Paul. Lancelottus (about 1570) in his In- 



102 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

the apostles, and the pupils of the apostles, to whom the general di- 
rection of the churches had always been conceded, some one 
amongst the presbyters of each church was suffered gradually to 
take the lead in its affairs. In the same irregular way the title of 
ijilay.oTiog, bishop, was appropriated to this first presbyter."* Cunning- 



stitvtt. Juris. Canon, lib. I. Tit. 21, § 3, introduces the passage of Jerome 
without any attempt to refute it. The distinction between the institutio di- 
vina et ecclesiastica was of less importance in the middle ages, than in the 
modern Catholic church, and this view of the original identity of Bishops 
and Presbyters was of no practical importance. It was not till after the Re- 
formation that it was attacked. Micheal de Medina (about A. D. J 570) does 
not hesitate to assert, illos Patres materiales fuisse haereticos, sed in his Pa- 
tribus ob eorum reverentiam hoc dogma non esse damnatum. Bellarminus de 
clericis lib. 1. c. 15, calls this sententiam valde inconsideratam, and prefers 
rather to resort to interpretation. Since this, all Catholics, as well as the 
English Episcopalians, maintain an original difference between bishop and 
presbyter. Comp. especially Pctavii de ecclesiastica hierarchia lib. V. and 
dissertatt. theologic. lib. I., in his theolog. dogmat. Tom. IV. p. 164. On the 
other side, Walonis Messalini (Claud. Salmasii) diss, de episcopis et presby- 
teris. Lugd. Bat. 1041. 8vo. Dav. Blondelli apologia pro sententia Hieron- 
ymi de episcopis et presbyteris. Amstelod. 1016. 4to. Against these Henr. 
Hammondus dissertatt. IV., quibus episcopatus jura ex sacra scriptura et pri- 
ma antiquitate adstruuntur. Lond. 1651. The controversy was long contin- 
ued. On the side of the Episcopalians Jo. Pearson, Guii. Beveridge. Hcnr. 
Dodiceli, Jos. Bingham, Jac. Usscrius. On that of the Presbyterians, Jo. 
Dallaeus, Camp. Vitringa ; also the Lutherans, Joach. Hildebrand, Just. 
Henn. Boehmer, Jo. Franc. Buddeus, Christ. Matth. Pfaff, etc. comp. Jo. 
Phil. Gabler de episcopis primae ecclesiae Christ, eorumque origine diss. 
Jenae. 1805. 4to. 

* Ambrosiaster, about 380, in comment, ad 1 Tim. 3: 10 — Episcopi et Pres- 
byteri una ordinatio est. Uterque enim sacerdos est, sed Episcopus primus 
est ; ut omnis Episcopus Presbyter sit, non tamen omnis Presbyter Episco- 
pus: hie enim Episcopus est, qui inter Presbyteros primus est. We find the 
latest traces of this relation between Bishops and Presbyters in Hicronym. 
Epist. 101 (al. 85) ad Evangelum (in the old ed. erroneously ad Eragrium, 
also in Gratianus Dist. XCII1. c. 24) : Apostolus perspicue docet eosdem 
esse Presbyteros, quos Episcopos. — Quaeris auctoritatem ? Audi testimo- 
nium. Then he cites Phil. 1: 1 . Acts 20: 28, etc. Quod autem postea unus 
electus est, qui caeteris praeponeretur, in schismatis remedium factum est, 
ne unusquisque ad se trahens Christi ecclesiam rumperet. JNam et Alex- 
andriae a Marco Evangelista usque ad Heraclam et Dionysium Episcopos 
(about A. D. 240) Presbyteri semper unum ex se electum, in excelsiori 
gradu collocatum, Episcopum nominabant. Quomodo si exercitus Impera- 
torem faciat, aut Diaconi eligant de se, quern industrium noverint, et Archi- 



DUTIES OF PRESBYTERS. 



103 



ham's Trans. Vol. I. p. 56, 65. So also Rheinwald § 14, p. 25, and 

Seigel, Vol. I. p. 229, to the same effect. — Tr.] 

§ 8. Official Duties of Presbyters. 

These duties are comprised under the following heads. 

1. Before any formal distinction was known between bishops and 

diaconum vocent. (Comp. on this letter Chr. JVaecJitler, Acta Eruditorum, 
ann. 1717, p. 484 seq., 524 seq. More lately the letter ad Evangelum has 
been pronounced spurious by P. Molkenbuhr, whom Binterim Denkwurdigk. 
d. cbristkath. Kirche Bd. 2. Th. 1. S. 70 ff. has followed. But there are so 
many similar passages that little is gained even if this should be proved not 
genuine.) Ambrosiaster comm. ad Ephes. 4: 11 : Primi Presbyteri Episcopi 
appellabantur, ut, reeedent eo, sequens ei succederet. Denique apud iEgyp- 
tum Presbyteri consignant, si praesens non sit Episcopus. Sed quia coepe- 
runt sequentes Presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus tenendos, immutata 
est ratio, prospiciente Concilio ; ut non ordo, sed meritum crearet Episco- 
pum multorum sacerdotum judicio constitutum, ne indignus temere usurpa- 
ret, et esset multis scandalum. — Pseudo-Av gustini (according to the conjec- 
ture of the Benedictines, Hilarii Diaconi) Quaestioncs Vet et Nov. Testamenti 
(in the Appendix Tom. III. P. II. of the Benedict, ed.) Quaest. 101 : Pres- 
byterum autem intelligi Episcopum probat Paulus Apostolus, quando Timo- 
theum, quern ordinavit Presbyterum, instruit, qualem debeat creare Episco- 
pum (1 Tim. 3:1). Quid est enim Episcopus, nisi primus Presbyter, hoc 
est summus sacerdos ?— Nam in Alexandria et per totam iEgyptum, si desit 
Episcopus, consecrat [Ms. Colb. consignat] Presbyter. In like manner, Eu~ 
tychius (Said Ibn Batrik about 930) Patriarcha Alex, in Ecclesiae suae 
Origg. (ed. Joh. Selden, p. XXIX) : Constituit Marcus Evangelista Xll 
Presbyteros, qui nempe manerent cum Patriarcha, adeo ut cum vacaret Pa- 
triarchatus eligerent unum e XII Presbyteris, cujus capiti reliqui XI manus 
imponerent, eique benedicerent, et Patriarcham eum crearent (corap. 1 Tim. 
4: 14). — Neque desiit Alexandriae institutum hoc de Presbyteris, ut scilicet 
Patriarchas crearent ex Presbyteris duodecim, usque ad tempor-a Alexandri 
Patriarchae Alexandrini qui fuit ex numero illo CCCXVIII. Is autem ve- 
tuit, ne deinceps Patriarcham Presbyteri crearent. Et decrevit, ut mortuo 
Patriarcha convenient Episcopi, qui Patriarcham ordinarent. In this pas- 
sage it is at least certain that the part which is contradictory to the usage of 
latter times has not been interpolated, and so far it has an historical value. 
Attempts have been made to explain away its evidence by Morinus, Pearson, 
Le Quien, Renaudot, Petavius,and especially by Abraham EcheUensis Euty- 
chius Patriarcba Alex, vindicatus et suis restitutus Orientalibus, s. responsio 
ad Jo. Seldeni Origines etc. Romae. 1661. 4to. Mamachii Origg. et Antiquitt. 
Christian. Tom. IV. p. 503 seq. On the other hand, see J. F. Rehkopf Vitae 
Patriarcharum Alexandr. fasc. 1. et II. 



104 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

presbyters the latter, especially those who were styled 7roofoTamc, 
performed the duties of the former. Subsequent to the specific di- 
vision of church officers, [after the establishment of the ecclesiasti- 
cal hierarchy,] they performed a vicarious service in the place of 
the bishops ; but there are occasional instances still later when they, 
in special cases, or by. virtue of their office, performed duties which, 
according to canonical rules, belonged exclusively to the bishops. 

2. According to the views of the bishop's office which represent him 
as controlling all that relates to religious worship, and the admini- 
stration of the ordinances, (see above, § 4,) the presbyters performed 
the common religious services as his representatives, or assistants. 
As such, from the beginning, they discharged the offices of teacher and 
preacher, which appropriately belonged to the bishop. Even the 
deacons were frequently authorized to preach. Hence it appears 
that both presbyters and deacons acted in this capacity by authority 
delegated by the bishop. This state of things must however be 
understood to have prevailed only in communities where there were 
both bishops and presbyters, and while the bishops were still able and 
disposed themselves to perform the duties of the ministry. Jerome 
expresses his dissatisfaction that presbyters were not fully invested 
with the office of the ministry. 1 Passages of much the same import 
occur in the writings of Socrates, 2 Sozomen, 3 and Ambrose. 4 The 
example of Leo, and Gregory the Great, together with the fact that 
there are still extant sermons from bishops, such as Origen and 
others, is sufficient to show that they continued to discharge the du- 
ties of public preachers through the first seven centuries of the 
christian era. From that period these duties devolved entirely upon 
the presbyters. 

3. The presbyters assisted in the administration of the sacraments. 
They are styled the ^vlfonovgyol, co?nminislri, conscerdotales, of 
the bishop who, according to the explicit rules of the church, had the 
control of this service. That the presbyters acted as the represen- 
tatives and assistants of the bishops in this ordinance, may be infer- 
red from the circumstance that in the rites of ordination, which be- 
longed exclusively to the bishop, they also assisted in the imposition 
of hands. 5 Subsequently they regularly administered the ordi- 
nances, and other sacred rites, such as the following. 

a) They administered baptisms, particularly after the introduction 



DUTIES OF PRESBYTERS. 105 

of infant baptism. The act of confirmation belonged lo the bishop, 
though there are exceptions to this rule. 

b) They administered the sacrament of the Lord's supper. The 
solemnizing act in this ordinance is the consecration of the elements, 
which was performed by the presbyters except when the bishop was 
present, or was in missa pontijicalibus, as the phraseology was. It 
was theirs also, by an ancient rule, to impart the consecrated bread 
— -the host, and to pronounce the benediction. The administration 
of this ordinance was the highest official act of the priesthood. 6 With 
reference to this part of his office, the presbyter was styled [xs&hrjg, 
mediator, medius. A phraseology deservedly censured by Augus- 
tine as seeming to relate to the office of the Mediator of the chris- 
tian covenant ; but it was probably designed to denote the interme- 
diate grade of the presbyter, between the subordinate officers of the 
priesthood, and the bishop. 

c) The presbyters also took part in acts of public penance 
while that system prevailed, though this was the peculiar preroga- 
tive of the bishop. All that related to the regulation of penance 
was, with certain reservations, under their immediate oversight. 
They were the appropriate penitentiary priests, penitentiarii and 
confessarii. 

d) It belonged to them appropriately, to solemnize marriages, and 
to perform all the nuptial ceremonies. 

e) They administered extreme unction, and performed all reli- 
gious funeral services. 

f) All the forms of benediction and consecration, such as that of 
the chrism, or anointing oil, etc. pertained to their office, with the ex- 
ception of those which, from the beginning, were exclusively pre- 
scribed to the bishops. 

g) The stated public prayers, nQovcpuvriauq, svyj] tcuv nicrxav, and 
collects, emUXTjaig, occasional prayers, were offered by bishops and 
presbyters indiscriminately, 7 and both had a general superintendence 
of all their ceremonies of religious worship, together with the over- 
sight of the deacons and lower officers of the priesthood. 

4. In common with the bishops, presbyters indisputably had a 
part in the discipline of the church, both as it related to the clergy 
and the laity. 8 This point has been the subject of much uncertainty 
and controversy, but it was never denied that the right of concur- 
rence belonged to the presbytery collectively, if not to individual 
14 



106 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

members of it. Subsequently, it became the right ,of the chapters 
of the cathedral churches. Indeed, both the doings of the church, 
and of the synod were under the controlling influence of presbyters- 
The references subjoined are sufficient to show, that they had both 
a seat and a voice in the assembly of the synod. 9 

5. The most important office of the presbyters remains to be men- 
tioned, and that is, the " cure of souls," specific and general, cura 
animarum, et generalis, et specialis. This has ever been their ehief 
employment as pastors, vicars, and parish ministers. This point can- 
not in this place be discussed at length ; suffice it to say that, in the 
discharge of their duties, they had occasion to combat with the 
greatest difficulties. At one time, through the arrogance and 
tyrannical power of the bishops, at another, through the contempt of 
the monks, they became martyrs to their high and holy calling. 

§ 9. Of the different Orders or Classes of Presbyters. 

Like the bishops they were very early divided into city and rural 
•presbyters. The latter, s/iixooqlol tiqz(J[jvzzqoi, regionarii, were less 
esteemed, and accounted somewhat lower in rank, than the former. 
They were not permitted, for example, to administer the sacrament 
to a church in the city in the presence of the bishop, or city-presby- 
ter, but, in the absence of these, the duty devolved upon one of them. 1 
Neither were they allowed to issue canonical epistles, Mi] ngea^vre- 
Qovg jolg ev talg ^uigaig xctvovixctg inicrToXag didovai, iq ngog fxovovg 
zovg ydzovag Eiuuxonovg ix7ii(j.nsiv.~ Similar examples occur at all 
times sufficient to show that pastors in the country, were subordinate 
to those in the city ; and yet, there is good evidence that all who sus- 
tained the office of the priesthood were accounted in theory equal. 

2. The aQxmQEcrfivisQoi.., and nQononoEcrdinsgot, archpresbyters, and 
pastores primarii, were the same ; 3 both are called by the same 
name. 4 One who sustains the relation of moderator and superior 
among the priesthood, is called by Jerome archpresbyter to distin- 
guish him from the bishop. 5 By Gregory Nazianzen and others the 
oldest clergyman was styled archpresbyter ; 6 the Greeks called him 
n g cot o n an a g? 

The archpresbyters enjoyed the highest consideration between 
the fifth and eighth centuries, and occupied bishoprics as suffragans 
and vicar-generals. When the bishop's see became vacant they dis- 



RANK AND DUTIES OF DEACONS. 107 

charged his duties, and took care to secure the vacant office for 
themselves. Several branches of administration they held under 
their entire control ; they even aspired to an equality with the 
bishops, with whom they not unfrequently engaged in a spirited 
controversy. The bishops, on the other hand, sought by every 
means to oppose them, and accordingly favored the archdeacons as 
a check upon the arch presbyters. The first notice of this policy 
appears in the fourth council of Carthage. These presbyters were 
finally made subject to the archdeacon by Innocent III, in the 
twelfth centu^. 

3. The office of dean was first known in England about the 
eleventh or twelfth century. The word is derived from decanus, 
dtxaddgzog, and denotes the ruler of a decad, a body of ten men. 
The deans of cathedral churches were dignitaries of importance. 
Rural deans were inferior officers, who finally became merely itin- 
erant visitors, and were at all times subject to the authority of the 
archdeacon. 

4. The word presbytera, presbyterissa,nQ£(T{3vTEga,nQ?(TiJUTLg, is of 
frequent occurrence in ancient writers, and may denote either the 
wife of a presbyter, a female officer, or a deaconess in the church ; 
sometimes it denotes the matron of a cloister, and an abbess. 

§ 10. Of the Rank and Duties of Deacons, 

The terms didxovog, diaxorla, diaxovsiv, are primarily employed 
with reference to every kind of service, and every species of assist- 
ance, whether relating to religion or not ; but they generally de- 
noted some specific office. They correspond with the Hebrew 
nrd and rj-Vvpa , though the Septuagint does not so interpret them, 
except in two instances. In the New Testament the words are of 
frequent occurrence, both in a general, and specific application. 

But they are generally used in a specific sense to denote some 
kind of service in religious things, as in the following passages, 
di,axovia tov Xoytfv, Acts 6: 4 ; 8i.ay.ovla tov nvsv^aiog, 2 Cor. 3: 8 ; 
Siay.ovla T^g lurovgylag, 2 Cor. 9: 12 ; uliigog x% diaxovlag, Acts 1: 
17,25. 20:25. 21: 19. Rom. 11: 13; diaxovot vaivijg dia&>jy. V g,2 
Cor. 3: 6 ; diaxovot Oeov, 2 Cor. 6: 4. Compare also 1 Pet. 4: 10. 
1: 12. 2 Tim. I: 18. Acts 19: 22. 

It is particularly important however to remark that the word 8ia~ 



108 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

xovla has, in many passages, reference to an office in the church in- 
stituted by the apostles ; and that the apellation of diuy.ovog, deacon, 
denotes one whose duty it is to receive the charities of the church, 
and to distribute their alms, Acts 9: 29, SO. 12: 25. Rom. 16: 1,31. 
15: 25. 2 Cor. 8: 4. 9: 1, 13, 19, 20. Heb. 6: 10. 1 Tim. 8: 8, 10, 
12, 13. Phil. 1: 1. 1 Peter 4: 10, 11. An explicit account of the 
first appointment of a deacon in the church at Jerusalem is given in 
Acts 6: 1 — 7. Here it may be observed, 1. That the appointment 
was made to obviate a misunderstanding between their Jewish and 
Gentile converts respecting the distribution of the daily alms of the 
church. 2. This account presupposes that there were already al- 
moners of the poor ; but that they belonged exclusively to the Jewish 
converts. Mosheim 2 and Kuinoel 3 have well observed, that the office 
of deacon was derived from the Jewish synagogue, in which there 
were three persons entrusted with the care of the poor, who were 
called a^Din&j pastores. But in the church at Jerusalem seven 
were appointed, that they might better reconcile the two parties. 
3. These seven were Hellenists, Grecians, as both their names and 
their care of the widows of such sufficiently indicate. 4. They 
were inducted into office by prayer, and the imposition of hands, and 
yet, though full of faith and the Holy Ghost, they took no part in the 
ministration of the word. 5. They were not reckoned with the 
priesthood. By virtue of their ordination they became officers of 
the church, and bore a part in the service of the church, diaxovla tfg 
XeiTovQ'/lug, while they had no concern with the instruction or disci- 
pline of the church. 

These officers continued for a long time to perform only the du- 
ties at first ascribed to them, nor does it appear that they were ap- 
pointed in any church save that at Jerusalem. It is at least remarka- 
ble that no trace of them is perceptible in the Acts of the apostles, 
not even when the apostles are making arrangements for the due 
administration of the church in their absence, chap. 14: 23. comp. 
Tit. 1: 5, nor in the epistles to the Romans, Ephesians, Colossians, 
and Thessalonians. In Philippians 1: 1, mention' is merely made 
of them in connection with bishops, but no intimation is given re- 
specting their office. 

On the other hand in 1 Tim. 3: 8 — 13, instructions are given for 
the appointment of deacons in the church at Ephesus, whose offices 
are totally unlike those of the seven whose appointment is recorded 



RANK AND DUTIES OF DEACONS. 109 

in the sixth chapter of Acts. 1. They are introduced in immediate 
connection with bishops, of whom Luke makes no mention. 2. In 
Jerusalem they were chosen by the church and installed in their 
office. Here nothing is said of their election and the inference is 
from Titus i. and ii, that Timothy was authorized to appoint them. 
3. If bishops and presbyters are classed together as one in office, 
then these deacons obviously constitute a distinct class. But if the 
deacons and presbyters are identical, then it would follow that there 
is no mention of deacons in the New Testament as constituting a 
third order. The ancients adopted the first supposition and accord- 
ingly always unite the terms bishops and deacons. 4. Many have 
denied that the deacons were entitled in any case to preach. 4 In re- 
ply to which no further proof is requisite, than the words of the 
apostle. ' Holding the mystery of the faith in a pure conscience. 
They that have used the office of a deacon well, purchase to them- 
selves a good degree, and great boldness in the faith which is in 
Christ Jesus. 5 1 Tim. 3: 9, 13.' 

The most ancient authorities afford the fullest evidence that they 
were strictly ministers who acted as the assistants of bishops and 
presbyters in their religious services and other official duties. 6 To 
use a military phrase, they were the adjutants of the bishop. Such 
is the uniform testimony of ancient history. 7 'Let the deacon,' says 
the book of Apostolical Constitutions, l refer all things to the bishop, 
as Christ did to the Father.' ' Such things as he is able, let him recti- 
fy by the power which he has from the bishop, just as the Lord is 
delegated by the Father to act and to decide ; but let the bishop 
judge the more important cases.' 8 * — Again, l let the deacon be the 
ear, the eye, the mouth, the heart, the soul of the bishop.' They are 
also styled his angels and his prophets. So universally did the bish- 
op employ their service in the discharge of his duties. 

In consequence of these relations to the bishop they early assumed 
to themselves great consequence, and refused to render similar as- 
sistance to presbyters, so that it often became necessary in ecclesi- 
astical councils to admonish them of their duties by such decrees as 
the following. " Let the deacons observe their proper place, know- 

* This reference to the relations of Christ to the Father was very common 
in the second and third centuries. From the fourth century it was avoided 
to prevent giving countenance to the Arian theory of his actual subordina- 
tion, 



110 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

ing that they are indeed the assistants of the bishop, but that they are 
inferior to the presbyters." 9 — " Let the deacon know that he is alike 
the minister of the presbyter, and of the bishop." 10 The same coun- 
cil proceeds to admonish him of his subordination, reminding him 
that he was ordained to his office by the bishop alone without the 
aid of presbyters, for which they offer the following reason : Quia 
non ad sacerdotium sed ad ministerium consecratur. 

The deacons continued to acquire increasing consideration as the 
bishops rose in power. Those particularly who were called arch- 
deacons gained great favor with the bishop by reason of the assis- 
tance they rendered to him in curtailing the power of the presbyters. 
The seven who were originally appointed at Jerusalem, became a 
precedent for limiting their number in other churches, beyond which 
they were never much increased. So that they derived increasing 
consequence from the fact that they were so few. 11 

There was another class of persons whose duty it was to perform 
the lower offices of deacons, and who, for this reason, were called 
subdeacons and assistants, vnodlanovoL, vni^haL. These were crea- 
ted a distinct class when the duties of the deacons became too ardu- 
ous for them, in order that they might not diminish, by the increase 
of their own number, the consideration which they had acquired. 
Even these subdeacons are, in many churches, included in the su- 
perior order of their officers. 

Deacons are sometimes called Levites, and their office levitica 
dignitas, leviticum ministerium. In the councils of the Western 
church presbyters and deacons are indiscriminately called by that 
name. 12 

From the above statements it appears, that the duty of the dea- 
cons was to perform the services which the bishops and presbyters 
were either unwilling or unable to discharge, with the exception of 
those which, according to the rules and usages of the church, could 
not be delegated to another. There were official duties of his own 
which the bishop could not impose upon presbyters. These it was 
equally unlawful for him to delegate to the deacons. Exceptions 
were occasionally made, especially in the case of the archdeacon, 
but they were violations of established usage. In consequence of 
performing the delegated duties of the bishop, the deacons made 
many pretensions to superiority over the presbyters, of which the 
latter often complained. 



RANK AND DUTIES OF DEACONS. Ill 

The consecration of the eucharist was one of the reserved rights 
which could not be delegated to the deacons. 13 Instances to the 
contrary occasionally occurred, but they were violations of an es- 
tablished rule. Baptism, extreme unction, etc. they were allowed 
to administer as not belonging to the most sacred offices of the 
priesthood. From their performing only these subordinate ministe- 
rial duties they were early called sacer dotes secundi vel tertii or- 
dinis. 

But there must have been certain duties belonging to their office 
besides those which were delegated to them, else they could not 
with propriety be regarded as a third order of officers in the church. 
Of those offices, two are generally specified — that of reading the 
gospels — and of assisting the bishop and presbyter in the sacrament 
of the hordes supper. 14 Diaconatus est ordo sacer in quo confertur 
gratia, et traditur precipua potestas ministrandi proxime Episcopo 
et Presbutero in missa sacrificio et solemnitur Iegendi Evangelium. 
The deacons alone were permitted to read the gospel in the commu- 
nion service. For this reason the presentation of the gospel to them 
was one of the rites of their ordination. 

The above were the distinguishing characteristics of their office. 
A full enumeration of their duties is given below. 

1. Their first duty was to assist in the administration of the sacra- 
ment. 4 After the benediction of the minister, and the response of 
the people, says Justin Martyr, they whom we call deacons distribute 
the consecrated bread and wine and water to each one who is pre- 
sent, and carry them to those who are absent.' 15 According to the 
Constitutions, the bishop distributed the bread, and the deacons pre- 
sented the cup. 16 In the absence of the bishop, the presbyter inva- 
riably performed the same service. 

Connected with the sacramental service, certain other duties de- 
volved upon the deacons, a) They publicly proclaimed the name 
of each communicant. 17 b) They received the contributions of the 
communicants and delivered them to a subordinate officer for safe 
keeping, c) They had the charge of the sacred utensils — the cha- 
lice, the patin or plate, the napkin, the fan for repelling the flies, 
Qmldiov,jlabeUum, etc. 18 

2. It was their duty, previous to the appointment of readers, to 
perform the services of that office. Subsequently it continued to be 
their duty to read the gospels in the celebration of the eucharist 



112 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

whenever the bishop did not officiate in person, in which case the 
reading devolved upon the presbyter. 19 At Alexandria the arch- 
deacon alone read the Scriptures — in other churches, the deacons, 
and in many also the presbyters performed this service, and on feast 
days it was discharged by the bishop himself. 20 

3. They acted as monitors in directing the several parts of reli- 
gious worship, giving notice by set forms, called TiQoacpwv^asig, of the 
commencement of each act of worship, and calling the attention of 
the audience to it, commanding silence and preserving order. For 
this reason they were called the sacred heralds of the church, Ieqo- 
xrjQvxeg, mjgvxsg, tibicines sacri, precones, etc. The following are 
examples of these forms : dsrj&ca^ev, oremus, let us pray ; orate cat- 
echumeni, let the catechumens pray ; attendamus, attention ; jiecta- 
mus genua, kneel ; anolvzv&s, you are dismissed ; tiqosI&ste, ite, 
withdraw ; missa est, the service is ended ; sursum corda, lift up 
your hearts ; sancta Sanctis, holiness becomes sacred things ; and 
the like. 21 

4. They had a general oversight of the assembly in religious wor- 
ship to prevent disturbance, and see that everything was conducted 
with propriety. 

5. They occasionally preached in the absence of the bishop. 
Chrysostom, when deacon of the church at Antioch, preached for his 
bishop Flavianus, as did also Ephraim the Syrian, under similar cir- 
cumstances. The right is firmly denied by Ambrose, 22 but explicitly 
authorized by the second council of Vaison, A. D. 529. c. 2. which 
devolves upon them the duty of conducting the worship in the ab- 
sence of the bishops and presbyters, or when they were prevented 
by infirmity from officiating. 

6. The duty of giving catechetical instructions stood on the same 
footing. It was the appropriate duty of the bishop ; but the deacons 
were frequently intrusted with this service to the candidates for 
baptism, especially when it was continued for a length of time. 

7. They administered baptism by permission of the bishops and 
presbyters as their substitutes, but not as authorized administrators 
of the ordinance. 23 

8. They were not only permitted, but in certain cases required, to 
absolve and restore penitent backsliders. St. Cyprian says, " If they, 
the sick, are seized by any dangerous disease, they need not await 
my return, but may have recourse to any presbyter that is present, 



OF ARCHDEACONS. 113 

or if a presbyter cannot be found, and their case becomes alarming, 
they may make their confession before a deacon that so they may 
receive imposition of hands and go to the Lord in peace." — Ep. 13. 
al. 18. 

9. They had the charge of the inferior orders of church officers 
and servants, and, in the absence of the presbyters might, at their 
discretion, censure or suspend them for a time for misconduct. 

10. They acted as the representatives and proxies of their bishops 
in general council. In such cases they sat and voted, in the Eastern 
church, not as deacons, but as proxies, in the room and place of 
those that sent them. In the Western church they voted after the 
bishops, and not in the place of those whose proxies they were. 

11. They exercised an inspection over the life and morals both 
of the clergy and laity. They were the justices and grand jurymen 
of the church, and were to make diligent inquiry and due presenta- 
tion to their bishops. It is in this sense that they are styled the eyes 
and the ears of the bishop. 24 Their office evidently must have been 
one of great respectability ; but at the same time such duties must 
have rendered it odious to the community. 

12. It was their duty to receive and disburse the charities of the 
church. In the discharge of these duties they were styled the mouth 
and the heart or soul of the bishop. In this sense they were ac- 
counted the indispensable assistants of the bishop, without whom he 
could do nothing. 25 Their duties increased with the possessions of 
the church, so that they acted essentially as the accountants and 
clerks of the bishop. 

§11. Of Archdeacons. 

The policy of the bishop, in attaching to himself the interests of 
the deacons in opposition to the presbyters, was peculiarly mani- 
fested in respect to the archdeacon, who was the firm adherent of 
the bishop, and the bitter opponent of the archpresbyters. 

Contrary to the general usage of antiquity, qualifications for office 
had more influence in his election than seniority of age and ordina- 
tion. Athanasius of Alexandria, while yet a young man, was in- 
vested with the office of archdeacon. 1 Jerome also gives us to un- 
derstand that the deacons chose from among themselves indiscrimi- 
15 



114 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

nately the most suitable candidate for the office ; according to the 
same author, there was one archdeacon for each church. 

The office was in certain churches elective ; in others it was filled 
by appointment of the bishop. Indeed, he might very naturally be 
expected to guard with peculiar jealousy the appointment of this 
officer who, according to the antiquated phraseology of the day, was 
to be his own right hand, his mouth, his ear, his eye. Accordingly, 
when the rule of seniority prevailed, he retained the right of over- 
ruling it at pleasure, leaving to the candidate elect his rank and 
title, but substituting in his place another better qualified to transact 
the business of the office. 2 

The leading historical facts relating to this office are briefly as 
follows. 

1. The office occurs as early as the fourth or fifth century, but 
without any distinct title ; such were Athanasius of Alexandria, 
Caecilianus of Carthage, and the famous Leo the Great of Rome. 
2. The arrogance and ambition of the archdeacons became, as early 
as the fifth century, the subject of bitter complaint. 3 3. They usu- 
ally had the address to become the successors of the bishop ; they 
claimed to take precedence of the presbyters, and to be second in 
rank only to the bishop. 4 4. Their power became greatly extended 
through the period reaching from the seventh to the ninth centuries, 
when they were not only authorized to remove deacons, and sub- 
ordinate officers, 5 but the honors shared by them were in some in- 
stances eagerly sought by the presbyters themselves ; 6 even the 
jurisdiction of the bishop was disowned by them, with whom they 
became, in a measure, partners in office. 7 5. From the eleventh to 
the thirteenth centuries, the bishops were engaged in a fruitless en- 
deavor to curtail the grasping ambition of the archdeacons, who still 
had the address to ally themselves more and more with the secular 
power, and finally, not only became independent of the bishops, but 
subjected them, in a degree, to their own control. 8 The establishment 
and the increase of their power was favored at Rome, as the means 
of weakening the hands of the bishops, and extending the influence 
of the Romish see. So that the very order of men that the bish- 
ops employed to assist them in gaining ascendency over the presby- 
ters, was now employed by a more aspiring power against themselves. 
6. In the thirteenth century, the archbishops succeeded in putting an 
effectual check upon the immoderate power of the archdeacons ; a 



DEACONESSES. 115 

decree in council having been finally obtained which prohibited the 
archdeacon from employing any substitute whatever in the discharge 
of his office, or passing any judicial sentence for grave offences 
without the permission of the bishop. The archbishops also required 
of the bishops that they should employ in the discharge of their du- 
ties, a new class of officers, who should be entirely distinct from the 
archdeacons. These were first appointed by Innocent IV, A. D. 
1250, and were called vicarii, officiates, officials, vicars, and also vi- 
car generals, because they were intrusted with judicial authority and 
adjudicated in the name of the bishop. This measure had the de- 
sired effect to reduce the power of the archdeacon, which in conse- 
quence became an inconsiderable office. In the East it became ex- 
tinct as early as the eighth century. 

The office itself may be compared both with that of bishop and 
deacon, for it partook in part of the nature of both. The principal 
complaint against the archdeacon arose from the abuse of his power 
in assuming as his right what was only delegated to him, as has been 
already related. His various offices are specified by Bingham in 
the following summary, L To attend the bishop at the altar ; 2. to 
assist him in managing the church revenues ; 3. in preaching ; 4. 
in ordaining the inferior clergy ; 5. he also had power to censure 
deacons, and the inferior clergy, but not presbyters. 

§ 12. Of Deaconesses. 

The office of deaconess may be regarded as substantially the 
same with that of female presbyters. They were early known in 
the church by a great variety of names, all of which, with some cir- 
cumstantial variations, denoted the same class of persons. They 
were helpers, assistants to perform various services in the church. 
The following are the most frequent names by which they are dis- 
tinguished, nQsa^vTLdsg ) nqsafiviEQai, diaxoviaaai, episcopae, episcopis- 
sae, antistae, %VQ a h viduae, viduatas, 7igoxad"t'j{j.evcu, ministrae, 
ancillae, etc. Their most frequent appellation however is that of 
deaconess, diaconissa, a term which does not occur in the Scriptures, 
though reference is undoubtedly had to the office in Rom. 16: 1. 
Profane writers use the term r\ didxovog, and diacona, to denote both 
the wife of a deacon, and an officer in the church ; which has been a 
fruitful source of controversy. The principal points of dispute 



116 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

which have been raised on this subject are arranged under the fol- 
lowing heads. 

1. The terms diuxovai, #%«*, ngsa^visgai, in many passages dis- 
tinctly indicate that they were appointed to perform the same offices 
towards the female sex, as the deacons discharged for their sex, 
Rom. 16: 1. 2, 12. 1 Tim. 5: 3, seq. Titus 2: 3, seq. 1 Tim. 3: 11. 
No satisfactory explanation has yet been given of the origin of this 
office, some suppose it to have been derived from the Jews ; others, 
that it was peculiar to the Christian church ; Paul's commendation 
of Phebe, Rom. 16: 1, 2, however, refutes the hypothesis that they 
were appointed to administer exclusively to their own sex. 

Hugo Grotius, in his commentary on that passage says, that " in 
Judea the deacons could administer freely to the female sex. The of- 
fice of deaconess was accordingly unknown among the Jews ; but in 
Greece no man was allowed to enter the apartment of that sex, 
which custom gave rise to two classes of female assistants, one call- 
ed TzQsfiviidsQi or 7iQOKa3i]psrai, who devoted their attention to the 
department of the women ; the other diaxovoi, Latin diaconissa? 
whom Pliny in his epistle to Trajan calls ministrae, attended to the 
poor and the sick of their own sex, and provided for their wants." 
Others give a different explanation of this matter ; and indeed it 
must be admitted, that from the second to the fourth century the 
office was known in many churches in various countries, though it 
was never universally adopted. 

One part of their office was to give religious instruction, which 
undoubtedly was merely catechetical ; for the language of Paul, 1 
Cor. 14: 34. 1 Tim. 2: 8 — 12, forbids the supposition that they ever 
usurped the place of public teachers ; but the primitive church 
at least agreed in permitting them to impart catechetical instruction 
to their own sex. They were in this way private catechists to fe- 
male catechumens. 

2. Satisfactory evidence of the reality of this office is derived, not 
only from the apostles and the ancient fathers, but from pagan wri- 
ters, particularly from Pliny, (see page 25 — 27,) who mentions them 
in his account of the persecutions of the Christians as anillace quae 
ministrae dicebantur. They are also mentioned by Lucian of Samo- 
sata, and Libanius. 1 

3. The requisite age for this office was usually sixty years and 
upward, 2 1 Tim. 5: 9 ; but the usage of the church in this respect 



DEACONESSES. 117 

was not uniform. According to some councils they were eligible to 
this office at forty ; 3 some were chosen even at the early age of 
twenty. 4 ' Their age probably varied with the particular duties to 
which they were appointed ; matrons, venerable for age and piety, 
being selected for religious teachers, and younger women for alms- 
giving, the care of the sick, assistants at baptism, etc.— Neither were 
widows alone invariably appointed to this office. Tertullian however 
directs that they should be the widow of one man, having children. 
But Ignatius in his epistle to the Smyrneans salutes the virgins that 
are called widows ; and such were not unfrequently chosen to this 
office, 5 though it must be admitted that widows of virtuous character 
were sometimes denominated naQ&hoi, virgins. 6 

4. The ordination of deaconesses has been the subject of much 
dispute ; but there is satisfactory evidence that they were consecra- 
ted to their office by prayer, and the imposition of hands. 7 This 
form of consecration was indeed prohibited by certain councils, 8 but 
even the prohibition of it is evidence that it was practised. Their 
consecration, however, gave them no power to perform any of the 
duties of the sacred office; they were merely a religious order in the 
church. The views of the primitive church respecting them, are 
well expressed by Epiphanius, y.ul otl (xbv dianovMTCFbJv jay^a (ordo) 
sauv slg znv ixxXsalav, alt ol%l uq legatsveiv, olds tl stu/ioqeIv £jiltqs- 
Tislv, etc. 

5. Their duties were, a) To take the care of the poor and the 
sick ; this in the apostolic age was their principal office. A service 
so commendable that, in imitation of it, even Julian the Apostate re- 
quired the same. Under this head may also be classed the duty of 
ministering to martyrs, and confessors in prison, b) To instruct 
catechumens, and to assist at their baptism. They instructed female 
candidates in the symbols, and other things preparatory to their bap- 
tism. Their attendance at the baptism of candidates of their own 
sex, was requisite to assist in divesting them of their raiment, to ad- 
minister the unction, and to make arrangements for the administra- 
tion of the ordinance with all the decency becoming a rite so sacred.* 
c) To exercise a general oversight over the female members of the 
church. This oversight they continued, not only in all the exercises 

* The custom of the times was to baptize by immersion, and in a state of 
nudity. 10 



118 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

of religious worshisp, of the sacrament, and of penance, but in pri- 
vate life, imparting needful admonition, and making due reports of 
them to the presbyters and bishop. 11 

6. This office ceased in the church at an early period, but the 
precise time cannot be determined. It was first abrogated in France, 
by the Council of Orange, A. D. 441. But it continued for some 
time after this, and gradually disappeared from the Western church. 
In the Greek church it became extinct in the twelfth century. 12 

Morinus offers several reasons for the abrogating of this office in 
Syria, 13 which were briefly — that the services of these women be- 
came less important after the cessation of the agapae of the primi- 
tive church, — that the care of the sick and the poor which had de- 
volved upon the church, was in the time of Constantine assumed by 
the state, — that after the introduction of infant baptism, their attend- 
ance at this ordinance became of less importance — and finally, that 
they, in their turn, became troublesome aspirants after the preroga- 
tives of office ; just as the abbotesses and prioresses of later times as- 
sumed all the offices of the bishop, preaching, administering the 
communion, absolving, excommunicating, and ordaining at pleasure ; 
abuses which it required all the authority of councils, and of the 
pope himself, to rectify ; in a word, the order was abolished because 
it was no longer necessary. Cessante causa, cessat effectus. 

[There were fanatical sects even in the ancient church, such as 
the Montanists and CoUyridians, who authorized and encouraged 
women to speak, dispute, and teach in public. But the sentiment of 
the church has uniformly been opposed to such indecencies. What 
impudence, says Tertullian, in these heretical v/omen to teach, to 
dispute, to exorcise, and even to baptize ! De Bap. 17. Let no wo- 
man speak in public, nor teach, nor baptize, nor administer the 
sacrament, nor arrogate to herself any office of the ministry be- 
longing to the other sex, De Virg. vel. c. 9. Let not a woman, 
however learned or holy, presume to teach men in public assembly 
— is the injunction of the council of Carthage, IV. 99. Let all the 
female sex, says Chrysostom, forbear from assuming the responsi- 
bility of the sacred office, and the prerogatives of men, De Sacerdo- 
tio, L. II. The Apostolic Constitutions declare it to be a heathenish 
custom, Lib. 3. c. 9 ; and Epiphanius has a particular dissertation 
in which he shows at large, that no woman, from the foundation of 
the world, was ever ordained to offer sacrifice, or perform any sol- 
emn service of the church. — Tr.] 



OF SUBDEACONS. 119 

CHAPTER IV. 

INFERIOR OFFICERS OF THE CHURCH. 

§ 1. Of Subdeacons. 

The vnrjQEiai, servants, of the New Testament are the same as 
the subdeacons of whom mention is so frequently made, both by the 
early fathers and by later ecclesiastical writers. This appellation 
was first used by Athanasius, but earlier traces of it occur in the 
epistles of Cyprian, 8. 20. 29. 34. 35, etc., as a term in use in the 
Latin church, from whom it was afterwards adopted by the Greek 
church. 1 The office became common to both the Eastern and 
Western churches in the fourth century. 

The specific duty of the subdeacons was to assist the deacons in 
their duties. The number of these was so limited that it was quite 
impracticable for them personally to discharge all the duties of their 
office. For this reason they were provided with the assistance of 
the subdeacons. Like the deacons they were usually seven in num- 
ber. To this number the church of Rome adhered with singular 
pertinacity. But in order that they might retain their sacred num- 
ber seven, and still have the aid of a sufficient number of assistants, 
they created three several orders of these officers, consisting of seven 
each, and called palatini, stationarii, and regionarii. 2 In the church 
at Constantinople there were at one time ninety, and at another, 
seventy subdeacons. 

Authorities are not agreed respecting the consecration of the sub- 
deacons. Some affirm that they were, and others that they were 
not, ordained by the imposition of hands. 3 In the East they were 
uniformly regarded as of a subordinate rank, and classed with the 
readers. In the West they ranked the first in the lower order of 
the priesthood, and about the twelfth or thirteenth centuries they 
were transferred to the superior order. 4 The reason for this pro- 
motion was that on the elevation of the episcopal order the three or- 
ders might still retain their original number and relative rank. The 
Eastern church adhered more closely to the original design for 
which they were appointed. 



120 OFFICERS OF THE CHURCH. 

Before their promotion in the Western church, their duties were 
the following : — to convey the bishop's letters or messages to foreign 
churches, and to execute other commissions of the superior minis- 
ters; to fit and prepare the sacred vessels of the altar, and to deli- 
ver them to the deacon in time of divine service ; to attend the door 
of the church during the communion service, taking care that no one 
went in or out during the time of oblation ; and, perhaps, to conduct 
those who came into church to their proper places. 5 

After their promotion in the Western church, they were permitted 
to assist in celebrating mass. An empty chalice and patine was de- 
livered to them at their ordination ; but they were not allowed either 
to consecrate, or distribute the sacred elements. As it was custom- 
ary to deliver to the deacons a copy of the gospels, so to the sub- 
deacons was delivered a copy of the epistles also, at their ordination. 
In a word the strife was to elevate their office as much as possible 
above that of the reader, and to attach to it all possible honors. Con- 
trary to all the authority of the primitive church, they were often 
promoted to the highest honors and offices of the priesthood. 

§ 2. Of Readers. 

These occupied the first rank in the lower order of church officers 
in the Greek church ; in the Roman they were next in rank to the 
subdeacons. They have been frequently regarded as an order in- 
stituted by the apostles, and by them derived from the Jewish syna- 
gogue. Compare Luke 4: 16. Acts 13: 15, 27. 2 Cor. 3: 14. And 
it must be admitted, that reading formed a very important part of 
public worship. There were also, among the Jews, persons who 
performed the same duties as the readers in the christian church. 1 
But the fact that the Scriptures were read by certain individuals, is 
not proof that these constituted a distinct order. Justin, indeed, dis- 
tinguishes between the reader and the presiding officer of the church, 
and yet the former may have been a presbyter or deacon. The 
deacons were expressly required to read at the communion service, 
but this is no certain evidence that they may not have been at the 
same time the ordinary readers in the religious service. For these 
reasons it is advisable to refer the institution of this order to the third 
century. They are first mentioned by Tertullian, who complains 
of the heretics that they confound all rule and order, allowing the 



OF ACOLYTHS. 121 

same person to perform alternately the offices of bishop, presbyter, 
deacon, and reader? Cyprian also mentions the ordination of a 
reader, and remarks that the readers are a subordinate class who 
are candidates for promotion to the clerical office. Ep. 24. (al. 29). 3 

The office was at first held in peculiar honor. Cyprian styles the 
reader the instructor of the audience, intimating thereby both the 
dignity of the office, and the importance of the reading of the Scrip- 
tures as a part of divine worship. The church observed the rules 
of the synagogue in admitting persons to this office without prescrib- 
ing to them any specific age. As with the -Jews, so with the primi- 
tive Christians, lads at an early age, if duly qualified, might serve 
as their readers. There are instances on record of youth who, even 
aV seven years of age, have been employed in this service ; and 
others at eight, ten, and twelve years of age. Young men of noble 
birth especially, aspired to this office. 4 

In the Western church the subdeacons soon sought means to bring 
the readers under subordination to them, and accordingly this order 
finally ceased from the church. In the cloisters and chapters, on the 
contrary, they acquired still increasing consideration, and at a peri- 
od still later, as they were withdrawn from the service of the church, 
they were transferred to the professorships of Philosophy and Theol- 
ogy in the universities and other schools of learning. 

§ 3. Of Acolyths. 

The word axolov&oq denotes a servant. The office corresponds 
to that of the Roman apparitor, or pedellus, bedellus, a beadle. The 
word is evidently of Greek origin. Hesychius defines it by 6 vsans- 
qoq Ticug, -frsyuTiav, 6 usqI to <rw/*a, a servant, or personal attendant. 
With this view of the origin of the word, it is remarkable that it was, 
for four hundred years, an office of the Latin church, and adopted 
from them by the Greek at a late period. This may have arisen 
from the fact that the subdeacons in the Greek church have a close 
analogy with the acolyths in the Latin, and that name was common- 
ly retained. But the term ay.olovQ-oq was also familiar in the Greek 
church, and is explicitly mentioned by Eusebius and others. 1 Eu- 
sebius relates that an inconceivable number of presbyters, deacons, 
acolyths and others attended the bishops at the council of Nice. 

The acolyths, as their name implies, were the immediate atten- 

16 



122 OFFICERS OF THE CHURCH. 

dants and followers of the bishop, especially in public processions, 
and on festive occasions, and were employed by them in errands of 
every kind. Their duties in regard to religious worship, as specifi- 
ed by the council of Carthage, were to light the candles, and to bring 
the wine and water for the eucharist. 2 

§ 4. Of Exorcists. 

Our business is merely to speak of the origin and offices of this 
order in the church. And this we can do by adopting the language 
of Bingham, who gives the following as the result of his investiga- 
tions on this subject : 1. That exorcists did not at first constitute any 
distinct order of the clergy ; 2. That bishops and presbyters we*e 
in the three first centuries the usual exorcists of the church ; 3. That 
in a certain sense, b}' prayer and by resisting the devil, every Chris- 
tian might be his own exorcist ; and 4. That exorcists began to be 
known as a distinct order in the church in the latter part of the third 
century. The appointment and office of the exorcists is by the fourth 
council of Carthage, c. 7, described as follows : When an exorcist 
is ordained, he shall receive at the hands of the bishop a book where- 
in the forms of exorcising are written, the bishop saying, " receive 
thou these and commit them to memory, and have thou power to lay 
hands on the energumens, whether they be baptized or only catechu- 
mens.'''' This was the uniform mode of ordination, although, after 
the introduction of infant baptism, the assistance of exorcists in ad- 
ministering this ordinance was either omitted entirely, or greatly 
changed. Subsequently, the exorcising of demoniacs was either 
wholly discontinued, or subjected, by explicit decrees of council, to the 
oversight of presbyters or bishops. " The routine of their duties 
was prescribed by the bishop according to circumstances of time 
and place. In some churches in Germany, they had the oversight of 
the consecrated water, and the vessels in which it was kept. In oth- 
er churches they reciprocated their duties with the door-keepers, 
readers, and acolyths of the church, or it was their business to conduct 
communicants in crowded assemblies to the sacramental table." 1 

[According to the authority of Bingham, " Nothing is more cer- 
tain than that, in the apostolic age, and that next following, the pow- 
er of exorcising or casting out devils was a miraculous gift of the 
Holy Ghost, not confined to the clergy, much less to any single or- 



OF SINGERS. 123 

der among them, but given to other Christians also, as many other 
extraordinary gifts then were." For his authorities, see reference. 2 
Cave's account of this order is as follows : " After the miracu- 
lous power of casting out devils began to cease, or at least not to be 
so common as it was, these possessed persons used to come to the out 
parts of the church where a person was appointed to exorcise them, 
i. e. to pray over them in such prayers as were peculiarly composed 
for such occasions, and this he did in the public name of the whole 
church, the people also at the same time praying within, by which 
means the possessed person was delivered from the tyranny of the 
evil spirit without any of those charms and conjurations and other un- 
christian forms and rites which by degrees crept into this office, and 
are at this day in use in the church of Rome.'" 3 — Tk.] 

§ 5. Of the Singers, or Precentors. 

The appointment of singers and choristers takes its origin from 
the importance in which the singing of psalms and hymns was held 
not only in the temple and synagogue service of the Jews, but in the 
apostolic and primitive churches. We have the fullest and most sat- 
isfactory evidence of the early and universal introduction of this part 
of religious worship into the christian church, 1 Eph. 5: 19, 20, Col. 
3: 16, and of the appointment of singers as a distinct class of church 
officers. 2 It is remarkable that this part of public worship was re- 
stricted by the council of Laodicea, 3 to a distinct order in the church, 
styled by them zocvonxol ipulTai, canonical singers. These went up 
into the singer's seats and sung from a book. The object of this 
restriction was to correct abuses and suitably to regulate this part of 
worship. The subjects of their psalmody were submitted to the con- 
trol of the bishops or presbyters. But all that related to the perform- 
once of the music as an art was left to the singers. 

[Bingham asserts, that from the apostolic age, for several centu- 
ries, the whole body of the church united in singing, and that these 
xavovutoi yjaltm were only a temporary provision to regulate and 
restore the singing to some tolerable degree of harmony, and that it 
continued to be the usage of the church for the whole assembly to 
join in singing. For this opinion he quotes various authorities. 
Baumgarten. p. 136, and Siegel, Vol. II. 206, also agree with Bing- 
ham in opinion. — Tr.] 



124 OFFICERS OF THE CHURCH. 

Systems of psalmody, both plain and complicated, were early in- 
troduced into the church. The singer in the Latin church is some- 
times called psalmista or psahnistanus, hut more frequently, cantor. 
The term imojSohlg also occurs in connection with the singers, who 
may be styled psalmi pronuntiatores, or sucentores, leaders. Their 
office was to begin the psalm or hymn, and thus lead the singing, so 
that others might unite their voices harmoniously with them. The 
duties of the office are thus described by Durandus ; pertinet ad psal- 
mistam, officium canendi, dicere benedictiones, laudes, sacrificium, 
responsoria, et quidquid pertinet ad cantandi peritiam. 4 

No special form for the ordination of singers is prescribed ; and 
by the fourth council of Carthage, c. 10, the presbyter is authorized 
to make the appointment without the knowledge or authority of the 
bishop. This commission the presbyter delivered in these words : 
Vide ut quod ore cantas, corde credas ; et quod corde credis, operi- 
bus com/probes . See that what thou singest with thy mouth thou be- 
lievest also with thy heart ; and that what thou believest in thy heart, 
thou confirmest in thy life. In the Catholic church the singers do 
not constitute a separate class, and in other churches they are reck- 
oned with the readers. 

But though the singers have not been classed with the priesthood, 
they have ever been held in great respect, as appears from the es- 
tablishment of schools of sacred music, and from the peculiar atten- 
tion which was paid to them ; especially to the instructors of them. 
Such schools were established as early as the sixth century, and be- 
came common in various parts of Europe, particularly in France and 
Germany. These schools were very much patronized by Gregory 
the Great ; under whom they obtained great celebrity. From them 
originated the famous Gregorian Chant, a plain system of church 
music which the choir and the people sung in unison. The prior, 
or principal, of these schools was a man of great consideration and 
influence. The name of this officer at Rome, was archicantor ec- 
clesiae Romanae, and like that of prelatus cantor, in their chapters 
and collegiate churches, it was a highly respectable and lucrative 
office. 5 



OF DOORKEEPERS. 125 



§ 6. Of Ostiarii, or Doorkeepers. 

These, though the last of the lower orders, were of a more eleva- 
ted rank than the modern sexton, with whom they should not be con- 
founded. The ostiarii belonged, in a sense, to the clerical order; 
while the sexton is the attendant and waiter on the clergy. Their 
duties were more comprehensive than the latter, in that they separa- 
ted the catechumens from believers, and excluded disorderly persons 
from the church. 1 They closed the doors of the church, not only 
at the close of religious worship, but during the services, especially 
after the first part of it, called the missa catechumenorum. They had 
also the care of the ornaments of the church, and of the altar. 
It afterwards became their duty to ornament the church and the al- 
tar on festive occasions— to guard the grave-yards and sepulchres of 
the dead ; to present the book to the preacher ; to ring the bell ; to 
sweep the church, and on Thursday of passion-week to make pre- 
paration for the consecration of the chrism, or anointing oil. 2 They 
are sometimes called mansionarii and janitores. 

The most probable explanation of the origin of this order is that 
they were made doorkeepers of the christian church in imitation of 
the doorkeepers of the Jewish tabernacle as related in the book of 
secret discipline. If so the origin of this office was antecedent to 
the time of the apostles. The office was esteemed as essential in 
observing the secluded rites of our religion as it was in celebrating 
the mysteries of pagan superstition. The office was known in the 
Eastern church in the time of the Sardinian council (c. 24) but was 
discontinued about the seventh or eighth centuries — being no lon- 
ger necessary. 

The customary forms of ordination are prescribed in the fourth 
council of Carthage, c. 9, and the ceremony of delivering the keys 
is derived from the book of secret discipline. 

§ 7. Of the subordinate servants of the Church and of the 

Clergy. 

a) The Copiatae, undertakers, grave-diggers, sextons. These 
were intrusted with the care of funerals, and the burial of the 
dead. They are called vespillones, bispellones, vexqo&umou ,■ also 



126 OFFICERS OF THE CHURCH. 

ordo fossariorum? fossores? grave-diggers — Xtaiiy.agioL, 4 bearers of 
the bier, and collegiati, decani, collegiates and deans. 

They are said to have been first instituted at Constantinople by 
Constantine the Great, and to have been further organized and es- 
tablished by the emperor Anastasius. 5 

b) The Parabolani. Their office was to take care of the sick ; a 
service which in the times of the apostles and primitive Christians 
was of great importance, especially during the prevalence of severe 
sickness. The common belief is that they took their name from the 
hazardous office in which they were employed, sq/ov nagd^okov, 
negotium periculosum. Others derive it from naqd^oloL in the sense 
of bestiarii, persons of great courage and desperate character who 
exposed themselves in combat with wild beasts. 1 

They were chiefly limited to Egypt and Asia Minor ; where they 
were the more necessary by reason ot the contagious diseases of 
these countries. Still they were regarded with jealousy as danger- 
ous disturbers of the peace ; and for this reason, efforts were fre- 
quently made to diminish their number. 2 Very few traces of them 
appear in the history of the Western church ; in the middle ages, 
the brothers and sisters of charity supplied their place. 

c) The sacrista, sacristanus, and sacristarius, was much the 
same as treasurer, the keeper of the sacred things, sacrorum custos, 
qui ecclesiae suretum curat. 1 

d) The custos, cusior, aedituus, was much the same as the sacris- 
tan. Sometimes he is called capellanus, which denotes particularly 
the keeper of the altar. 

e) The campanarii, campanatores, were the bell-ringers. An of- 
fice which of necessity has been instituted since the introduction of 
bells in the ninth century. Their usual business was to light the 
church, and ring the bell for religious worship. 

f) The matricularii were intrusted with the care of the church, in 
which they were accustomed to sleep ; they also had a specific 
office to perform in public processions. 

g) The parafrenarii were the coachmen of the higher clergy who 
had also the care of their stables, horses, and coaches. They were 
sometimes reckoned among the number of the clergy, but of an in- 
ferior order. 1 



OF OCCASIONAL OFFICERS. 127 



§ 8. Of occasional Officers in the Church who ranked with 
the Clergy. 

a) CatecJiisls. 1 

In view of the importance in which catechetical instructions were 
held, it is truly surprising that none were permanently designated to 
this office. The name of catechist indeed is of common occurrence, 
but they did not constitute a distinct order. These instructions were 
given in part by the bishops themselves, who were, by virtue of their 
office, the chief catechists, and had the oversight of all such exer- 
cises in which presbyters, deacons, readers, and exorcists bore a part. 
The deaconesses, and aged women also, acted as catechists for 
their sex. 

There was indeed a famous catechetical school at Alexandria. 
But the catechists of that institution sustained the relations of a mod- 
ern lecturer or professor, rather than those of a common catechist. 2 

b) Capellani. 

The name is derived from capella, which primarily means a cer- 
tain kind of hood. In the fifth century it became the name of ora- 
tories, or private churches, which were built about that time in 
France, and afterwards became common in the West. The first 
instance of this form of private worship occurs in the life of Con- 
stantine, 1 who constituted his military tent a place for religious wor- 
ship in the open field. Probably the pagTvgiov inl pvrjpw tup anoa- 
toIwv, which according to Eusebius was erected by Constantine, was 
a sort of court-church. Certain it is that we read of the clerici pal- 
latii, sacelli regii, court-preachers, under the succeeding emperors. 
The chief among these were called nanag rov naXaxlov, etc. answer- 
ing to the Capellani, Regii, Archi-Capellani, Summi, Sacellani, etc. 
under the monarchs of France, Germany, and England. 2 The 
capellanus then was the chaplain or minister of these private or 
court chapels. 

After the crusades multitudes of places where sacred relics were 
preserved were also called chapels, and the persons who had the 
care of these relics received also the name of chaplains, though they 
had no stated ministerial office, but occasionally officiated by special 
permission. 



128 OFFICERS OF THE CHURCH. 

c) Hermeneutai, Interpreters. 

The duty of these was to translate from one tongue into another, 
where people of different languages were commingled ; like the 
Greek and Syriac, — Latin and Punic. They had a seat also with 
the bishop to assist in translating the correspondence of the church 
into different languages — to interpret synodical records, etc. 

Readers and deacons were employed as interpreters for the 
preacher when they were competent for the discharge of such duties, 
but whoever performed this service, must of necessity be regarded 
as acting the part of a religious teacher, and, in this sense, as belong- 
ing to the priesthood. The bishop's assistant translators might be 
chosen from among the laity, when no suitable person belonging to 
the clergy could be found ; and though he was little else than a 
notary or scribe, he was honored with a place among the clergy. 

§ 9. Of Officers of the Church who did not belong to the 
Priesthood. 

Persons of this description are to be distinguished by their rank 
and influence respectively, as well as by the time and circumstances 
of their appointment. They were chosen at one time from the 
clergy, at another from the laity. In the service of the church they 
often sustained much the same relations as did the archbishops, 
and other dignitaries, when acting as ministers of state. Their in- 
fluence was chiefly felt in Rome and Constantinople, rather than in 
the provincial dioceses. The influence of some of these officers 
was often greater even than that of a prime minister, archbishop, or 
patriarch, just as the most important concerns of church and state 
are often controlled by a secretary or counsellor. Officers of this 
class however had little or no concern with the appropriate duties of 
the ministry. And we will treat of them very briefly in the order 
of their importance proceeding from the lowest to the highest. 
a) The Mansionarii, stewards, to whom was instrusted the care of 
the church-glebes, styled also 7iQocr[j.ovc<gioi, rta^a^ovaQioi. — b) Ol- 
xovofioi, persons appointed by the bishop and archdeacon to assist in 
managing the possessions of the church. This became in the mid- 
dle ages, an office of great influence, and was in a good degree in- 



OFFICERS NOT BELONGING TO THE PRIESTHOOD. 129 

dependent of the bishop. They were totally distinct from the stew- 
ards of cloisters, and other similar establishments. 

c) Cimeliarchs, xEiprjXHXQxou, Thesaurii, Sacellii, Sacristae, dif- 
ferent from the sacristans, or sextons before mentioned, treasurers. 
Msyag axsvoipvXa^ chancellor of the exchequer ; [i&yag craxsXXaQtog, 
treasurer of the cloisters, prefect of monasteries, etc. 

d) Notarii. The Greek voiagiog, was of late origin. Previous 
to this, the corresponding terms were ygafi^iaievg, Inoygacpsvg, vtio- 
do/'cbg, o$vyqavpog, Tayvygcccpog, etc. neither of which exactly expres- 
ses the meaning of the term notarius. This denotes a scribe, and 
always implies that he acts in some official capacity, as the scribe or 
secretary of a deliberative assembly, or the clerk of a court. The 
Notarii were frequently employed by private persons, but retained 
even then their official character. The bgvygacpoi and xayvyguyoi, 
were copyists and translators of homilies, records, etc. 1 It was par- 
ticularly their duty to write memoirs of such as suffered martyrdom, 9 
and to record the protocols of synods, and doings of councils. 3 They 
also acted the part of a modern secretary of legation, 4 and were 
again the agents of bishops and patriarchs in exercising a supervision 
over remote districts of their diocese. In this capacity, they fre- 
quently attained to great influence and honor. 5 

The various services of a secretary or scribe in preparing writings, 
whether of a judicial, or extra-judicial character, were chiefly per- 
formed by men of the clerical order, because they were the best 
qualified for these duties. 

e) Apocrisiarii, or Responsales. They were often legates or 
ambassadors from one court to another, like the cancellarii, consil- 
iarii, secretarii, referendarii, etc. The title of apocrisiary, was ap- 
propriated particularly to the pope's deputy or agent, who resided 
at the court of Constantinople to receive the pope's orders and the 
emperor's answers. The existence of such an agent at that court, 
has been called in question without good reason. Both Leo and 
Gregory the Great once resided there in that capacity, and there 
are other unequivocal notices of the office. 1 

After the reestablishment of the Western empire, an accredited 
agent of the pope, of the like character, was accustomed to reside at 
the French court ; he was sometimes called capellanus, palatii cus- 
tos, corresponding to a modern charge d'affaires. 

The most celebrated cloisters and abbeys, as well as the arc!> 

17 



130 OFFICERS OF THE CHURCH. 

bishops had also their agents at Rome. Since the ninth century 
they have had the name of ambassadors. 

g) Syncelli, avyy.sMoi. The chief syncellus at Constantinople was 
an officer of high rank, and the syncelli were generally chosen from 
the bishops and metropolitans to this office. 1 The prelates of Rome 
had also their syncelli ; but the office in time degenerated into an 
empty name. 2 Their business is said to have been originally to at- 
tend upon the patriarchs and prelates as their spiritual advisers, and 
as witnesses of their deportment, and the purity of their manners. 

h) The Syndici, avvdixoi, defensor es. Their business was to re- 
dress the wrongs of the poor and the injured, to defend the rights of 
the church, to exercise a supervision over the property of the church, 
to settle disputes, manage law-suits, etc. They were known in the 
church as early as the fourth or fifth century. 

i) There was still another class of officers who may perhaps be 
styled patrons or protectors. By whatever name they are called, 
they were divided into three subdivisions. 1. Learned men, knights, 
and counts, who were patrons and guardians of different religious 
bodies. 2. The agents of the church, patrons, who, especially in the 
absence of the bishop, acted in his place in the administration of af- 
fairs both of church and state. Under this head may be classed 
those who, under the name of landlords, exercised a territorial juris- 
diction in matters relating to the church. 3. Kings and emperors, 
who claimed to he patrons of the church, and defenders of the faith. 
The Roman Catholic princes of Germany, and the kings of France, 
have been peculiarly emulous of this honor. 



ELECTIONS BY THE CHURCH. 131 

CHAPTER V. 

OF APPOINTMENT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. 

§ 1. Election by Lot. 

The first example on record of the appointment of an officer in 
the christian church is that of Matthias, Acts 1: 15 — 26. He was 
not chosen, but rather designated to his office by lot. And subse- 
quently, the church were accustomed to resort to the same expedi- 
ent, when they could not agree respecting any individual. This form 
of election was neither peculiar to any sect, nor prevalent at any 
given time, nor applicable to any one case ; but was adopted as oc- 
casion required. The election was little else than a decision be- 
tween several candidates who were equally eligible to the office. 1 

§ 2. Of elections by the Church collectively. 

Many learned men are of opinion that in the apostolic age the 
right of universal suffrage was enjoyed by the church. In proof of 
this they appeal to Acts 1: 15 seq., where the apostles appointed a 
substitute in the place of Judas Iscariot, but not without the consent 
of the church at Jerusalem. In the appointment of the seven dea- 
cons it is worthy of remark, that the brethren, the church, were jirst 
required to look out among them seven men of honest report and full 
of the Holy Ghost ; and that they made the choice and set the per- 
sons chosen before the apostles [to be inducted into office]. Hugo 
Grotius, indeed, maintains that this case proves no more than the 
right of the church to choose their own deacons to distribute alms, 
and that in all the New Testament there is not the least hint of the 
appointment of any bishop or presbyter by the intervention of the 
church. 1 He goes on to say that the apostles themselves did appoint 
presbyters, Acts. 14 : 23. 2 Tim. ii. Tit. 1 : 5, and that Timothy 
and Titus were authorized by Paul to do the same. But in opposi- 
tion to this assertion, it should be remembered that the expression 
XsiQorovslv relates to the act of consecration and ordination, and by 
no means excludes the idea of a preceding election by the church. 



132 APFOINTMEXT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. 

The apostle presupposes that Timothy and Titus, when authorized 
by him to consecrate and induct into office a presbyter who had been 
duly elected, would proceed as he himself and the other apostles did 
in similar cases — i. e. that they would proceed according to the rule 
given in Acts 6: 3, and appoint no man presbyter without the know- 
ledge and choice or desire of the church. The following passages 
and many others are sufficient to show that the advice and consent 
of the church was had in other matters, Acts 15: 1 seq. 1: 15. 1 
Cor. 5: 2. 2 Cor. ii. 8: 19, 20, 

Clemens Romanus is the best interpreter of the apostle's senti- 
ments, and the earliest witness that can be obtained on this sub- 
ject. This writer informs us that the apostles appointed and ordain- 
ed the first ministers (versleher) of the church, and " then gave di- 
rection how, when they should die, other chosen and approved men, 
tkdoHiftatrfiivot uvdgsg, should succeed to their ministry. Wherefore 
we cannot think those may justly be thrown out of their ministry 
who were either appointed by them or afterwards by other eminent 
men with the consent of the ichole church, avvsvdo-Arjaua^g xi\g w/lrpiag 
naarjQ. Those persons who received, in this manner, the concurring 
suffrages of the church, were to be men of tried character, and of 
good report with all, ^b^agxvgr^ivovg xs noV.olg zgovoig vnb nuvxuv. 
This concurrence of the whole church, based upon their previous 
acquaintance with the candidates, evinces clearly the cooperation of 
the church in the appointment of its ministers; and that this inter- 
vention of the church was not merely a power of negativing an ap- 
pointment made by some other authority.* 

The fullest evidence that bishops and presbyters were chosen by 
the people, is also derived from Cyprian. It was, according to his 
authority, a rule of divine appointment that a minister should be cho- 
sen in the presence of the people, and should be publicly acknow- 
ledged and approved as worthy of the office — plebe presente sub om- 



* The apostles appointed bishops and deacons^— Kai ixsra^v i7Tivo[n)v §s- 
dcuy.acnv, onag lav y.otfir^aicnv, duxdi^avrai eteool dsdo'/.i^aa^svot hv- 
dgsg Tijv Xsixovgylav avxdv. Tovg ovv v.axavxa&ivxag vtt ixslvcov, $ /us- 
T«|i/ vcp kxigav iXXoyluwv avdguv, crvvEvdoxrjadcrr/g xijg ixxXrjaiag 7iaar t g, 
y.ui ItiTOvgyrfi avxag dfiSfXTixcag tw noi^vlo) xov Xgwxov fiixu xanuvo- 
cpgoavvrjg, i)arv%ojg zal aftavavawg, /xefiagxvgr^usvovg xs nollolg %govotg 
vnb xdvxow, xovxovg ov dr/.aliag fxo/nl^o^sv anoficds&d-aL xrjg Xaxovgylag. 
Clem. Rom. Ep. (1) ad Corinth. § 44. 



ELECTIONS BY THE CHURCH. 133 

nium oculis deligatur, et dignus atque idoneus publico judicio ac tes~ 
timonio comprobetur. He further says that the act of ordination 
should in no instance be solemnized without the knowledge and 
assistance of the people, so that the crimes of the bad may be de- 
tected, and the merits of the good made known. In this manner the 
ordination becomes regular and valid, justa et legitima. Such, he 
observes, was the example of the apostles, not only in the appoint- 
ment of bishops and ministers, but also of deacons. And all this 
was done to prevent the intrusion of unworthy men into the sacred 
office. 3 * He further says of Cornelius, " that he was made bishop 
agreeably to the will of God, and of Christ, by the testimony of al- 
most all the clergy, and the suffrage of the people then present"* 

With reference to this influence in appointing them, the bishops 
elect were wont to style their constituents, the people, fathers. " Ye, 
(says St. Ambrose,) ye are my fathers who chose me to be bishop : 
ye, I say, are both my children and fathers, children individually, fa- 
thers collectively." 5 Which intimates that he owed his appointment 
to the choice of the people. And this is still further confirmed by 
the testimony even of profane writers. Alexander Severus, who 
reigned from A. D. 222 to 235, whenever he was about to appoint 
any governors of provinces, or receivers of public revenue first pub- 



* Quod et ipsutn videmus de divina auctoritate descendere ut sacerdos 
piebe praesente sub omnium oculis deligatur, et digitus atque idoneus publico 
judicio ac testimonio comprobetur. . . Coram omni synagoga jubet Deus con- 
stitui sacerdotem, id est, instruit atque ostendit ordinationes sacerdotales 
nonnisi sub populi assistentis conseientia fieri oportere, ut plebe praesente 
vel detegantur malorum crimina. vel bonorum meritapraedicentur, et sit or- 
dinatio justa et legitima, quae omnium sujfragio et judicio fuerit exatuinata. 
Quod postea secundum divina magisteri # a observatur in Actis Apostolorum. 
. . . Nee hoc in episcoporum tantum et sacerdotum, sed et in diaconorum ordi- 
nationibus apostolos fecisse animadvertimvs. . . Quod utique idcirco tarn dili- 
gentur et caute convocata plebe tcta gerebatvr, ne quis ad altaris ministerium, 
vel ad sacerdotalem locum, indignus obreperet. Cyprian, Ep. 68. — Factus 
est autem Cornelius episcopus de Dei et Christi ejus judicio, de clericorum 
pene omnium testimonio, deplcbis, quae tunc adfuit, sujfragio, et de sacerdo- 
tum antiquorum et bonorum virorum collegio, cum nemo ante se factus es- 
set, cum Fabiani locus, id est, cum locus Petri et gradus cathedrae sacerdo- 
talis, vacaret : quo occupato de Dei voluntate, atque omnium nostrum con- 
sensione firmato, quisquis jam episcopus fieri voluerit, foris fieri necesse est, 
nee habeat ecclesiasticam ordinationem, qui ecclesiae non tenet unitatem. 
Id. Ep. 52. 



134 APPOINTMENT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. 

licly proposed their names, desiring the people to make evidence 
against them if any one could prove them guilty of any crime, but 
assuring them that if they accused them falsely, it should be at the 
peril of their lives ; for he said " it was unreasonable that when the 
Christians and Jews did this in propounding those whom they or- 
dained their priests and ministers, the same should not be done in 
the appointment of governors of provinces in whose hands the lives 
and fortunes of men were intrusted." 6 

It may perhaps be said that all this is only proof of a negative or 
testimonial choice on the part of the people, and that this propound- 
ing of the candidates presupposes a previous appointment of which 
the people were only invited to express their approbation. It is true, 
indeed, that the clergy or the presbytery, or the bishop, or presbyter, 
on resigning his office, took the lead in these elections by proposing 
or nominating the candidate ; but then followed the vote of the peo- 
ple, which was not a mere testimonial suffrage, but really a decisive 
and elective vote. 

Besides, there are not wanting instances when the people made 
choice of some one as bishop or presbyter without any preliminary 
nomination, or propounding of the candidate. Ambrose was thus 
appointed bishop of Milan by joint acclamation of all. 7 Martin of 
Tours was appointed by the people against his own will, and that of 
the bishops. 8 And the same is true of Eustathius at Antioch, 9 Chrys- 
ostom at Constantinople, 10 Eradius at Hippo, 11 and Meletius at Anti- 
och, 12 etc. 

The evidence indeed is full, that the people cooperated in the elec- 
tion of presbyters, and numerous instances of such cooperation oc- 
cur in ecclesiastical history. 

So also the fourth council of*Carthage decreed : Ut episcopus si- 
ne consilio clericorum suorum clericos non ordinet : ita ut civium 
adsensum et conniventiam et testimonium quaerat. — ' that as the bish- 
op might not ordain clergymen without the advice of his clergy, so 
likewise he should obtain the consent, cooperation and testimony of 
the people.'' 

Sometimes, when the opinions of the people were divided between 
several candidates, it would seem that the people were called to a 
formal vote, styled ^t^a-ig, ipijcpiapa, ipijcpog, scrutiniumM But the com- 
mon method was by acclamation. The people exclaiming a$iog,jit ; 
or uvalioq, unfit. The apostolical constitutions, 8 c. 4, direct that the 



ELECTION OF REPRESENTATIVES. 135 

inquiry be three times made whether the candidate is worthy of the 
office, and that the uniform and concurring response be, He is wor- 
thy. In the Latin church the acclamation was dignus est et Justus. 15 

§ 3. Election by Representatives or Interventors. 

The popular elections above described were liable to great irregu- 
larities. Great care was accordingly requisite, lest the exercise of 
this right should lead to disorder, and disturb the public peace by ex- 
citing a malignant party spirit. To what a pitch these tumultuous 
elections were carried, may be seen from a remarkable description 
of them by Chrysostom. " Go witness a popular assembly conven- 
ed for the election of ecclesiastical officers. Hear the complaints 
against the minister, manifold and numerous as the individuals of that 
riotous multitude, who are the subjects of church-government. All 
are divided into opposing factions, alike at war with themselves, with 
the moderator, and with the presbytery. Each is striving to carry 
his own point ; one voting for one, and another for another ; and all, 
equally regardless of that which alone they should consider — the 
qualifications, intellectual and moral, of the candidate. One is in 
favor of a man of noble birth ; another of a man of fortune who will 
need no maintenance from the church ; and a third, one who has 
come over to us from the opposite party. One is wholly enlisted for 
some friend or relative, and another casts his vote for some flat- 
terer. But no one regards the requisite qualifications of the mind 
and the heart. 11 ' 

Similar disorders prevailed not only at Constantinople, but at Rome, 
Alexandria, Antioch, and other large cities. To correct these abus- 
es, many distinguished bishops passed.into the opposite extreme, and, 
by the exercise of arbitrary power, appointed men to spiritual offices. 
This gave great offence to the people, who were ever jealous of their 
rights, and were provoked, by these means, to commit scandalous 
and violent outrages. The emperor Valentinian III. upbraids Hi- 
lary of Aries, that he unworthily ordained some in direct opposition 
to the will of the people, and when the people refused to receive those 
whom they had not chosen, that he collected an armed force and 
by military power thrust into office the ministers of the gospel of peace.- 
Leo the Great also passes a similar censure upon this procedure. 3 

It has been supposed that the council of Nice deprived the people 



136 APPOINTMENT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. 

of the right of suffrage, and conferred the right of appointment upon 
metropolitans and patriarchs, but the supposition is clearly refuted 
by Bingham. 4 The same council distinctly recognizes the right of 
the people in the choice of a bishop. 

The council of Laodicea, denied indeed the right of suffrage to 
the rabble, rolg oyloiq. But they carefully distinguished between these 
and the people, tw Aao}, to whom they did not deny the right. An ef- 
fort was made, particularly in the Latin church, to correct the disor- 
ders of popular elections without taking away the rights of the peo- 
ple. This they did by the agency of an interventor, who was sent 
among the people to endeavor to unite their votes upon a given per- 
son, and thus to secure his election without division or tumult. Sym- 
machus and Gregory the Great encouraged this procedure ; 5 but it 
was received with little approbation, and was soon discontinued. 

Justinian, for a similar purpose, restricted the right of suffrage to 
the aristocracy of the city. By his laws it was provided ' that when 
a bishop was to be ordained, the clergy, and chief men of the city 
should meet and nominate three persons, drawing up an instrument, 
and swearing in the customary forms of an oath, upon the Holy Bi- 
ble, that they chose them, neither for any gift, nor promise, nor 
friendship, nor any other cause ; but only because they know them 
to be of the catholic faith, of virtuous life, and men of learning. Of 
these three, the ordaining person was required to choose, at his own 
discretion, that one whom he judged best qualified.'' 6 

Had now some permanent restrictions been laid upon the body of 
electors, and had it been more clearly defined who should be reck- 
oned among the chief men of the city, and how they were to coop- 
erate with the clergy, then would order have been established, and 
much arbitrary abuse of power prevented. In this way a worthy 
body of men would have been organized from the people of the dio- 
cese, by whom the rights of the people would have been secured, 
and disorder, and party spirit, and discord, would have been pre- 
vented. 

But, instead of this, the whole was left to the direction of accident, 
and of arbitrary power. Thus the right of suffrage was wrested 
from the people, and was shared in part by the rulers, who were ac- 
counted the chief men of the city, and in part by the priesthood, who, 
either by their bishops and suffragans, or by collegiate conventions, 
often exercised the right without any regard to the people. 



FORMS OF ELECTION. 137 

The church sometimes protested earnestly against this encroach- 
ment of secular power ; but in vain. The council of Paris, 557, 
decreed that " no bishop should be consecrated contrary to the will 
of the citizens, alleging in vindication of this measure, the neglect of 
ancient usage, and of the ordinances of the church. Nor should 
he attain to that honor who had been appointed by the authority 
of the rulers, and not by the choice of the people, and of the clergy, 
and whose election had not been ratified by the metropolitan and 
other bishops of the province." Whoever entered upon his office 
merely by the authority of the king, they commanded the other bish- 
ops not to acknowledge, under penalty of being themselves de- 
posed from office. 

But such attempts to restore the apostolical and canonical forms 
of election were but seldom made, and were followed by no lasting 
result. In Spain the appointment of a bishop, as early as the sev- 
enth century, was made dependent entirely upon the king. 7 Under 
the Carlovingian dynasty in France, it was divided between the 
rulers and the bishops without entirely excluding the people. Inno- 
cent III, in the thirteenth century, excluded entirely the people, and 
made the election dependent only on the chapter of the cathedral. 8 
In the East, the people were excluded much earlier. 9 * 

§ 4. Of certain unusual Forms of Election. 

The examples on record of this description, relate only to the ap- 
pointment of bishops. The appointment by lot, as above described, 
may with propriety be classed among the unusual forms of election 
in question. To this may be added, 

1. Elections by divine authority, and providential manifestations. 
To this class belong the appointments which the apostles made by 
the divine authority with which they were invested. Tradition in- 
forms us that many churches were planted by them, besides those 
which are mentioned in their writings. John, the apostle, after his 
return from Patmos, is said by Clemens Alexandrinus to have taken 
charge of the churches of Asia in the neighborhood of Ephesus ; 
" in one place appointing bishops, in another, taking upon himself 
the regulation of whole churches, and in another, choosing by lot 
one from such as had been designated by the Spirit."" 1 Then fol- 
lows a list of young men whom he committed to the instruction of 
18 



138 APPOINTMENT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. 

the bishop whom he had ordained, together with an account of the 
wonderful conversion of these youths. 

Ancient history abounds with similar examples of divine interposi- 
tion in such appointments. 2 Various providential circumstances 
were regarded as divine designations, such as remarkable tokens of 
divine approbation, visions, the lighting of a dove on the head of the 
candidate, and the unexpected concurrence of a discordant people 
in a candidate, as in the case of Martin, bishop of Tours, and Am- 
brose, bishop of Milan, whose elections were carried by the sudden 
and unanimous acclamation of the multitude. Vox populi, vox Dei ! 

2. It was at times submitted to some one who was universally re- 
spected, to settle a contested election by his own nomination of a 
bishop. Alexander, bishop of Comana, was elected thus by Gregory 
Thaumaturgus, who is said to have been directed by special revela- 
tion. 3 Bishops were also appointed by nomination, for distant prov- 
inces and unorganized districts. 4 

3. Whenever a bishop resigned his office, or was removed to 
another diocese, he very frequently nominated his successor ; but in 
all such cases on record, the concurrence of the people was either 
presupposed, or expressly obtained. 5 The council of Antioch, A. D. 
441, c. 23, forbade such nominations; 6 still they were sometimes 
made, and a divine intimation plead in justification. The church at 
Rome, on the contrary, in the year 503, conceded to the bishops the 
right of nominating their successors before their decease. This was 
however a recommendation of the candidate, rather than an election, 
but it was as influential as the direct presentation of a candidate on 
the part of a patron. It laid the foundation in part, of ecclesiastical 
benefices, that crafty expedient by which so many canonized rights 
have been usurped. 

§ 5. Of Church Patronage. 1 

The prevalent opinion is, that the origin of the right of patronage 
ought to be referred back to the fifth century. And it is true that 
the subject of church and state rights began to be publicly asserted 
and discussed as early as the year 441 ; 2 but the right in question, 
was both asserted and exercised at a date still earlier. The council 
of Orange gave permission to any bishop to build a church in an- 
other's diocese, reserving the right of consecration to him in whose 



CHURCH PATRONAGE. 139 

diocese it was erected, and instructing him to ordain any one to the 
clerical office whom the founder might nominate to officiate in the 
church, and requiring of him a quiet acquiescence in the nomination, 
if the person presented had already been ordained. But at the same 
time, it was provided that the entire government of the church should 
be submitted to him in whose territory the church was built. 3 

It appears from Chrysostom that what is called secular patronage 
prevailed in the church at a date still earlier. 4 He speaks of nam- 
ing the founders of churches in the prayers of the congregation. In 
Justinian's Novels, 123. c. 18, the right of lay-patronage is confirm- 
ed and perpetuated by inheritance. The bishop is required to or- 
dain the person nominated, unless disqualified by virtue of the ca- 
nons. From the fifth century the name of patron becomes familiar 
in public documents, indicating the relation of landlord to his de- 
pendents, [in consequence of his having settled a parsonage and 
glebe upon churches which he had built ;] but the whole system of 
church patronage in conferring benefices, etc, was not established 
until about the eighth or ninth century. Thomassin takes notice of 
several distinct stages in the progress of this system. 1. The right 
of patronage and presentation, extending through five centuries. 
2. Ecclesiastical and lay-patronage from Clovis, A. D. 496, to Charle- 
magne, A. D. 800. 3. Through the dynasty of Charles and his de- 
scendents. 4. From the year 1000. The whole he sums up in the 
following remark. " It appears therefore that ecclesiastical patron- 
age was first introduced in the Western church, and lay -patronage, 
at least so far as related to the conferring of benefices, began first 
in the Eastern church ; and that the limited exercise of lay-patron- 
age in the first centuries after its introduction, was abundantly com- 
pensated by the controlling influence which the laity had in the elec- 
tion and ordination of bishops, and other incumbents.'" 

In most of the Lutheran, and some of the Reformed churches, the 
members of the church possess a negative vote concerning the 
presentation of a minister, but nothing more. 



140 OF THE CLERGY. 



CHAPTER VI. 

OF THE RANK, RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES AND COSTUME OF 
THE CLERGY. 

§ 1. Rank of the Clergy. 

Nothing appears to indicate the relation of rank either in the age 
of the apostles, or of their immediate successors; nor indeed until 
the establishment of Christianity as the religion of state under Con- 
stantine. The representations which the Scriptures and the primi- 
tive fathers so frequently make of the dignity and worth of religious 
teachers have no reference to this subject. They only represent 
these teachers as the servants and stewards of God, and their office 
as one in the highest degree elevated and heavenly. Ignatius styles 
bishops the vicegerents of Christ, whose instructions are to be obey- 
ed as the ordinances of Christ and his apostles, and whom men 
should honor above potentates and kings. But all this is only what, 
in the phraseology of the times, philosophers, poets and orators 
might have claimed for themselves. Such representations are only 
ideal delineations which present the reality in a contrast the more 
striking. Such, indeed, was the real estimation in which some of 
the most eminent christian bishops were held, by the world, in the 
first three centuries, that one might fitly say of them — the greatest 
in the kingdom of heaven was the least of all men. 

The famous Origen was, in regard to rank, one of the lesser lights 
in the church, invested at first with only the humble office of cate- 
cliist, and afterwards, informally, with that of deacon, or according 
to some with that of presbyter. Yet had he more influence and au- 
thority than any dignitary of the church in his time. Clemens Alex- 
andrinus and Tertullian were never bishops ; but they were held in 
the highest estimation both by their contemporaries and by posterity. 
Jerome was only an itinerating presbyter, but he was honored as the 
dictator of the church. And still later, even when the aristocracy 
of the church was fully established, there occurred, at times, instan- 
ces of men who, by their talents, rose superior to all the distinctions 
of rank and of office. On the other hand, even the bishops of Rome, 



RANK OF THE CLERGY. 141 

Antioch, Alexandria, Carthage and others, notwithstanding their high 
office, were often treated with the greatest indignities. 

Something analogous to the relations of rank must have existed 
among the priesthood themselves previous to the time of Constantine, 
as appears from the fact that they were regarded as a distinct order, 
and were divided into the classes superior and inferior. But it was 
a long time before even these relations became so distinct as they 
have been since the establishment of the Eastern and Western hie- 
rarchy in the eighth century. The primitive presbyters first sus- 
tained an arduous conflict against the pretensions of bishops to supe- 
riority ; and then again, against the order of deacons, and especially 
with the archdeacons, who arrayed themselves on the side of the 
bishops. And the bishops again sustained a struggle, arduous and 
disastrous to themselves, with the archbishops, primates, and patri- 
archs. With the latter, particularly, a long and obstinate strife for 
the mastery was maintained, which finally resulted in the popish su- 
premacy ; but the conflict ceased not so long as one remained to 
sustain it. 

But previous to the reign of Constantine no relations of rank were 
established among the clergy, save those of different gradations 
among themselves. As in both the Jewish and Roman states the 
priesthood were invested with peculiar honors, so this monarch 
sought to transfer the same to the christian ministry. Thus these 
forms of the priesthood perpetuated themselves in the christian 
church after the overthrow of the religion to which they, at firsts 
respectively belonged. 1 

The bishops, especially, profited by this reference to the priest- 
hood of Jewish and pagan systems of religion. The christian bish- 
ops, it was supposed, ought at least to be equal in rank to the Jew- 
ish patriarchs. 2 It was an expedient for elevating a depressed priest- 
hood, to invest them with new honors, just as Julian the apostate 
sought again to overthrow them by reinstating the pagan priesthood 
in their ancient rank. 3 And again Constantine himself sustained a 
certain relation to the priesthood. Eusebius declares him to have 
been a bishop duly constituted by God. 4 And he styles himself 
bishop, tojv ixTog vnb Ssov ua&EVTanwov inlav.onov — a phrase of sim- 
ilar import with pontifex maximus, which after the example of the 
Roman emperors he solemnly assumed in the year 325. 5 The em- 
peror Gratian was the last who bore this title. But so long as it was 



142 OF THE CLERGY. 

retained it had the effect to elevate the office, both of bishops and 
emperors in the estimation of the people, and to justify the interven- 
tion of secular power in ecclesiastical councils, and in the elections 
of bishops. 

The priesthood of the christian church were the constituted guard- 
ians of the morals of the community, and in this relation had a de- 
cided superiority to the Pagan and Jewish priesthood. Even the 
highest magistrates and princes were not exempt from the sentences 
of suspension and excommunication. Theodosius the Great submit- 
ted himself to this discipline, and his example was imitated by many 
of his successors down to the time of Henry IV. 6 Gregory Nazi- 
anzen, in speaking on this subject, says " The law of Christ subjects 
you to my control. For we also are in authority, and I will add ; an 
authority greater and more perfect than yours, inasmuch as the 
carnal is inferior to the spiritual — the earthly, to the heavenly. 1 " 7 
Multitudes of passages of similar import are found in the writings of 
Chrysostom, 8 Ambrose, 9 and other of the fathers. 30 

But notwithstanding the high consideration in which the clergy 
were held, we are still left in ignorance of their relative rank in civil 
life. But on the reestablishment of the western empire, their civil 
and political relations were clearly denned ; and under the Carlovingi- 
an dynasty, the bishops obtained the rank of barons and counts, and 
as civil dignitaries took part in all political and ecclesiastical concerns, 
of importance. They were regular members of all imperial diets, 
which were in reality ecclesiastical synods. At a later period, bish- 
ops, archbishops and abbots were, by statute laws, made princes of 
the empire, and electors. And the last mentioned were often involv- 
ed in conflicts with the Roman cardinals for superiority. This or- 
ganization was continued until the dissolution of the German confed- 
eracy subsequent to the French Revolution, and became a pattern 
for other lands. 



§ 2. Immunities, Prerogatives, and Privileges of the 
Priesthood. 

Reference is here had to these privileges only as they have ex- 
isted since the fourth century, when the priesthood were duly ac- 
knowledged by the civil authorities as a distinct body. Previous to 
his conversion Constantine gave to the clergy of the christian church, 



PRIVILEGES OF THE PRIESTHOOD. 143 

equal privileges with the Pagan and Jewish priests. These acts of 
toleration were followed by others conferring upon the clergy of the 
church certain specific privileges which were confirmed and increas- 
ed by his sons. And what was lost by the intervention of Julian 
the apostate, was fully regained under the propitious reigns of Valen- 
tinian III, Gratian, Theodosius the Great, Honorius, etc. For a full 
account of the several grants of the early emperors, see references. 1 
The principal rights and privileges of the priesthood were as fol- 
lows : 

1. Exemption from all civil offices and secular duties to the state? 
Such exemption was granted by Constantine, A. D. 312 ; and in 319 
and 330, it was extended to the inferior order, and the reason assign- 
ed for conferring this privilege was, that " the clergy might not, for 
any unworthy pretence, be called off from their religious duties," ne 
sacrilego livore quorundam a divinis obsequiis avocentur, or as Eu- 
sebius expresses it, " that they might have no false pretence or ex- 
cuse for being diverted from their sacred calling, but rather might 
rightfully prosecute it without molestation." By this right they were 
excused from bearing burdensome and expensive municipal offices. 
The Jewish patriarchs and Pagan priests enjoyed a similar exemp- 
tion. 3 

2. Exemption from all sordid offices, both predial and personal. 
This right was also granted by Constantine and confirmed by Theo- 
dosius the Great, and Honorius. 4 The right relieved them from 
the necessity of furnishing post-horses, etc. for public officers, and 
sometimes from that of constructing and repairing public highways 
and bridges. 5 

3. Exemption from certain taxes and imposts, such as the census 
capitum— analogous to poll-tax ; but the learned are not agreed re- 
specting the precise nature of it — the aurum tironium — an assessment 
for military purposes, a bounty paid as a substitute for serving in the 
army, — the equus canonicus, the furnishing and equipping of horses 
for military service, — chrysargyrum, xqv(to(q/vqov, commerce-mo- 
ney, duties on articles of trade assessed every five years, and paid 
in silver and gold, — the metatum, tax levied for the entertainment of 
the emperor and his court as he travelled, or for judges and soldiers 
in their journeys, — the collatio superindicta et extraordinaria, a di- 
rect tax levied on special emergencies. 6 Certain taxes on real es- 
tate they were required to pay. 7 



144 OF THE CLERGY. 

4. Exemption from military duty. This right is not expressly 
stated, but fairly inferred from many considerations. The maxim, 
ecclesia non sitit sanguinem, was always recognized by the state. 

5. Exemption in certain civil and criminal prosecutions. They 
were not required to give testimony under oath 8 . Neither were they 
required to make oath to affidavits, but instead thereof, they attested 
the truth of them on the Bible at home. 9 Sacer dotes, ex levi causa, 
jurare non debent. 

6. No ecclesiastical matters were to be tried before secular courts.™ 
Of this nature were all questions of faith and practice which came 
appropriately under the cognizance of presbyteries, bishops, or syn- 
ods, together with all such acts of discipline as belonged to individu- 
al churches in which the clergy were allowed a controlling influence. 

The primitive church had originally no other authority than that 
of deposing from office, excommunicating, and pronouncing their sol- 
emn anathema. But after the church became dependent upon the 
civil authority, that power was often exercised to redress the offences 
of the church. Heretics especially were thus brought before courts 
of justice. For it is undeniably evident that heresy was regarded as 
an actionable offence, deserving severe punishment. Offences of a 
graver character were at all times punishable, not in ecclesiastical, 
but in secular courts of justice. 

7. Bishops, like the Jewish patriarchs, were often requested to set- 
tle disputes and act as arbitrators and umpires in civil matters. 11 
They were also common intercessors in behalf of criminals for their 
reprieve or pardon when condemned to death. 19 

§ 3. Costume of the Clergy. 

The Roman Catholics attach great importance to the attire of the 
priesthood. They prescribe a peculiar uniform to the several or- 
ders of their priesthood, according to the nature of their duties. 
The origin of this usage their writers, together with most protestants, 
concur in referring to the fourth century. 1 " No one can be igno- 
rant," says Pellicia, " that the garb of the clergy in the first three 
centuries was nowise different from that of the laity." Whether 
any distinction was known in the fourth century is a disputed ques- 
tion ; but ecclesiastical history clearly informs us, that the dress of 
the clergy and laity was generally the same, even in the sixth cen- 



COSTUME OF THE CLERGY. 145 

tury. 2 Writers on this subject, however, seem not to have been suf- 
ficiently attentive to the distinction between the ordinary and offi- 
cial garb of the priests ; for, although there were no existing rules of 
the church on this subject, all analogy requires us to believe that 
there was, even in the first three centuries, some clerical dress 
which was worn during the celebration of divine service. And in 
this belief we are the more confirmed from the fact, that Christianity 
was originally derived from the Jewish religion. After the third 
and fourth centuries, this official garb became more distinct and 
splendid, and to this result both the writings of the Old Testament, 
and the customs of the pagan priests in Greece and Rome undenia- 
bly contributed. 

In illustration of the general subject before us, the following re- 
marks are worthy of notice. 

1. There is a tradition extant relating to certain insignia of the 
apostles. Hegesippus, as related by Eusebius, 3 ascribes to John, 
James, and Mark, a golden head-band, and to Bartholomew, a splen- 
did mantle. 4 The Koran also speaks of the apostles under the 
name of candidates, albati, in allusion, as it would seem, to their 
white robes. 

2. It is but reasonable to suppose, that in the times of persecu- 
tion, the priesthood wore no sacerdotal habit in civil and social life ; 
just as all such is of necessity excluded wherever religion is not pro- 
tected by the civil authorities. But because a missionary lays these 
aside in China, or in Turkey, is it therefore to be presumed that he 
would appear without them in a religious assembly in the discharge 
of his official duties ? 

3. After the persecutions ceased, the secret discipline of the 
primitive church must have offered urgent reasons for the use of 
the sacerdotal robe. When all was done with the air of solemnity 
and mystery, is it to be supposed that the principal actor would en- 
ter upon these solemnities only in his daily altire ? Read the direc- 
tions given in the Apostolical Constitutions, and in the mystical cate- 
chism of Cyril of Jerusalem, respecting the ceremonies of baptism, 
and the Lord's supper ; and then say, is it becoming for the admin- 
istrator of these ordinances to appear in his daily habit ? The sub- 
jects of baptism, " grex niveus," were arrayed in the purest white. 

Ol d txg vnodQTjaTijgsg iv efyaaiv nrjfxcpavotoaiv 
"Eaxaaav, oeyysXixrig sly.ovsg ayXatrjg. 5 
19 



146 OF THE CLERGY. 

At the baptism of the younger Theodosius, all the grandees of the 
court were dressed in white raiment: ut existimarelur multitudo 
esse nive repleta. 6 Under these circumstances would the minister 
at the altar appear only in his usual garb ? According to Clemens 
Alexandrinus, the whole assembly were required to engage in public 
worship in a becoming dress, icnoXio-ftsvoi xoo/i/cog. 7 And would not 
the rule apply with peculiar force to him who ministered to the 
assembly ? 

4. It is manifestly absurd to suppose that the hierarchy of the 
church was established in the second or third centuries, with the 
different orders inferior and superior, and yet that they had no badge 
of office. Besides, the badges of the different clerical orders be- 
came in the fourth century, the subject of consideration in ecclesias- 
tical councils. The council of Laodicea ordered that the ojquqiov, 
the surplice or robe of an officiating minister, should not be worn by 
the subordinate attendants, readers, or singers. The fourth council 
of Carthage, c. 41, forbade deacons the use of the white surplice, 
nisi in sacro ministerio, except in the discharge of the ministerial 
office. In this, and similar decrees, 8 a distinction between the official 
garb and ordinary attire is clearly indicated. It has been errone- 
ously supposed that these instructions to the clergy to appear in 
suitable dress, is evidence that no official uniform was known ; 
whereas these instructions relate only to their daily dress, and 
merely show that when not engaged in official duties, they wore no 
professional habit. 

The monks were the first to assume such a garb ; a practice 
which was strongly reprobated by the church. " One habit," says 
Jerome, 9 " is proper whenengaged in religious duties ; another, in 
common life. Hence we learn, that it ill becomes us to enter into 
the most holy place in our customary attire, but that we ought with 
a pure conscience, and unsullied, raiment, to administer the ordi- 
nances of the Lord." Stephhaus III, bishop of Rome, A. D. 260, 
directs ministers and the clergy generally, to wear the sacred vest- 
ments, not in their daily occupations, but only in the church. 10 

5. In view of the foregoing considerations, and others that could 
be mentioned, we must dissent from the received opinion that no cleri- 
cal costume was in use before the fourth or fifth century ; but we 
need not suppose that the fashion of it has from the beginning been 
the same. All analogy, as well as authentic history, justifies the 



COSTUME OF THE CLERGY. 147 

belief, that in form, and color, and materials, the costume may have 
been entirely changed. Some such essential change was probably 
made about the sixth century, by adopting the ancient Greek and 
Roman costume. 

In support of this hypothesis we offer the following considerations. 

a) This costume had been so superseded by the barbarian inva- 
ders, that it had already become obsolete and antiquated, and was 
now recommended not only by its natural fitness, and by its an- 
tiquity, but by the hallowed associations with which it was con- 
nected. 

b) It was the best means of preventing the general adoption of 
the odious garb of the monks, which in the fifth century was most 
zealously opposed. 11 

c) The adoption of this costume was greatly facilitated by being 
combined with the insignia and ornaments of the Jewish priests. 
The pallium of Tertullian, the TExgaycavov of Greek writers, which 
was afterwards known by the name of cappa, was the cowl of the 
monks, and was greatly abhorred. But the pallium, called upocpo- 
qlov, corresponded to the ephod of the Jews, and was one of the 
distinguishing insignia of bishops, patriarchs, etc. 

6. Bellarmin, who traced the history of the clerical costume 
through eight or nine hundred years, has very justly remarked that, 
notwithstanding some circumstantial changes, the characteristic 
badges of the several orders remained substantially the same. 12 

7. The costume in question was originally white, and that has 
ever been the prevailing color of the christian uniform, levxbv %iTa- 
vlcrxov, iv Xevxdtg, veste candente, in albis, is the phraseology in 
which it is constantly described by ancient writers. 13 The bishops 
of Constantinople, and the higher order of clergy in the fourth cen- 
tury, assumed the black robe, and the Novatians retained the white. 14 
But since the tenth century, the modern Greek church have chang- 
ed again the color of their costume. On festivals in honor of saints, 
they are accustomed to wear a purple robe. 

In the seventh and eighth centuries, red, blue, and green, was 
worn in clerical vestments, as well as black, and white. Inno- 
cent III. prescribed white, the emblem of purity, for confessors and 
young people, — red, as a suitable memorial of the apostles and mar- 
tyrs, — green, for Sunday and feast-days ; and black, for fasts, fune- 



148 OF THE CLERGY. 

mis, lent, etc. ; violet was worn at first but twice a year, but after- 
wards became common in some churches. 15 

8. Peculiar attention was paid to the head-dress both of bishops 
and priests. The clerical tonsure was introduced between the sixth 
and eighth centuries, and continued an essential requisite of the 
clergy, while the other ornaments of the head were endlessly varied, 
both in the Eastern and Western churches. The use of the wig 
is of a date still later, and was totally unknown in the primitive 
church. It was universally adopted by the clergy against all pre- 
cedent, and, although often prohibited, was for a longtime retained, 
and then again passed into disuse. In the protestant church it was 
again introduced in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and 
became alternately the badge of orthodoxy, heresy, and neology. 16 

9. Sandals and the caligae, a kind of half boot, or bootees, were 
at first the only ornaments of the foot ; the use of common shoes 
was censured as unbecoming. 17 In the year 789, the priests were 
required to wear shoes made after the fashion at Rome. 18 In the 
middle ages, they wore, in the summer, a kind of boot called aesti- 
valia. The accampia were probably some military boot. 

10. The various kinds of ornaments which were worn by the 
priests are passed in silence. A mere enumeration of them would 
be of no value, and a treatise respecting them would of necessity be 
too extensive for this work. For information respecting their sacred 
vestments the curious reader is referred to the works of Ferrarius, 
Ritter, Bonanni, DuTour, Saussaeus, Boileau, and others. 



CHAPTER VII. 



OF THE CLERGY. 



Nothing like the provisions of the levitical law, for the mainte- 
nance of the priesthood was known in the primitive church. Neither 
was there any distinction between the property of the church and 
of the parish. But the duty of the church to maintain her religious 
teachers is presupposed and implied in the writings of the New Tes- 



REVENUE OF THE CHURCH. 149 

lament. The workman is worthy of his meat, says Christ, to which 
the apostle appeals. Even so hath the Lord ordained that they 
which preach the gospel should live by the gospel, 1 Cor. 9: 14, 
which he had previously shown to be not only an obvious conclusion 
from the words of Christ, but from the common understanding of 
men, and from the Mosaic laws, vs. 7 — 13. All this he is careful 
to show is said, not for his own sake, vs. 15 — 18, for he uniformly 
preached the gospel and served the church gratuitously ; Acts 20: 
33-35. 2 Thess. 3: 7 seq. 2 Cor. 11: 7, 8. 12: 13. Phil. 4: 16— 
18. 1 Tim. 6: 5. Tit. 1: 11. Acts 18: 3. 24: 17, etc., but to exhibit 
the duty of the Church towards her teachers. The example of the 
apostle was the general rule of the apostolic age. The church pos- 
sessed no property, and exacted no tithes ; but her wants were sup- 
plied by voluntary offerings and contributions. 

The ordinary maintenance of the clergy consisted merely in the 
supply of their personal wants, 2 Thess. 3: 8. 1 Cor. 11: 20. 22: 33. 
Jude 11, 12. For this end the priests were accustomed to retain a 
due portion of the contributions which were made at the agapae, or 
love feasts of the church. But Tertullian severely censured this 
custom, together with other abuses connected with this festival. 1 

Whatever was given for the relief of the poor and for the support 
of religious worship, was altogether voluntary on the part of the 
church. Acts 11: 29. Rom. 15: 26. 1 Cor. 16: 1 seq. Tertullian 
particularly informs us that they were accustomed once a month, 
or at any time, to deposit in a charity box whatever any one was able 
and willing to give, and adds, Nam nemo compellitur, sed sponte con- 
fert? These charities were expended in providing for the support 
and burial of the poor ; of orphans, of aged domestics, of the disa- 
bled and infirm ; and for their brethren in bonds. It is worthy of 
remark that in all this, no mention is made of the clergy, as a distinct 
class ; but they are included among the aged and the poor. 

Such collections were at all times voluntary in the church, and 
when at length specific provision was made for the support of the 
clergy, and of religious worship, it was not by any ordinance of the 
church, but by the law of the state. Cases growing out of voluntary 
or stated contributions and compensations made to clergymen, 
were frequently submitted to the decision of councils. 3 Fees paid 
to the clergy for services rendered, were called sportae, sportellae, 
and sportulae; probably in allusion to the bringing of the first fruits 



150 REVENUE OF THE CHURCH. 

in a basket, sportula, Deut. 26: 1 — 12. They surely were not the 
same as the jura stolae, stol-geblihren, surplice fees, which were total- 
ly unknown in the primitive church. It was an established rule that 
no fees should be received for religious services. The council of II- 
libiris, c. 48, forbade the custom of dropping a piece of money into 
the baptismal basin as a gratuity to the minister for administering 
the ordinance. 5 Another strictly prohibited the receiving of anything 
from communicants at the Lord's table, alleging that the grace of 
God was not an article of merchandize, neither was the sanctification 
of the spirit imparted for money. 6 Neither was it lawful to receive 
any fee for performing the burial service. 7 

The first departure from the voluntary principle above mentioned, 
began with the celebration of religious ordinances in a private man- 
ner^ in which the individual, at whose request this private celebra- 
tion was performed, was required to pay something as an equivalent 
for the public and voluntary oblations which would otherwise have 
been made. For the sake of increasing the treasury of the church, 
a dispensation of the primitive usage was also introduced in the case 
of penance, which shortly led on to a wider departure from the 
rules of the church. Still when the payment of surrogate and sur- 
plice fees became common, they were not paid to the officiating 
priest, but into the public treasury of the church. The payment of 
fees and perquisites as now practised, is an abuse of later date than 
the above mentioned, which, like the penance-fees so often and so 
justly censured, still has found supporters even in the protestant 
churches of Europe. 8 

So far as the clergy of the primitive church can be said to have 
had any salary, it was paid, either according to their necessities, or 
according to some general rule, from the treasury of the church, or 
of the society. The treasury was supplied only from incidental 
sources, and chiefly from voluntary contributions. The amount paid 
to servants of the church, and for the poor, must have been more or 
less, according to the receipts of the treasury. The revenue of the 
church was submitted to the direction of the bishops, who employed 
the deacons and the oeconomi, or stewards to disburse it. 

Various rules were from time to time given for the distribution of 
funds. 9 One required that they should be divided into three equal 
parts, one of which was to be paid to the bishops, another to the 
clergy, and the third was to be expended in making repairs and pro- 



REVENUE OF THE CHURCH. 151 

viding lights for the house, etc. 10 Another orders a fourfold divi- 
sion, to be equally appropriated to the bishop, the clergy and the 
poor, and in repairs of the churches and their furniture. 11 

In the fourth century the church and the clergy came into the 
possession of property, personal and real. As early as the year 321, 
Constantine granted the right of receiving the donations and bequests 
of pious persons. 12 This right was often renewed and defined to 
prevent unjust exactions and other abuses. According to Eusebius, 
he granted at one time more than seventy thousand dollars from his 
treasury for the support of the ministry in Africa ; which is only one 
instance among many of his liberal donations. 13 The laws of Julian 
confiscating this property were themselves either quickly abrogated, 
or but partially enforced, without producing any lasting effect. 14 

The liberality of Gratian, Theodosius the Great, Theodosius the 
Younger, and other emperors, we must pass in silence ; but there 
were certain other ordinances for enriching the revenue of the 
church which are worthy of notice. 

1. On the demolition of heathen temples and the dispersion of their 
priests by Theodosius and his sons, some of the spoils were secular- 
ized to enrich the treasury of the state ; but the greater part were 
applied to the benefit of the clergy, or appropriated to religious 
uses. 15 

2. On the same principle the property belonging to heretics was 
sequestrated to the true catholic church. 16 

3. The estates of the clergy who died intestate and without heirs, 
and of all those who left the ministry for unworthy reasons, became 
the property of the church. 17 

4. The church was the heir at law of all martyrs and confessors 
who died without near relations. 18 

5. The revenue of the church was increased by tithes and first 
fruits. The primitive church might be expected to have introduced 

this ordinance of the Jews from the beginning. But it was wholly 
unknown until the fourth and fifth century. Irenaeus, indeed, speaks 
of first fruits at an earlier period, 19 but it is a disputed passage, 20 and 
only relates to the wine and the bread of the eucharist as the first 
fruits of Christ. Besides Irenaeus, 21 Chrysostom, 22 Gregory Nazi- 
anzen, 23 Hilary, 24 Augustine, 25 and others, all enjoin the paying of 
tithes as a duty, and not in imitation of the Jews. These tithes and 
first fruits the primitive Christians gave as a freewill offering, and 



152 OF ORDINATION. 

not by constraint of law, of which there appears no indication in the 
first five centuries. The council of Macon, in the year 585, ordered 
the payment of tithes in the church, as the restoration of an ancient 
and venerable custom. They directed the clergy to urge the duty 
in their public addresses, and threatened with excision from the 
church all who should refuse compliance. 26 This it will be observ- 
ed is merely an ecclesiastical law. No mention is made of any 
enactment of the state. 

Charlemagne first required the payment of tithes by statute law, 
and enforced the duty by severe penalties. 27 That emperor himself 
paid tithes from his private property and his Saxon possessions. 
His successors confirmed and completed the system of tithe by law, 
which was subsequently introduced into England and Sweden. 28 

In the Eastern church the support of religion was never legally 
enforced, but it was urged as a religious duty, and tithes were paid 
as a voluntary offering. 29 In the Western, under the general name 
of offerings, the ancient system of contributions and almsgivings was 
perpetuated in connection with the tithes and first fruits. These of- 
ferings were made, in some instances, in money, and in provisions, 
and in live stock — cattle, swine, lambs, geese, fowls, etc. The 
avails of these were applied to the treasury of the church, or pre- 
sented particularly to the parson, vicar, chorister, or warden. Simi- 
lar offerings are still common in the protestant churches. 

The payment of a stipulated salary to the clergy, in money, par- 
sonages, tithes, interest, and other rents, and the distribution of regu- 
lar salaries and occasional perquisites, is an institution of the middle 
ages, and too extensive and complicated to be discussed in this place. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

OF ORDINATION. 1 



§ 1. Remarks. 
The solemn consecration of a religious teacher to his office, as an 
institution of religion, is derived from the ordinances of the syna- 
gogue, as they were constituted after the Babylonish captivity. The 
presidents and readers of the synagogue were at first appointed to 



DISQUALIFICATIONS FOR ORDINATION. 153 

their office by the solemn imposition of hands. Afterwards was 
added the anointing with oil, the investiture with the sacred gar- 
ments, and the delivery of the sacred utensils. This was called 
*Ig M&B, the filling of the hands, Ex. 29: 24. Lev. 21: 10. Num. 
3? 3.' 

The first instance on record of an ordination in a christian church 
is that of the seven deacons at Jerusalem, in Acts 6: 1 — 7. These, 
though not appointed to the office of religious teachers, were set 
apart by prayer and the laying on of hands. The consecration of 
religious teachers and officers of the church is also mentioned in the 
following passages, Acts 13: 1—4. 14: 23. 1 Tim. 4: 14. 5: 22. 
2 Tim. 1:6. In these passages three particulars are mentioned, 
fasting, prayer, and the laying on of hands. 

The historical fact is undeniable, that the church has, at all times, 
observed some prescribed mode of inducting into the sacred office 
those who were appointed to serve in that capacity. The several 
offices which were subsequently created were indeed unknown in 
the first organization of the church, as well as the different rites of 
ordination and installation. But the injunction that all things should 
be done decently and in order — the ministry of the word, and the 
laying on of hands, of which the apostle so often speaks, all imply 
a consecration to the sacred office by peculiar religious rites. The 
most ancient liturgies also, both of the Eastern and Western church, 
prescribe at length the mode of consecration to this office, and in 
this manner illustrate the solemnity of the transaction in the estima- 
tion of the ancient fathers of the church. 

It is also worthy of observation, that the various religious sects, 
schismatics and heretics, almost without exception, observed the 
rites of ordination. 

§ 2. Disqualifications and qualifications foe Ordination. 

The strictest precaution was exercised by the church to guard 
against the introduction of unworthy or unsuitable persons into the 
ministry. Several classes of persons were accordingly excluded 
from ordination, such as the following. 

1. Women. 1 This rule was in conformity with the apostolical 
precept, 1 Cor. 14: 34, 35. 1 Tim. 2: 11 seq. The appointment of 
deaconesses was no exception to this rule. They were not appoint- 

20 



154 OF ORDINATION. 

ed to bear rule, or to teach, but to perform certain offices which, 
from a due sense of decency and propriety were restricted to their 
own sex.* They were ordained with the usual formalities in the 
early periods of the church, 2 but the custom was afterwards discon- 
tinued. 3 

2. Catechumens. To this rule there were a few exceptions as in 
the case of Ambrose, Nectarius, etc., but in general it was observed 
with great strictness. 

3. Neophytes, novices ; men who were deficient in age, or know- 
ledge, or christian experience,! 1 Tim. 3: 6. 

4. Energumens ; including all who were subject to severe mental 
or bodily infirmities. 

5. Penitents ; all who for any offence had fallen under the cen- 
sure of the church, even though they had been fully restored to the 
privileges of its fellowship and communion. 

6. Apostates. All who lived a vicious life after baptism. 4 Offen- 
ces committed previously were not alleged as a disqualification. 5 

7. All who were devoted to theatrical pursuits, or any occupations 
which disqualified them from receiving baptism. | 

8. Slaves, and Jreedmen who were still under some obligation to 
their former masters. This restriction was made not by reason of 
their humble condition, but because such persons could not be 
supposed to act with the freedom and independence which became 
the ministerial office. 

9. Soldiers and military men of every description ; for reasons 



* Kcu uTb pev zliaxovKsawv xayfxa iailv slg xrv ixxlqalav ', alt bv%l 
slg to leQaiEVELV, ovds zi ini^wgeiy snuginnv, tvextv ds crspvoTijXog xov 
yvvaixdov ysvovg, rj di ojgav lovxgov, »j imaxiipscog rta&ovg, i] ncvov, 
xal bxs yv[iv(o&£ir] aatpa yvvcuov, iva pr\ tub avdgwv Ugovgyovvxav -&tr}- 
-frsirj, alt vnb xr\g 8iay.ovovai]g. Epiph. Haeres. 79, n. 3. 

t Mi) 8tlv TTQOorparov [Trgoacfdrojg] cpcoTisd'evrag Trgoodysod'ai. iv tdypaxt 
csgqvixo*' Cone. Laodic. can. 3. Conveniens non est, nee ratio, nee disci- 
plina patitur, ut temere vel leviter ordinetur, ant Episcopus, aut Presbyter, 
aut Diaconus, qui Neophytus est. . . . Sed hi, quorum per longum tempos 
examinata sit vita, et merita fuerint comprobata. Cone. Sardic. c. 10 ; Conf. 
Gregor. M. Epist. lib. iv. ep. 50 ; lib. vii. ep. 3 ; Justin. Nov.6,c. 1 ; JYov. 
337, c. 1 ; Cone. Paris. A. D. 829, can 5. 

X Puto nee majestati divinae (says Cyprian), nee evangelicae disciplinae 
congruere, ut pudor et honor ecclesiae tam turpe et infami contagione foede- 
tur. 



DISQUALIFICATIONS FOR ORDINATION. 155 

substantially the same as those which are mentioned in the preced- 
ing article. 

10. Lawyers and civilians. Men bearing civil offices, or in any- 
way entangled with the affairs of state, were incapacitated for the 
sacred office. Cavendum ab his est (says Innocent I.), propter tri- 
bulationem quod saepe de his ecclesiae provenit. The power of 
Rome at times overruled this regulation, but the church uniformly 
sought to separate herself wholly from all connection with the state. 6 

11. All who were maimed, especially eunuchs. Non iiifirmitatem 
(says Ambrose), sed firmitatem ; non victos, sed victores, postulat 
ecclesia. To this rule there were exceptions. 

12. Persons who had contracted a second marriage. This rule 
is based on an erroneous interpretation of 1 Tim. 3: 2, and Tit. 1: 6. 
To these views of the church may be traced the ancient sentiments 
respecting the celibacy of the clergy, which prevailed as early as 
the fourth century, and in the twelfth required of them the vow of 
celibacy in the Roman Catholic church. 

13. Those who had received baptism upon their beds in extreme 
sickness, or under any urgent necessity when they might be suspect- 
ed of having acted not voluntarily, but by constraint. 7 

14. They who had been baptized by heretics. An exception, how- 
ever, was made in favor of the Novatians and Donatists. 

15. Persons who had been guilty of simoniacal conduct, i. e. of 
using bribery or any unfair means of obtaining ordination. This 
species of iniquity, the buying and selling of appointments to spiri- 
tual offices, and the obtaining of them by any unfair and dishonora- 
ble means, was severely censured by the church. The penalty was 
deposition from office, both on the part of him who was invested 
with holy orders, and of those who had assisted in his ordination. 
The laws of Justinian also required the candidate elect to make oath 
that he had neither given nor promised, nor would hereafter give, 
any reward directly or indirectly as a remuneration for aiding in his 
appointment. 9 

The exceptions above mentioned are comprised in the following 
lines : 

Aleo; venator ; miles; caupo ; aulicus ; erro 

Mercator ; lanius ; pincerna ; tabellio ; tutor, 

Curator; sponsor; conductor; conciliator; pronexeta 

Patronus causae ; procurator ve forensis ; 

In causa judex civili ; vel capitali, 

Clericus esse nequit, nisi Canones transgrediantur. 



156 OF ORDINATION. 

Besides the foregoing negative rules, there were others of a posi- 
tive character prescribing the requisite qualifications for ordinations. 

1. The candidate was required to be of a certain age. The rules 
by which this canonical age was determined were undoubtedly de- 
rived from the Jewish rituals. The deacons were required to be of 
equal age with the levites — twenty-five years. The canonical age 
of presbyters and bishops was the same as that of the priests of the 
Jews — thirty years. The Apostolical Constitutions prescribe fifty 
years as the canonical age of a bishop. This was afterwards reduc- 
ed to thirty. In some instances, persons may have been introduced 
into the ministry at an age still earlier. 10 Both Siricius and Zosimus 
required thirty years for a deacon, thirty-five for a presbyter, and 
forty-five for a bishop. 11 

The age at which our Lord entered upon his ministry is frequent- 
ly alleged as a reason for requiring the same age in a presbyter and 
bishop. That was usually the lowest canonical age. 12 Children 
were sometimes appointed readers. The age of subdeacons, aco- 
lyths, and other inferior officers, was established at different times, at 
fifteen, eighteen, twenty, and twenty-five years. 

2. They were subject to a strict examination previous to ordination. 
This examination related to their faith, their morals, and their world- 
ly condition. They weie especially subjected to the severest scrutiny 
in regard to the first particular. It was the duty of the bishop and 
subordinate officers of the clergy to conduct, for the most part, the 
examination ; but it was held in public, and the people also took a 
part in it. No one would be duly ordained without the concurrence 
of the people in this examination, and the united approbation both 
of them and the bishop.* Cyprian also insists upon the concur- 
rence of the people in the selection of a pastor, and offers as a rea- 
son, the consideration that they were more familiarly acquainted 
with the life and conversation of the candidate. 13 The names of 
the candidates were published, in order that they might be subjected 
to a severer canvass by the people. 14 By a law of Justinian, the 
candidate was required to give a written statement of his religious 
faith, in his own handwriting, and to take a solemn oath against si- 
mony. 15 

* Nullus clericus ordineter non jirobatus vet episcoporum examine, velpop- 
uli tcstimonio. Cone. Carthage, III. c. 22. 



QUALIFICATIONS TOR ORDINATION. 157 

The extracts in the margin show how carefully the church observ- 
ed the apostolic injunction to lay hands suddenly on no man.* 

3. No person could regularly he appointed to the higher offices of 
the church without having passed through the subordinate grades. 
To this rule there were frequent exceptions, but the principle was 
strenuously maintained, in order that no one should assume the min- 
isterial office until he had, in this way, become practically familiar 
with the whole system of ecclesiastical discipline and polity. 16 

4. Every one was to he ordained to some special charge^ This 
was supposed to be the apostolical rule, Acts 14: 33. Tit. 1: 5. 1 
Pet. 5: 2. Exceptions sometimes occurred, though very rarely, and 
always against the decided sentiments of the church. Non-resident 
clergy who are in this way removed from the watch and discipline 

* Qui episcopus ordinatus est, antea examinetur : si natura sit prudens, si 
docilis, si nioribus temporatus, si vita castus, si sobrius, si semper suis nego- 
tiis vacans, [al. cavens], si humilis, si afFabilis, si misericors, si literatus, si in 
lege Domini instructus, si in Seripturarum sensibus cautus, si in dogmati- 
bus ecclesiasticis exercitatus, et ante omnia, si fidei documenta verbis sim- 
plicibus afferat [asserat]. Quaerendumetiam ab eo; si novi vel veteris Tes- 
tament'], id est legis et prophetarurn et apostolorum. unum eundemque credat 
auctorem etDeum; si Diabolus non per conditionem sed per arbitrium fac- 
tus sit malus. Cone. Garth, iv. c. 1. — Quando episcopus ordinationes facere 
disponit, omnes, qui ad sacrum ministerium accedere volunt,feria quarta an- 
te ipsam ordinationemevocandisunt ad civitatem, una cum archipresby'teris, 
qui eos repraesentare debent. Et tunc episcopus a latere suo eligere debet 
sacerdotes et alios prudentes viros, gnaros divinae legis, exercitatos in eccle- 
siasticis sanctionibus, qui ordinandorum vitam, genus, patriam, aetatem, in- 
stitutionem, locum ubi educati sunt, si si'nt bene literati, si instructi in lege 
Domini, diligenter investigent, ante omnia si fidem catholicam firrniter tene- 
ant, et verbis simplicibus asserere queant. Ipsi autem, quibus hoc commit- 
titur, cavere debent. ne aut favoris gratia, aut cujuscunque muneris cupidi- 
tate illecti a vero devient, et indignum et minus idoneum ad sacros gradus 
suscipiendos episcopi manibus applicent. Cone. Nannetense, A. D. 658. 
can. 11. Presbyterum ordinari non debet ante legitimum tempus, hoc est, 
ante xxx aetatis annum ; sed priusquam ad presbyteratus consecrationem ac- 
cedat, maneat in episcopio discendi gratia officium suum tarn diu, donee pos- 
sint et mores et actus ejus animadverti ; et tunc, si dignus fuerit, ad sacerdo- 
tium promoveatur. Cone. Turon. 3, A. D. 813, c. 12. 

t Utex laico ad gradum sacerdotii ante nemo veniat, nisi prius in officio 
lectorati vel subdiaconati disciplinam ecclesiasticam discat, et sic per singu- 
los gradus ad sacerdotium veniat. Cone. Bracar. 2, A. D. 563, c. 20. Va- 
ria habendu est ordinatio quae, nee loco fundata est nee auctoritate rau- 
oita. 17 



158 OF ORDINATION. 

of the church, receive no favor from the ancient canons, and early 
ecclesiastical writers.* 

5. Every minister was required to remain in the diocese over 
which he was ordained ; and no one could, at the same time, be in- 
vested with more than one office. Plurality of livings were unknown 
to the ancient church. 

6. A clerical tonsure was made requisite about the fifth or sixth 
century. No mention is made of it before the fourth, and it is first 
spoken of with decided disapprobation. 19 

§ 3. Administration of the Rite. 

The duty of administering the rite devolved, ex officio, upon the 
bishop alone. This is abundantly implied in the canons of councils, 
and often expressly asserted by ecclesiastical writers. 1 Ordination 
by a presbyter is frequently declared to be null and void. 2 The of- 
fice of the presbyter in the rites of ordination was to assist the bishop 
in ordaining a fellow presbyter.f 

The ordination was solemnized in the church and in the presence 
of the assembly. Private ordinations were severely censured. 3 

During the first four centuries, the ordination was had at any sea- 
son of the year, as occasion required, and on any day of the week. 
It afterwards became a rule of the church that the ordination should 
be performed only on the sabbath, 4 sometimes in the morning, some- 

* Mrjdtva dnoXalvfiivojg (absolute) ysigoTovsiod'cu fi?jrs 'Ttqso^vtsqoVj fitfrs 
Sidv.ovov, fir/re oXvjq riva tojv iv ixv.XrjoiaoTivM rdyjuari- si firf IStxdJg (specia- 
liter) iv inxXrjaia n6\sojg> ?j xoif/^g^ ?} juaorvQioj,?} /xovaartjQioj 6 %siQorovovfis- 
vog tnMTiQvTzoiTO. Tovg §e aTcolvtojg yuQOTOVovixivog ojqlosv i) dyia avvoSog 
axvgov h'%£iv rfjv roiav'rtjy xtiQO&eoiaVyXat {i7]Saf.iov Si'vaG&ai IvsQyelv icp vfi- 
gsc tov yuQOTovy)aa.vxGg. Cone. Chalced. A. D. 451, c. 6; Conf. Cone. Va- 
lent. c. 6. 

t Presbyter cum ordinatur, episcopo eum benedicente et manum super ca- 
put ejus tenente, etiarn omnes presbyteri qui praesentes sunt, manus suas 
juxta manum episcopi super caput illius teneant ; Cone. Carth. iv. c. 4. — 
Presbyteros quoque et diaconos sola manuum impositione ordinabant ; sed 
suos presbyteros quisque episcopus cum presbyterorum collegio ordinabat. 
Quanquam autem idem agebant omnes, quia tamen praeibat episcopus et 
quasi ejus auspiciis res gerebatur, ideo ipsius dicebatur ordinatio. Unde ve- 
teres hoc saepe habent, non differre alia re ab episcopo presbyterum, nisi 
quia ordinandi potestatem non habeat. Calvin. Instit. Ret. Chr. lib. iv. c. 
4, § 15. 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE RITE. 159 

times in the evening, but usually in connection with the celebration 
of the Lord's supper. 5 

Candidates for ordination were accustomed uniformly to observe 
a season of fasting and prayer preparatory to this ordinance, 6 and to 
receive the sacrament. 

The first and most significant act in the rite of ordination was the 
imposition of hands. This has been, from the beginning, an uni- 
form and expressive rite in the consecration of one to the service of 
the sacred ministry ; and in this, accompanied with prayer, the act 
of ordination essentially consisted. By many this is supposed to dif- 
fer from the common imposition of hands at baptism, confirmation, 
and absolution. The manner of performing the ceremony has dif- 
fered at different times. 

About the ninth century it -became customary, in the Romish 
church, to anoint the candidate for holy orders. 

The investiture — the custom of delivering the sacred vessels, or- 
naments and vestments— was introduced in the seventh century. 
But some mention is made of it at an earlier date. The badges and 
insignia varied with different persons according to the nature of their 
office. 

In the ordination of a bishop, an open Bible was laid upon his 
head — sometimes delivered into his hands, to indicate that he was 
continually to consult this for direction in duty. A ring was put 
upon his finger as a token of his espousal to the church, and a staff 
in his hand as the shepherd of the flock. The mitre was added in 
the tenth century, and the glove was also introduced, but at what 
time does not appear. 

The presbyter received the sacramental cup and plate, in token 
of his service in administering the sacrament. 

Upon the deacon, the bishop laid his right hand and delivered to 
him a copy of the gospels, to indicate that he was to act as the 
agent and organ of the bishop. 

The subdeacon received an empty patin and cup, with an ewer 
and napkin ; the reader received a copy of the Scriptures ; the 
acolyth, a candlestick with a taper ; and the ostiarii, the keys of the 
church. 

The party ordained was signed with the sign of the cross, and, 
after his ordination, received the kiss of charity from the ordaining 
minister and his assistants. 7 



160 OF ORDINATION. 

The following is the prayer which is prescribed by the Apostoli- 
cal Constitutions, to be used in the ordination of a bishop. 

" eternal and almighty Lord God, the only unbegotten and su- 
preme, who art from eternity, before all time and all things ; thou 
who hast need of nothing, and art exalted far above all circumstan- 
ces and events ; thou who art the only true, the only wise, the high- 
est over all ; whose nature is inscrutable, and whose knowledge is 
without beginning ; thou who alone art good, and with whom no one 
may compare ; thou who knowest all things, before they come to 
pass ; thou from whom no secrets are hid, whom no one can ap- 
proach unto, whom no one can command ; O thou God and Father 
of thine only-begotten Son, our Lord and Saviour ; thou who 
through time hast created all things, and who upholdest all ; thou 
father of mercy, and God of all consolation ; thou who dwellest in 
the highest, and regardest the things that are below ; thou who hast 
given to the church its bounds by the incarnation of thy Christ, with 
the testimony of the Comforter, by thine apostles, and by the bishops 
here present by thy grace ; thou who from the beginning, amongst 
the first men, didst for the good of thy people appoint priests, even 
Abel, Seth, Enos, Enoch, Noah, Melchizedek, and Job ; — thou who 
didst choose thy faithful servants Abraham and the other patriarchs, 
Moses, Aaron, Eleazar, and Phineas, and didst appoint from among 
them princes and priests for the service of the covenant ; who didst 
make Samuel both priest and prophet, who didst not leave thy 
sanctuary without ministers and attendance, and didst show favor 
unio those whom thou didst cause to minister to thy glory ; — we be- 
seech thee to pour out now through us, by the mediation of thy 
Christ, the power of thine almighty spirit, which is given through thy 
beloved Son Jesus Christ, and which he imparted to thine holy apos- 
tles, according to thy will, O eternal God. Grant, thou searcher 
of the heart, that this thy servant, whom thou hast chosen to the 
office of a bishop, may feed thy holy flock in thy name, and may 
serve thee unblameably as thine high priest, day and night; and 
that he, propitiating thy countenance, may gather unto thee the 
number of those who shall be called, and may present the offerings 
of thy holy church. Grant unto him, O Lord Almighty, by thy 
Christ and the communication of the Holy Spirit, that he may have 
power to remit sins according to thy commandment, to confer orders 
(didovai y.h'^ovg) according to thy appointment, and to loose every 



DUTIES OF CHRISTIAN MINISTERS. 161 

bond {navra avrdzapov) according to the power which thou didst 
grant unto thine apostles. Grant that he may please thee by meek- 
ness, purity of heart, constancy, sincerity, and a blameless conver- 
sation ; that so he may offer unto thee the pure and unbloody sacri- 
fice which thou hast appointed by Christ in the sacrament of the new 
covenant, and as the offering of a sweet-smelling savor, through thy 
dear Son Jesus Christ, our God and Saviour, through whom be unto 
thee glory, honor, and adoration, in the Holy Spirit, now and for 
ever. Amen." 



§ 4. Remarks of chrysostom, Jerome, and Gregory Nazianzen, 
relating to the character and duties of christian ministers. 

Bingham has inserted in his Antiquities a large collection of 
quotations from the Fathers, especially Chrysostom, Jerome, and 
Gregory Nazianzen, relating to the character and duties of christian 
ministers ; from which I make the following selection. The subject 
is one of more than ordinary interest ; and many of the observations 
of these pious writers of former times will be found to possess an 
uncommon degree of intrinsic weight and value. It may also be a 
seasonable relief to us, in the midst of this collection of testimonies 
from the early writers concerning the external constitution and prac- 
tices of the church, to hear the evidence of the same writers con- 
cerning something of a more internal character ; to learn what was 
their standard of moral and spiritual excellence in the character of a 
christian minister, as well as to consider their institutions concern- 
ing the different orders of clergy, their appointments, the offices as- 
signed to them, their revenues, and dress. 

" Some," says Gregory Nazianzen, " do, with unwashen hands 
and profane minds, press to handle the holy mysteries, and affect to 
be at the altar before they are fit to be initiated to any sacred ser- 
vice ; they look upon the holy order and function, not as designed 
for an example of virtue, but only as a way of supporting themselves ; 
not as a trust, of which they are to give an account, but in a state of 
absolute authority and exemption. And these men's examples cor- 
rupt the people's morals, faster than any cloth can imbibe a color, 
or a plague infect the air ; since men are more disposed to receive 
the tincture of vice than virtue from the example of their rulers." 
In opposition to this, he declares it to be incumbent upon all spiritual 

21 



162 OF ORDINATION. 

physicians, " that they should draw the picture of all manner of vir- 
tues in their own lives, and set themselves as examples to the peo- 
ple ; that it might not be proverbially said of them, that they set 
about curing others, while they themselves are full of sores and ul- 
cers." He urges, also, the necessity of purity in the life and con- 
versation of the clergy, from the consideration of the dignity and 
and sacredness of their office. 

" A minister's office places him in the same rank and order with 
angels themselves ; he celebrates God with archangels, transmits 
the church's sacrifice to the altar in heaven, and performs the priest's 
office with Christ himself;* he reforms the work of God's hands, 
and presents the image to his maker; his workmanship is for the 
world above ; and therefore he should be exalted to a divine and 
heavenly nature, whose business is to be as God himself, and make 
others gods also." (Greg. Naz. Or at. 1, Apologet. de Fuga.) And 
Chrysostom makes use of the same argument, " that the priesthood, 
though it be exercised upon earth, is occupied wholly about heaven- 
ly things ; that it is the ministry of angels put by the Holy Ghost in- 
to the hands of mortal men ; and therefore a priest ought to be pure 
and holy, as being placed in heaven itself, in the midst of those 
heavenly powers." (Chrysostom, De Sacerdot. lib. 3, c. 4.) He 
dwells, also, upon the dangerous influence of bad example. " Sub- 
jects commonly form their manners by the patterns of their princes. 
How then should a proud man be able to assuage the swelling tu- 
mors of others ? or an angry ruler hope to make his people in love 
with moderation and meekness ? Bishops are exposed, like com- 
batants in the theatre, to the view and observation of all men ; and 
their faults, though never so small, cannot be hid ; and therefore, as 
their virtuous actions profit many by provoking them to the like zeal, 
so their vices will render others unfit to attempt or prosecute any- 
thing that is noble and good. For which reason, their souls ought 
to shine all over with the purest brightness, that they may both en- 

* This mistaken view of the ministerial office is one of the errors of the 
times in which Gregory wrote. Misrepresentations concerning the real na- 
ture of the christian ministry are not peculiar to the church of Rome; they 
arose as early as the third and fourth centuries. But while we discard the 
errors of the men of those times, let us not throw aside their reverent regard 
for that which constitutes the real dignity and usefulness of the sacred of- 
fice as a minister in holy things. 



DUTIES OF CHRISTIAN MINISTERS. 163 

lighten and stimulate the souls of others, who have their eyes upon 
them. A priest should arm himself all over with purity of life, as 
with adamantine armour ; for if he leave any part naked and un- 
guarded, he is surrounded both with open enemies and pretended 
friends, who will be ready to wound and supplant him. So long as 
his life is all of a piece, he needs not fear their assaults ; but if he 
be caught in a fault, though but a small one, it will be laid hold of, 
and improved, to the prejudice of all his former virtues. For all 
men are most severe judges in his case, and treat him not with any 
allowance for being encompassed with flesh, or as having an human 
nature ; but expect that he should be an angel, and free from all in- 
firmities.'" (Ibid. lib. ill. c. 14.) " Pie cannot, indeed, with any tol- 
erable decency and freedom discharge his office in punishing and 
reproving others, unless he himself be blameless and without re- 
buke." (Ibid. lib. v. c. 3.) 

The peculiar virtues of the external life and conversation of the 
clergy, which these pious writers most frequently commend, are the 
following ; — hospitality and kindness to the poor, — frugality, and a 
holy contempt of the world, — harmless and inoffensive discourse ; — 
and care to avoid all suspicion of evil. — Jerome says, " It is one of 
the glories of a bishop to provide for the poor; but a disgrace to the 
sacred function, to seek only to enrich himself." (Hieron. Ejp. 2 ad. 
Nepotian.) Chrysostom highly extols his bishop Flavian upon ac- 
count of this virtue. He says that " his house was always open to 
strangers, and to such as were obliged to have recourse to flight for 
the sake of religion ; where they were received and entertained with 
such liberality and kindness, that his house might as properly be 
called 4 The house of strangers,' as ' The house of Flavian.' Yea, 
it was so much the more his own, for being common to strangers ; 
for whatever we possess is so much the more our property for being 
communicated to our poor brethren ; there being no place where we 
may so safely lay up our treasure, as in the hands of the poor." 
(Chrysos. Serm. 1 in Gen.) On the other hand, Jerome observes, 
in his instruction to Nepotian, " You must avoid giving great enter- 
tainments to secular men, and especially to those who are high in 
office. For it is not very reputable to have the lictors and guards 
of a consul stand waiting at the doors of a priest of Christ, who him- 
self was crucified and poor ; nor that a judge of a province should 
dine more sumptuously with you, than in a palace. If it be pre- 



164 OF ORDINATION. 

tended that you do this only to be able to intercede with him for 
poor criminals ; there is no judge but will pay a greater deference 
and respect to a poor clergyman than to a rich one, and show great- 
er reverence to your sanctity than to your riches. Or if he be such 
an one as will hear a clergyman's intercession only at his table, I 
should willingly be without this benefit, and rather beseech Christ 
for the judge himself, who can more speedily and powerfully help 
than any judge. 1 ' (Hieron. Ep. 2 ad Nepotian.) Again, " The laity 
should rather find us to be comforters in their mournings, than com- 
panions in their feasts. That clergymen will soon be despised, who 
never refuses any entertainments when he is frequently invited to 
them." (Ibid.) — The virtues of the tongue were also considered of 
great importance in the life of a clergyman, in the times of which 
we are treating. Jerome gives a particular caution to ministers, 
against the sin of detraction and calumny, and especially against 
giving encouragement to evil speaking, by a patient hearing. " No 
slanderer," says he, " tells his story to one who is not willing to hear 
him. An arrow never fixes in a stone, but often recoils, and wounds 
him that shoots it. Therefore let the detractor be less forward and 
busy, by your unwillingness to hear his detraction." (Hieron. Ep. 2 
ad Nepotian.) 

The same writer recommends another virtue of the tongue to 
clergymen ; namely, the habit of keeping secrets, and of observing 
a becoming silence, especially about the affairs of public persons. 
" Your office," says he, " requires you to visit the sick, and thereby 
you become acquainted with the families of matrons and their 
children, and are entrusted with the secrets of noble men. You 
ought, therefore, to keep not only a chaste eye, but a chaste tongue. 
.... You ought not to let one house know from you what may 
have been done in another." (Ibid.) Chrysostom gives some excel- 
lent advice respecting the great duty of avoiding every appearance of 
evil, — a duty especially incumbent upon Christian ministers. " If," 
says he, " the holy apostle St. Paul was afraid lest he should have 
been suspected of theft by the Corinthians ; and upon that account 
took others into the administration of their charity with himself, that 
no one might have the least pretence to blame him ; how much 
more careful should we be to cut off all occasions of sinister opinions 
and suspicions, however false or unreasonable they might be, or dis- 
agreeable to our character. For none of us can be so far removed 



DUTIES OF CHRISTIAN MINISTERS. 165 

from any sin, as St. Paul was from theft ; yet he did not think fit to 
contemn the suspicions of the vulgar ; he did not trust to the repu- 
tation which both his miracles, and the integrity of his life, had gen- 
erally procured for him ; but, on the contrary, he imagined that 
such suspicions and jealousies might arise in the hearts of some men, 
and therefore he took care to prevent them ; not suffering them to 
arise at all, but timely foreseeing them and prudently forestalling 
them ; providing, as he says, for honest things, not only in the sight 
of God, but also in the sight of men. The same care, and much 
greater, should we take, not only to dissipate and destroy the ill 
opinions men may have entertained of us, but to foresee afar off 
from what causes they may spring, and to cut off beforehand the oc- 
casions and pretences from which they may arise. And it is much 
easier to do this, than to extinguish them when they are risen, which 
will then be very difficult, and perhaps impossible ; besides that 
their being raised will give great scandal and offence, and wound the 
conscience of many." (Chrysost. de Sacerdot. lib. vi. c. 9.) Je- 
rome in like manner, represents it as the duty of a minister to avoid 
all suspicions ; and to take care before hand that there should be no 
probable grounds for fictitious stories to the disadvantage of his 
moral character. (Hieron. Ep. 2 ad Neoptian.) But it might hap- 
pen, as Bingham truly observes, that a man, after the utmost human 
caution and prudence that could be used, might not be able to avoid 
the malevolent suspicions of ill-disposed persons ; for our blessed 
Lord, whose innocence and conduct were both equally divine could 
not in his converse with men wholly escape them. Now, in this case, 
the church could prescribe no other rule than that of patience and 
christian consolation, given by our Saviour to his apostles, " Blessed 
are ye, when men shall revile you, and persecute you, and shall say 
all manner of evil against you falsely for my sake ; rejoice, and be 
exceeding glad ; for great is your reward in heaven." (Matt. 5: ] 1.) 
" When we have done," says Augustin, " all that in justice and pru- 
dence we could, to preserve our good name, if, after that, some men 
will notwithstanding endeavor to blemish our reputation, and blacken 
our character, either by false suggestions or unreasonable suspicions, 
let conscience be our comfort, and even our joy, that great is our 
reward in heaven." (Augustin. De Bono Viduitat. c. 22.) 

From these observations respecting the general life and conversa- 



166 OF ORDINATION. 

tion of the clergy, let us pass to others more immediately relating to 
the exercise of the duties and offices of their sacred function. 

The fathers frequently insist upon the necessity of due study and 
application, in order to the right discharge of the ministerial office. 
For since, as Gregory Nazianzen observes, (Orat. 1. De Fuga,) a 
man could not become master of the meanest arts without the cost 
of much time and pains, it were absurd to think that the art of wis- 
dom, which comprehends the knowledge of things human and di- 
vine, and comprises everything that is noble and excellent, was so 
light and vulgar a thing, as that a man needed no more than a wish 
or a will to obtain it. Some indeed, he complains, (Ibid.) were of 
this fond opinion ; and, therefore, before they had well passed the 
time of their childhood, or knew the names of the books of the Old 
and New Testament, or how well to read them, if they had learnt 
but two or three pious words by heart, or had read a few of the 
Psalms of David, and put on a grave habit, which made some out- 
ward show of piety, they had the vanity to think themselves qualified 
for the government of the church. They then talked of nothing but 
the sanctilication of Samuel from his cradle, and thought themselves 
profound scribes, great rabbies and teachers, sublime in the know- 
ledge of divine things ; and were for interpreting the Scripture, not 
by the letter, but after a spiritual way, propounding their own dreams 
and fancies, instead of the divine oracles, to the people. This, he 
complains, was for want of that study and labor which ought to give 
continual employment to those persons who take upon them the of- 
fices of the sacred function. Chrysostom pursues this matter a little 
further ; and shows the necessity of continual labor and study in a 
clergyman, from the nature of the work which he has upon hand, 
each part of which requires great and sedulous application. For, 
says he, first, he ought to be qualified to minister suitable remedies 
to the several maladies and disorders of men's souls ; the cure of 
which requires greater skill and labor than the cure of their bodily 
distempers. And this can be done only by the doctrine of the gos- 
pel ; with which, therefore, it is necessary that he should be inti- 
mately acquainted. Then again, secondly, he must be able to stop 
the mouths of all gainsayers, Jews, gentiles, and heretics, who em- 
ploy different arts and different weapons in their attacks upon the 
truth ; and unless he exactly understands all their fallacies and so- 
phisms, and knows the true art of making a proper defence, he will 



DUTIES OF CHRISTIAN MINISTERS. 167 

be in danger not only of suffering each of them to make havoc of 
the church, but of encouraging one error while combating another. 
For nothing was more common, in Chrysostom's time, than for ig- 
norant and unskilful disputants to run from one extreme to another ; 
as he shows in the controversies which the church had with the Mar- 
cionites and Valentinians on the one hand, and the Jews on the other, 
about the law of Moses ; and the dispute about the Trinity, between 
the Arians and the Sabellians. Now, unless a man were well skil- 
led and exercised in the word of God, and the true art and rules of 
disputation, which could not be attained without continual study and 
labor, he concludes that " it would be impossible for him to maintain 
his ground, and the truth, as he ought, against so many subtle and 
wily opposers." He then inculcates that instruction of St. Paul to 
Timothy, " Give attendance to reading, to exhortation, to doctrine : 
meditate upon these things ; give thyself wholly to them, that thy 
profiting may appear to all men.'" Thirdly, he shows " how diffi- 
cult and laborious a work it was to make continual homilies and 
regular discourses to the people, who were become very severe 
judges of the preacher's compositions, and would not allow him to 
rehearse any part of another man's work, nor so much as to repeat 
his own upon a second occasion. Here his task was something the 
more difficult, because men had generally nice and delicate palates, 
and were inclined to hear sermons as they heard plays, more for 
pleasure than profit. Which added to the preacher's study and la- 
bor ; who, though he was to contemn both popular applause and 
censure, yet was also to have such a regard to his auditory, as that 
they might hear him with pleasure, to their edification and advan- 
tage." Some persons having been ready to plead the apostle's au- 
thority for their ignorance, and even to pride themselves upon their 
want of learning, to this Chrysostom very properly replies, that "this 
was a misrepresentation of St. Paul's meaning, and was vainly urged 
in excuse for any man's sloth and negligence in not attaining to 
those necessary parts of knowledge which the clerical life required. 
If the utmost heights and perfections of foreign eloquence had been 
rigidly exacted of the clergy ; — if they had been required to speak 
always with the smoothness of Isocrates, or the loftiness of Demos- 
thenes, or the majesty of Thucydides, or the sublimity of Plato, — 
then indeed it might be pertinent to allege this testimony of the apos- 
tle. But rudeness of style, in comparison with such eloquence, may 



168 



OF ORDINATION. 



be allowed ; provided men be otherwise qualified with knowledge, 
and furnished with ability to preach and dispute accurately concern- 
ing the doctrines of faith and religion, as St. Paul was ; whose tal- 
ents in that kind have made him the wonder and admiration of the 
whole world ; and it would be unjust to accuse him of rudeness of 
speech, who by his discourses confounded both Jews and Greeks, 
and wrought many into the opinion that he was the Mercury of the 
gentiles. Such proofs of his power of persuasion were sufficient 
evidence that he had bestowed some pains upon this matter ; and 
therefore his authority was vainly abused to patronize ignorance and 
sloth, whose example was so great a reproach to them." The same 
writer afterwards proceeds to show, that a good life alone is not a 
sufficient qualification for a minister, nor ought to be regarded as 
any valid ground of excuse for want of knowledge and study, and the 
art of preaching and disputing. " Both these qualifications," says 
he, " are required in a priest ; he must not only do, but teach, the 
commands of Christ, and must guide others by his word and doctrine 
as well as by his practice ; each of these have their part in his of- 
fice, and are necessary to assist one another, in order to complete 
men's edification. For otherwise, when any controversy may arise 
about the doctrines of religion, and Scripture may be pleaded in be- 
half of error ; what will a good life avail in this case ? What will it 
signify to have been diligent in the practice of virtue, if, after all, a 
man through gross ignorance and unskilfulness in the word of truth, 
fall into heresy, and cut himself off from the body of the church ? 
And I know many that have done so. But, suppose that a man 
should stand firm himself, and not be drawn away by the adversa- 
ries ; yet, when the plain and simple people who are under his care 
shall observe their leader to be baffled, and that he has nothing to 
say to the arguments of a subtle opponent, they will be ready to im- 
pute this not so much to the weakness of the advocate, as to the bad- 
ness of his cause : and so, by one man's ignorance, a whole people 
will be carried headlong to utter destruction : or, at least, will be so 
shaken in their faith, that they will not stand firm for the future." 
(Chrysost. De Sacerdot. lib. iv. 5.) And, in like manner, Jerome 
observes in his Epistle to Nepotian, " that the plain rustic brother 
should not value himself upon his sanctity, and despise knowledge ; 
neither should the skilful and eloquent speaker measure his holiness 
by his tongue. For, though of two imperfections it was better to 



DUTIES OF CHRISTIAN MINISTERS. 169 

have a holy ignorance than a vicious eloquence ; yet both qualifica- 
tions were necessary to complete a priest, and he ought to have 
knowledge as well as sanctity to fit him for the several duties of his 
function." (Hieron. Ep. 2 ad Nepotian.) 

But it was the study of the Holy Scriptures which was especially 
enjoined upon christian ministers by these pious writers. Chrysos- 
tom says, " In administering spiritual remedies to the souls of men, 
the word of God is instead of everything that is used in the cure of 
bodily distempers. It is instrument, and diet, and air ; it is instead 
of medicine, and fire, and knife ; if caustics and incisions are neces- 
sary, they are to be done by this ; and if this do not succeed, it were 
in vain to try other means. This is it which is to raise and comfort 
the dejected soul ; and to take down and suppress the swelling hu- 
mors and presumptions of the confident. By this they are both to 
cut off what is superfluous, to supply what is wanting, and to do 
everything that is necessary to be done in the cure of souls. By this 
all heretics and unbelievers are to be convinced, and all the plots of 
Satan to be countermined : and therefore it is necessary that the 
ministers of God be very diligent in studying the Scriptures, that the 
word of Christ might dwell richly in them." (Chrysost. De Sacerdot. 
lib. iv. c. 3, 4.) Jerome commends his friend Nepotian for this, 
" that at all feasts it was his practice to propound something out of 
the Holy Scriptures, and entertain the company with some useful 
disquisition from it. And, next to the Scriptures, he employed his 
time upon the study of the best ecclesiastical authors, whom by con- 
tinual reading and frequent meditations he had so treasured up in the 
library of his heart, that he could repeat their words on any proper 
occasion ; saying, thus spake Tertullian,thus Cyprian, so Lactantius, 
after this manner Hilary, so Minucius Felix, so Victorinus, these 
were the words of Arnobius, and the like." (Hieron. Epitaph. Ne- 
pot., J. ad Heliodor.) 

We find the following observations, among many others, respect- 
ing the public discharge of ministerial duties :— " With what exact 
care," says Chrysostom, " ought he to behave himself, who goes in 
the name of a whole city, nay, in the name of the whole world, as 
their orator and ambassador, to intercede with God for the sins of 
all ?* But especially when he invocates the Holy Ghost, and offers 

* There is great danger in the use of such language as this. Doubtless 

22 



170 OF ORDINATION. 

up the tremendous sacrifice of the altar ;* with what purity, with 
what reverence and piety, should his tongue utter forth those words ; 
whilst the angels stand by him, and the- whole order of heavenly 
powers cries aloud, and fills the sanctuary in honor of him who is 
represented as dead and lying upon the altar." Chrysost. De Sacer- 
dot. lib. vi. c. 4.) 

Concerning preaching, the following rules are laid down by Greg- 
ory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, and Jerome. — First, that the preacher 
be careful to make choice of an useful subject. Gregory Nazianzen 
(Orat. 1 de Fug a), specifies some particular and leading subjects, 
— such as the doctrine of the world's creation, and the soul of man ; 
the doctrine of providence, and the restoration of man ; the two cov- 
enants ; the first and second comings of Christ; his incarnation, suf- 
ferings, and death ; the resurrection, the end of the world, and the 
future judgment ; the different rewards of heaven and hell ; together 
with the doctrine of the blessed Trinity, which is the principal arti- 
cle of the Christian faith. Such subjects as these are fit for edifica- 
tion, to build up men in faith and holiness, and the practice of all pi- 
ety and virtue. 

But then, secondly, these subjects must be treated in a suitable 
way ; not with too much art or loftiness of style, but with great con- 
descension to men's capacities, who must be fed with the word as 
they are able to bear it. This is what Gregory Nazianzen so much 
commends in Athanasius, when he says, " He condescended and ac- 
commodated himself to mean capacities, whilst to the acute his no- 
tions and words are more sublime," (Greg. Naz. Orat. 21, de Laud. 
Athan.) Jerome also observes upon this head, " that a preacher's 
discourse should always be plain, intelligible, and affecting ; and 
rather adapted to excite men's groans and tears by a sense of their 
sins, than their admiration and applause by speaking to them what 
neither they, nor he himself perhaps, do truly understand. For they 
are chiefly ignorant and unlearned men who affect to be admired for 
their speaking above the capacities of the vulgar. A bold man often 

there is a sense in which it may be rightly employed ; but it must be careful- 
ly remembered that the only mediator between God and man, — the only in- 
tercessor on behalf of the church, — is the Lord Jesus Christ. Many prac- 
tical errors, however, were interwoven with the Christian faith during the 
third and fourth centuries. 
* That is, celebrates the Lord's Supper in the congregation. 



DUTIES OF CHRISTIAN MINISTERS. 171 

interprets what he, himself does not understand ; and yet he has no 
sooner persuaded others to they know not what, than he assumes to 
himself the title of learning upon it. While yet there is nothing so 
easy as to deceive the ignorant multitude, who are always most 
prone to admire what they do not understand. " (Hieron, Ep. 2 ad 
Nepotian.) Chrysostom spends almost a whole book (De Sacerdot. 
lib. v.) in cautioning the christian orator against the fault of courting 
popular applause; and points out the necessity of his despising both 
the applauses and censures of men, and all other things which might 
tempt him to flatter his hearers, rather than edify them. " In a 
word," says he, " his chief end in all his compositions should be to 
please God : and then, if he also gained the praise of men, he might 
receive it ; if not, he needed not to court it nor torment himself be- 
cause it was denied him. For it would be consolation enough for all 
his labors, that in the application of his doctrine and eloquence he 
had always sought to please his God." (De Sacerdot. lib. v. c. 7.) 

A third rule was, that preachers should carefully adapt their doc- 
trine to the actual wants and necessities of their hearers. Chrysos- 
tom, in describing this part of a minister's duty, says, that " he should 
be watchful and clear-sighted, and have a thousand eyes about him, 
a-s living not for himself alone, but for a multitude of people. To 
live retired in a cell is the part of a monk ; but the duty of a watch- 
man is to converse among men of all degrees and callings; to take 
care of the body of Christ, the church, and have regard both to its 
health and beauty ; carefully observing lest any spot, or wrinkle, or 
other defilement, should sully its grace and comeliness. Now this 
obliges spiritual physicians to apply their medicines, that is, their doc- 
trines, as the maladies of their patients chiefly require ; to be most 
earnest and frequent in encountering those errors and vices which 
are most predominant, or by which men are most in danger of being 
infected. (Chrysost. De Sacerdot. lib. iii. c. 12; lib. iv. c. 2,3.) 

In private addresses to the persons under their charge, the cler- 
gy were enjoined to exercise prudence, as well as fidelity and 
diligence. " Man," says Gregory Nazianzen, " is so various and 
uncertain a creature, that it requires great art and skill to manage 
him. For the tempers of men's minds differ more than the features 
and lineaments of their bodies ; and, as all meats and medicines are 
not proper for all bodies, so neither is the same treatment and disci- 
pline proper for all souls. Some are best moved by words, others 



172 OF ORDINATION. 

by examples ; some are of a dull and heavy temper, and so have 
need of the spur to stimulate them ; others, that are brisk and fiery, 
have more need of the curb to restrain them. Praise works best 
upon some, and reproof upon others, provided that each of them be 
ministered in a suitable and seasonable way, otherwise they do more 
harm than good. Some men are drawn by gentle exhortations to 
their duty ; others by rebukes and hard words must be driven to it. 
And even in this business of reproof some men are affected most 
with open rebuke, others with private. For some men never regard 
a secret reproof, who yet are easily corrected, if chastised in public : 
others again cannot bear a public disgrace, but grow either morose, 
or impudent and implacable, under it ; who, perhaps, would have 
hearkened to a secret admonition, and repaid their monitor with their 
conversion, as presuming him to have accosted them out of mere 
pity and love. Some men are to be so nicely watched and observ- 
ed, that not the least of their faults are to be dissembled ; because 
they seek to hide their sins from men, and arrogate to themselves 
thereupon the praise of being politic and crafty : in others it is bet- 
ter to wink at some faults, so that seeing we will not see, and hear- 
ing we will not hear, lest by too frequent chidings we bring them to 
despair, and so make them cast off modesty and grow bolder in their 
sins. To some men we must put on an angry countenance, and 
seem to deplore their condition, and to despair of them as lost and 
pitiable wretches, when their nature so requires it : others again 
must be treated with meekness and humility, and be recovered to a 
better hope by more promising and encouraging prospects. Some 
men must be always conquered and never yielded to ; whilst to oth- 
ers it will be better to concede a little. For all men's distempers 
are not to be cured the same way ; but proper medicines are to be 
applied, as the matter itself, or occasion, or the temper of the patient 
will allow. And this is the most difficult part of the pastoral office, 
to know how to distinguish these things nicely, with an exact judg- 
ment, and with as exact a hand to administer suitable remedies to ev- 
ery distemper. It is a master-piece of art, which is not to be attained 
but by good observation, joined with experience and practice." (Greg. 
Naz. Oral. 1. de Fuga ; Conf. Or at. 21, de Laud Athan.) In like 
manner, Chrysostom, speaking of the qualification of a christian 
minister, observes, that " he ought to be wise, as well as holy ; a 
man of great experience, and that understands the world ; and, be- 



PUNISHMENT OF DELINQUENTS. 173 

cause his business is with all sorts of men, he should be noixllog, one 
that can appear with different aspects, and act with a great variety 
of skill. But when I say this, I do not mean," says he, " that he 
should be a man of craft or servile flattery, or a dissembling hypo- 
crite ; but a man of great freedom and boldness, who knows, not- 
withstanding, how to condescend and accommodate himself to men's 
advantage, when occasion requires, and who can be mild as well as 
austere. For all men are not to be treated in the same way ; no 
physician uses the same method with all his patients." (Chrysost. 
De Sacerdot. lib. iii. c. 16.) 

Zeal and courage in defending the truth is an other quality which 
the ancients correctly represent as requisite in a christian minister. 
i( In other cases," says Gregory Nazianzen, " there is nothing so 
peaceable, so moderate, as christian bishops ; but in this case they 
cannot bear the name of moderation to betray their God by silence 
and sitting still ; here they are exceedingly eager warriors and fight- 
ing champions, that are not to be overcome." (Greg. Naz. Or at. 
21, De Laud. Athan. : Conf. Orat. 20, De Laud. Basil.) But in 
speaking thus, they made it to be, at the same time, distinctly under- 
stood that "the weapons of our warfare are not carnal." 

Such are among the truly excellent remarks of Chrysostom, Greg- 
ory Nazianzen, and Jerome, concerning the character and duties of 
a christian minister. These specimens of practical piety and wis- 
dom from the writings of the Fathers, while they convey important 
instruction on the particular subject to which they relate, may also 
serve to direct our attention, in general, to the true value and use of 
those precious records of the early church. Let us not be unwilling 
to avail ourselves of the piety, learning, and experience of ancient 
christian teachers ; nor be disposed to overlook what is really im- 
portant in their writings, merely because they were subject to hu- 
man infirmity, and were involved in some of those errors which grad- 
ually gathered round the church from the second century, until the 
days of the blessed Reformation. 

§ 5. Punishment of Delinquents.* 

The stern and awful sanctity of the primitive christians is pecu- 
liarly manifest in the severity of that discipline to which they sub- 



* Siegel's Allerthilmer III. Bd. 79. 



174 OP ©RDJNATION. 

jected offending members of their communion. Their system of 
discipline towards laymen who were subjeci to it, is fully developed 
in a subsequent part of this work, chap. xvii. But the clergy of 
every grade were the subjects of a discipline peculiar to their body ; 
and in some respects even more severe than that of private members 
of the church. The latter might, by suitable demonstrations of peni- 
tence, be again restored to their former standing ; but this privilege 
was never accorded to a degraded or excommunicated minister. If, 
for any offence, he once fell under ecclesiastical censure, he was ex- 
cluded from the clerical order entirely and forever. 

The offences for which a clergyman was liable to censure or pun- 
ishment were very numerous, and continually increased as the spirit 
of ancient Christianity degenerated and gave place to the ostentatious 
formalities ofiater times. They may, however, be comprised un- 
der the following classes : apostasy, heresy, simony, neglect of duty 
of any kind, especially departure from the prescribed forms of wor- 
ship ; and open immorality. 

Many of these offences evidently related to the peculiar trials to 
which the primitive Christians were subject, and to the heresies and 
defections which were consequent upon them. Offences of this 
character were visited with peculiar severity upon the clergy. 

The punishments inflicted upon offending members of the clerical 
body during the first seven or eight centuries, may be reduced to the 
following heads : suspension, degradation, exclusion from the com- 
munion, imprisonment, corporal punishment, and excommunication. 

1. Suspension. This related either to the salary of the clergyman, 
or to his office. Both methods of punishment were practised by the 
ancient church. An instance is related in the writings of Cyprian 
of some whose monthly wages were suspended, while they were al- 
lowed to continue in the discharge of their office. Decrees to this 
effect were ordained by the councils of Nice, Ephesus, and Agde. 

Suspension from office was varied according to circumstances. 
At one time the offender was suspended from the performance of the 
active duties of his office, whilst he still retained his clerical rank 
with his brethren in the ministry. 1 At another, he was forbidden to 
perform some of the duties of his office, while he continued in the 
discharge of others ; and again, he was debarred the performance of 
all ministerial duties for a definite period of time. 

2. Degradation. This punishment consisted, as its name implies, 



PUNISHMENT OF DELINQUENTS. 175 

in removing the offender from a higher to a lower grade of office. 
This sentence of degradation appears to have been final and irrevo- 
cable. 2 Bishops were in this manner transferred from a larger to a 
smaller or less important diocese. 3 Presbyters were degraded to the 
order of deacons ; and deacons, to that of subdeacons. This spe- 
cies of punishment was also inflicted upon bishops in Africa by su- 
perseding them in their expected succession to the office of arch- 
bishop or metropolitan. 4 

3. Exclusion from the communion. Of this there were two kinds, 
which were denominated communio peregrina, and communio laica. 
The former has sometimes been confounded with the latter, or it 
has been supposed to denote a communion in one kind, or commu- 
nion only at the point of death, which, in the Romish church, was 
regarded as a kind of passport to the future world. The most prob- 
able explanation of this point, confessedly obscure, is, that the term 
communion implied not only a participation of the eucharist, but in 
all the rights and privileges of a member of the church. Travellers 
and strangers, unless they had testimonials certifying to their regular 
standing in the church, were presumed to be under censure, and 
were not allowed the privileges of full communion, though permitted 
to receive, if need be, a maintenance from the funds of the church. 
An instance is related of Chrysostom, who on a certain occa- 
sion hospitably entertained the bishop of Alexandria, who had fled 
from persecution to him at Constantinople ; but the bishop was not 
allowed to partake of the eucharist, until it had been fully ascertained 
that no just accusation could be brought against him. Clergy- 
men under censure were sometimes treated in this way in their own 
communion. They were placed in the same relations as strangers, 
which was denoted by the phrase communio peregrina. 5 Under 
these circumstances they could neither officiate nor be present at the 
celebration of the Lord's supper, until they had given the prescribed 
satisfaction. 

The act of communion was indeed the highest privilege of a lay- 
man ; but it was a severe rebuke to one who had been elevated to 
the rank of the clergy to be again degraded to the condition of a 
layman, and to be required to communicate as a layman at the table 
of the Lord. This was a kind of mitigated excommunication. He 
was excluded from the body of the clergy and reduced to the condition 
of a humble individual. In this situation he was required to perform 



176 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

certain services for that same body from which he had been expelled. 
This was styled communio laica, and the subject of this penalty was 
said to be delivered over to the secular arm, curiae iradi, in the 
phraseology of the ancient canonists. 

4. Imprisonment. The custom of confining delinquent clergy- 
men in monasteries appears to have taken its rise in the fourth and 
fifth centuries. At a later period it became a frequent mode of pun- 
ishment. 

5. Corporal punishment. This kind of punishment, together with 
the last mentioned, was inflicted only on clergy of the inferior or- 
ders. 6 This mode of punishment was by no means uncommon in 
the time of Augustine. A presbyter, who had given false witness, 
could first be deposed from his office ; and then, as a layman, might 
be subjected to corporal punishment. Connected with the churches 
in large cities, such as Constantinople, there were houses of correc- 
tion, decanica^ for administering the correction of imprisonment and 
of corporal punishment. 

6. Excommunication. This was the last and highest form of ec- 
clesiastical censure. It cut off all hope on the part of the offender 
from ever being again reinstated in the ministry, even if he were re- 
stored to the fellowship of the churches. None who had at any time 
been exposed to public censure, were restored again to their office. 7 

The above penalties appear to have been inflicted by authority of 
ecclesiastical councils alone, or at least to have been prescribed by 
them. 



CHAPTER IX. 

OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

§ 1. History of Churches. 

Christians in different ages have called the places where they 
were wont to meet together for religious worship by a great variety 
of names. The primitive appellation was, acccording to some, ix- 
x/bjo-iK, 1 Cor. 11: 18, 20, 22. So it was used by Ignatius, Clemens 
Alexandrinus, Tertullian, etc. To this may be added the names of 



HISTORY OF CHURCHES. 177 

oixog &sov,oixog iy.y.ltjaUxg, dominicmn, Domus Dei, etc. xvQiocy.6v,7i()o<j- 
svxrf,Qiov, vaog, templum, etc., the Lord's house, house of the church, 
house of prayer, temple, etc. These names became familiar in the 
third and fourth centuries. 

The German kirche, from which is derived the Scotch kirk, and 
English church, came into use in the eighth century. The original 
of the word is xvgiaxov, xvgmx^, the Lord's house. Churches have 
also been entitled fiagivgia, in honor of the holy martyrs, and for the 
same reason particular churches have been called by the names of 
different saints and martyrs, St. Paul's, St. Peter's, etc. The fol- 
lowing names have also, at different times, and for various reasons, 
been given to christian churches : tituli, (titXol), avwyaogov, jgonoua, 2 
axrjvrj, concilia, conciliabula, convenlicula, casae, avvodoi, iiovo><jti']qiov, 
xoifirjTi'igiov, columba, corpus Christi, vaog, vijaog, anoujoluov, ngo- 
cpr t TElov, and many others. 

The primitive Christians were compelled to unite in the worship 
of God wherever they could meet without molestation, — in private 
houses, in the open fields, in desert and solitary places, in caves and 
dens of the earth. 1 In view of these circumstances, many have sup- 
posed that no sacred edifices were set apart for the worship of God 
in the first and second centuries. But there is satisfactory evidence 
of the existence of such churches in the year 202, 2 and that 
they were allowed to appropriate to themselves such places of wor- 
ship, under the emperors, from A. D. 222 to 235, 3 and again from 
260 to 300. 4 From this time, the evidence of the existence of chris- 
tian churches becomes full and satisfactory. 5 Dioclesian directs his 
rage especially against them, ordering them by his edict, A. D. 303, 
to be razed to the earth, 6 of which more than forty had already been 
erected in Rome. Optatus mentions that in his time there were forty 
or more large churches in Rome. — De Schism. Donat. lib. 2. c. 4. 

After the persecution of Dioclesian, under Constantine and his suc- 
cessors, the demolished churches were rebuilt, and such as had been 
closed were again opened. 7 Pagan temples were, in some instances, 
converted into christian churches; but they were usually destroyed, * 
as not suited for public worship. 8 Churches in great numbers were 
erected, in a style of magnificence before unknown, in Constanti- 
nople, in Jerusalem, and throughout the cities of Palestine, and sol- 
emnly dedicated to the worship of God. 9 This religious rite was 
first introduced by Constantine. 10 

23 



178 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

In his zeal for building churches. Justinian I. far surpassed all oth- 
ers, and throughout his long reign, from A.D. 527 to 565, made this 
the great business of his life. But his chief care he expended in 
building the magnificent and colossal church of St. Sophia at Con- 
stantinople. Such was the splendor of this work, that at the conse- 
cration of it he exclaimed, Nivi/.i)Y.a as JoAo^uwv, " I have surpassed 
thee, O Solomon." The perpendicular height, from the summit of 
the grand arch to the pavement of this edifice, was one hundred and 
eighty feet. Some idea of this great work may be obtained from the 
number of ministers and attendants who were appointed by the de- 
cree of the emperor for the service of this church. They were as 
follows : sixty presbyters, one hundred deacons, forty deaconesses, 
ninety subdeacons, one hundred and ten readers, twenty-five singers, 
one hundred door-keepers ; making a retinue of five hundred and 
twenty-five ministers and attendants ! The value of 40,000 pounds 
of silver was expended in ornamenting the altar and the parts adja- 
cent. The entire cost was nearly .$5,000,000. u 

After the death of Justinian, the zeal for building churches greatly 
declined, and few of any notoriety were erected from the fifth to the 
eighth century. The arts of architecture, sculpture and painting, 
had fallen into disrepute, and the churches which were erecled were 
of an inferior character, devoid, in a great degree, of ornament and 
taste. 

The Byzantine, or ancient Gothic style of architecture, was intro- 
duced under Theodoric, in the beginning of the sixth century; 12 
and in this and the following centuries, many churches of this order 
were built in Italy, Spain, France, England, and Germany. From 
the seventh to the twelfth century, the resources of the christian 
church were expended chiefly on cloisters, monasteries, and other 
establishments suited to the ascetic life, to which Christians of those 
ages generally addicted themselves. 

The vast cathedrals of Europe, in the style of Modern Gothic, 
are the product of the middle ages, and some of them date back 
even to the thirteenth century. About this time ecclesiastical archi- 
tecture attained to the height of its perfection. After the introduc- 
tion of the pointed arch, at the beginning of this period, buildings 
were erected which exceeded, in size and architectural beauty, all 
which had hitherto been dedicated to the services of the church. 
The style of architecture which obtained at this time has been usu- 



HISTORY OF CHURCHES. 179 

ally denominated Gothic, or new Gothic ; but it may more properly 
claim the title of German, or English. It prevailed in Germany, 
the Netherlands, England, and Denmark ; and from those countries 
it was introduced into Italy, France, and Spain. Some suppose that 
Saxony is the country to which its origin may be traced. 

Some antiquaries regard the beautiful architecture of this period 
as a sudden effect produced by the invention of the pointed arch ; 
while others contend that it was the result of a gradual improvement 
in the art during the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. 
Certain, however, it is, that this style of building, after having at- 
tained its perfection more or less rapidly in the thirteenth century, 
prevailed almost exclusively during the fourteenth and fifteenth. 

Opinions are divided also upon a question relating to the quarter 
from which this style was originally derived. Some persons sup- 
pose that it was brought from the Arabians or Saracens, at the time 
of the Crusades, or from the same people, in Spain and Sicily, at a 
still earlier date. And it seems likely that some of its forms, at least, 
may have originated in this quarter. Others refer the design to the 
talent and invention of one or two great masters, whom they sup- 
pose to have flourished in the early part of the century, but without 
being able to say who they were. While others again consider that 
we are indebted for the improvement to the societies of masons, 
which existed from a very early period, and were greatly encour- 
aged by popes and emperors during the middle ages. They had 
lodges in England and on the Continent ; some place their beginning 
in Germany, others in France, and others in England under the 
Saxon kings. These architectural corporations must not be con- 
founded with the modern freemasons. 

Early in the eleventh century began the system of raising money 
for ecclesiastical buildings by the sale of indulgences. The example 
of this practice was set by Pontius, bishop of Aries, in the year 1016. 
According to Morinus, (De Sacram. Pcenil. lib. vii. c. 14, 20,) the 
French bishops professed, during the twelfth century, to remit a 
third or fourth part of penance to persons who should contribute a 
certain sum of money towards the building or restoring of a place 
of worship. In this way Mauritius, bishop of Paris, built the splen- 
did cathedral of Notre Dame, and four abbeys ; for which, however, 
he incurred the censure of some of his contemporaries. In later 
times the example was frequently followed at Rome ; and it is well 



180 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

known that the collection of Peter's pence, and the sale of indul- 
gences in raising money for the building of St. Peter's, was one of 
the proximate causes of the German reformation. 

§ 2. Form, Site, and Position of Churches. 

1. Form. The most ancient and approved form for churches 
was an oblong ; sometimes with parallel sides, but more frequently 
elliptical, like the form of a ship. So the Apostolical Constitutions 
direct, lib. 2. c. 57, tiqwtov [aev 6 oiy.og tcruo inif.iTiy.rjg, (oblong) vatic 
sows v)]C. As it was common to speak of the christian community 
under the metaphor of a ship, so the edifice in which they worship- 
ped was denominated navis, a ship, area, an ark, navis Noae, the 
ark of Noah, navicula Petri, the boat of Peter ; having an allegori- 
cal reference to the perils to which the church was exposed, and its 
safety in God. 

Another favorite form for several ages after Constantine the Great 
was that of a cross, viuvqov dlxrjp, (navgosidi), atavfjoucc. Some 
were also quadrangular, octagonal, polygonal, and sometimes, though 
very rarely, circular ; this was the usual form of heathen temples, 
and therefore was disapproved by Christians. 

2. Site. For the location of their churches the primitive Chris- 
tians selected the summit of some high hill or elevated ground, unless 
compelled for the sake of concealment to resort to some place less 
conspicuous. At other times they erected their churches over the 
graves of martyrs and confessors. And not unfrequently for some 
special reason, they prepared for themselves churches and oratories 
under ground, which served both for devotional purposes, and as 
sepulchres for their dead. 1 In the tenth and eleventh centuries, 
there were many such in Germany ; these were denominated y.Qvn- 
ral, cryptae. 

" During the sanguinary persecutions that assailed the primitive 
disciples, the myrmidons of imperial vengeance often broke in up- 
on their worship, dispersed their assemblies, and violently disposses- 
sed them of the " upper rooms," in which they were wont to con- 
gregate ; and in these circumstances, while some fled to the moun- 
tains and some to the deserts, multitudes took permanent refuge in 
the spacious cemeteries that were situated in the outskirts of the an- 
cient cities. Amid the deep and unbroken solitude of the cata- 



ARRANGEMENT AND CONSTITUENT PARTS. 181 

combs— places of abode less irksome, perhaps, from the ancient 
style of building, than we are apt to imagine, — they solaced and ani- 
mated one another from midnight till dawn, with spiritual exhorta- 
tions to constancy in the faith ; and while the sword of vengeance 
was sheathed, and the fury of their persecutors slumbered in the 
night, they continued, in those undiscovered retreats, their wonted 
exercises of prayer and praise. About forty-three of such subter- 
ranean excavations still remain in the neighborhood of Rome alone, 
containing the most convincing evidences that they were employed 
for the ordinances of religion, as well as for concealment ; and when 
we consider that numbers died, and deposited their bones there, 
some of whom had eminently distinguished themselves as martyrs 
in the cause of Christ, it is not difficult to imagine the strong emo- 
tions that would animate the primitive Christians for the venerable 
dust that surrounded them, and the intense power which religion 
would acquire over their minds, in places which served at once for 
the offices of worship and for the burial of the saints."* 

3. Position, or aspect. In the aspect of their churches, the an- 
cient Christians reversed the order of the Jews, placing the altar on 
the East, so that in facing towards the altar in their devotions they 
were turned to the East, in opposition to the Jewish custom of turn- 
ing towards the West in prayer. As the Jews began their day with 
the setting sun, so the followers of Christ began theirs with the 
rising sun. The eye of the Christian turned with peculiar interest 
to the East, whence the day-spring from on high had visited him. 
There the morning star of his hope fixed his admiring gaze. Thence 
arose the Sun of righteousness with all his heavenly influences. 
Thither in prayer his soul turned with kindling emotions to the altar 
of his God. And even in his grave, thither still he directed his 
slumbering eye, in quiet expectation of awaking to behold in the 
same direction the second appearing of his Lord, when he shall 
come in the clouds of heaven to gather his saints. 2 

§ 3. Arrangement, and constituent parts. 

No established order of arrangement and division prevailed in the 
first three centuries. The churches of this period were rude and 



182 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

simple structures, varying in form and size according to circumstan- 
ces ; but about the fourth century, great uniformity began to be ob- 
served in this respect. The body of the church was divided into 
three divisions, corresponding with the three orders among Chris- 
tians ; the clergy, including all officers of the community, the faith- 
ful, or believers, and the catechumens. This arrangement also bore 
a resemblance to the division of the Jewish temple into the holy of 
holies, the sanctuary, and the court. Perhaps there was an inten- 
tional reference to both of these divisions ; for it must be remembered 
that there was, at this time, an increasing disposition, in the chris- 
tian church, to imitate the rites of Jewish worship. The three divi- 
sions were, 1. The bema or sanctuary, a sacred enclosure around 
the altar appropriated to the clergy. 2. The naos or nave, occu- 
pied by the faithful, the lay members of the church. 3. The nar- 
thex, or ante-temple, the place of the penitents and catechumens. 
Sometimes four or five divisions are enumerated ; which arise from 
sub-dividing the narlhex into outer and inner, and reckoning the exe- 
drael, or outer buildings, as a portion of the church. We adhere to 
the threefold, or more simple division, and proceed to speak of each 
part in the order already described. 

§ 4. Of the Bema, or Sanctuary.* 

The bema, or sanctuary, the inner portion of the church which 
was appropriated to the clergy, was known by many different 
names. It was called the chorus or choir, 1 from the singing of the 
service by the clergy, (3.?j(jtck from avaftalvuv, to ascend, being an ele- 
vated platform, ayiov, aylaa^ia, ayiov, aymv. sanctum, sanctuarium? 
etc., because it was the sanctuary where most of the sacred rites 
were performed. It was also denominated Uqccthov, 3 ngeaftvTi'jgiov, 
diaxovixov, &vGiaaTJ}Qiov, A altar, afiaxov, a <5 vi or, 5 places not to be en- 
tered. Neither laymen nor females were permitted, on any occa- 
sion, to enter it ; kings and emperors were privileged with a seat 
within this sacred enclosure, from whene it received the name of 
avaxTOQov, royal palace. 

The platform of this portion of the church was a semi-circular or 
elliptical recess, with a corresponding arch overhead, and separated 

* See plan of ancient churches, at the beginning. 



THE NAVE. 183 

from the nave by a railing curiously wrought in the form of net work 
cancelli, hence the name chancel. Within was the throne of the 
bishop, and subordinate seats on the right and left for the lower 
clergy. 6 The bishop's throne was usually covered with a veil, and 
for this reason was styled cathedra velata. 7 In the middle of the 
church stood the holy altar, or communion table, jgans^a Isqcx, fxva- 
txh'i, nvsvpaTixr], the sacred, mysterious, or spiritual table, in such a 
position as to be easily encompassed on every side. On this the sa- 
cred elements were placed in the sacrament of the Lord's supper. 
On one side of the altar was a small table or secretary for receiving 
the customary oblations previous to the sacrament ; and on the other 
stood the axsvocpvkoiiuov, a recess into which the sacramental vessels 
were conveyed to be washed and replaced before being removed to 
the sacristry in which they were usually kept. 

In process of time, this part of the church became the depository 
of sacred relics, and the burial place of the sainted dead. 

§ 5. The Nave. 

The nave, or main body of the church, was called by different 
names derived from the uses to which it was applied. It was called 
the oratory of the people ; because there they met for religious wor- 
ship, reading the Scriptures, prayer and the preaching of the word. 
It was also called the place of assembly, and the quadrangle, from 
its quadrangular form in contrast with the circular or elliptical form 
of the chancel. 

In a central position stood the ambo, /5?] ( a« tmv ava/rojaruv, sug- 
gestum lectorum, or reader's desk, elevated on a platform above the 
level of the surrounding seats. This was sometimes called the pul- 
pit and the tribunal of the church, 1 in distinction from the (fiipa or 
tribunal of the choir. All public notices, letters missive, and docu- 
ments of public interest, were also communicated from the reader's 
desk. The choristers and professional singers, xavovixol ipdlrai, were 
provided with seats on or near this desk. The seats in front and on 
either side were occupied by the believers or christian communi- 
cants. 

The gospels and the epistles were chanted from before the altar. 
The sermon was also delivered by the preacher standing on the plat- 
form of the sanctuary before the altar, or on the steps leading to it. 



184 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

But afterwards, when larger churches were erected, it became diffi- 
cult for the preacher to make himself heard from this station. To 
remedy this inconvenience a platform was erected for the speaker 
in front of the bema, within the body of the nave, and surrounded by 
railings called cancelli, which gave to this platform the name of 
chancel. Such was the origin and appropriate signification of the 
term. Afterwards, it became in common with many others, the 
name of all that space which was allotted to the altar, and to those 
that ministered at the altar. 

The body of the church was very early divided in separate parts, 
and specific seals assigned to the several classes into which the audi- 
ence were divided. 2 The object of this careful division was to pre- 
vent disorder and confusion, and to invite a fuller attendance. Such 
an arrangement, indeed, was indispensably necessary in connection 
with their various classes of believers, penitents, catechumens, etc., 
and the services adapted to each. But between the Eastern and 
Western churches there has never been any uniformity in the inter- 
nal arrangements of their places of worship. 

The rules of the primitive churches required the separation of the 
sexes in the church, and this was generally observed. 3 The men 
occupied the left of the altar on the south side of the church, and 
the women the right, on the north. They were separated from one 
another by a veil or lattice. In the Eastern churches the women 
and catechumens occupied the galleries above, while the men sat 
below. In some churches a separate apartment was also allotted to 
widows and virgins. 

The catechumens occupied a place next to the believers, arranged 
in the order of their several classes. But they were required to 
withdraw at the summons of the deacons— ile, catechumeni ! In the 
rear of the catechumens sat the penitents who had been allowed a 
place again within the church. In the seating of the assembly and 
preservation of order, the ostiarii, acolyths, subdeacons, deacons, 
and deaconesses all bore a part. 4 

A certain part of the church styled traksa, aoXla, aoUag, uoluov, 
etc. has been the subject of much dispute ; but it is generally under- 
stood to denote the seat within the chancel, which was appropriated 
to the emperors, kings, princes, etc. 5 

The walls of the church were surrounded by ante-chambers and 
recesses, for the accommodation of the assembly, for private read- 



THE ANTE-TEMrLE. 185 

ing, meditalion and prayer. 6 There were aisles surrounding the 
nave, which separated it from these chambers. The nave was fur- 
ther separated from the sanctuary by a partition of lattice-work and 
a curtain which could be drawn so as to screen the sanctuary entire- 
ly from the view of the assembly. 7 The sanctuary was usually con- 
cealed from the view of the audience except at the celebration of the 
Lord's supper, or when the sermon was delivered from that place. 

§ 6. The Narthex, or Ante-Temple. 

This was the outer division of the church within the walls. It was 
called TiQovaog, ante-temple; nqonvla, porticus, portico, and vag&r}% 
or ferula, from its oblong or dromical shape. It was an oblong sec- 
tion of the building extending across, and occupying the front part 
of the interior of the house. It was entered by three doors leading 
from the outer porch. From the narthex there were also three en- 
trances. The main entrance was in the middle directly opposite the 
altar, and opening immediately into the nave. Two smaller doors 
upon each side appear to have opened into the £<u/?oAoc, or side aisles, 
from which the nave was entered by doors on the north and the 
south. 

The doors consisted of two folding leaves, and after the eleventh 
century were often ornamented with bronze and with carved and 
embossed work. The several classes of worshippers entered the 
nave at different doors, which were called " the priest's door," " the 
men's door," etc. 

The vestibule or nqovaog, appropriately so called, and situated 
without the walls, was allotted to the catechumens and penitents. 
Heretics and unbelievers were also allowed a place here. The 
council of Laodicea, c. 57, denied this privilege to heretics and schis- 
matics. But the fourth council of Carthage, c. 84, directed that no 
bishop should forbid one, whether gentile, heretic, or Jew to attend 
the first service — usque ad missam catechumenorum. 

The portico or outer court, nqonvla, included the halls and colon- 
nades which constituted the outer or front part of the narthex, and 
was used for various purposes, analogous to those of a modern com- 
mittee-room and vestry. Here also the bodies of the dead were de- 
posited, and vigils kept around them until their interment. 

The primitive Christians were accustomed to wash before enter- 
24 



186 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

ing the church as a symbol of the purity becoming that holy place. 
For this purpose, in process of time, the vessel or font of water 
which was used in this rite was introduced into the narthex or porch. 
Formerly it was situated without. This vessel of water was called 
xm]vr\, qtiult], cposaQ, mXvppslov, foovzaoiov, cantharus, nymphacum, 
etc. and is often mentioned by ancient authors. 1 The use of holy 
water has been derived by some from this usage of the primitive 
church. This superstition began at some time subsequent to the 
ninth century. 

The baptismal font came into use on the introduction of infant- 
baptism as baptisteries fell into disuse, and when the neglect of stated 
seasons of baptism had rendered the larger baptisteries needless. 

The following extract from Jamieson is inserted as a recapitula- 
tion of the principal points of interest connected with the foregoing 
topics, pp. 108—111. 

" The spot chosen for the site of a new church was generally an 
elevated piece of ground, consecrated by being the burying-place of 
a martyr, — the primitive Christians deeming a church built over the 
remains of those who were faithful unto death, a more suitable me- 
morial of their excellencies, than a monumental pillar erected to 
their honor. It accordingly received their name, which was inscri- 
bed on the front of the edifice. The church was approached through 
a spacious area, in the middle of which was a fountain, in which 
every one, as he entered, washed his hands — an act intended for a 
significant memorial of the purity of heart that alone can constitute 
an acceptable worshipper. The entrance was formed by a longitu- 
dinal porch, within which kings laid down their crowns, soldiers their 
arms, and magistrates or judges the insignia of their office. At one 
end of it stood poor strangers, or such of that destitute order as, from 
their distress being recent and sudden, were allowed to make known 
their wants by asking alms of their brethren, — while on the opposite 
side were stationed gross offenders, who, being excommunicated, 
and deprived of the privilege of entering the church, implored on 
their bended knees, and with all the agony of remorse and the deep- 
est affliction, the prayers and sympathies of the faithful. The inte- 
rior of the building — which was often in the form of a cross, or an 
eight-sided figure, but most generally of an oblong shape, resem- 
bling that of a ship, — was divided into different compartments, cor- 
responding to the different classes of hearers that composed the 



THE ANTE-TEMPLE. 187 

primitive church. , The penitents — under which term were included 
all offenders who had made some progress in their course of disci- 
pline,— occupied the first place on passing from the porch. Next to 
them were those new converts who were preparing for baptism, — 
while the body of the church was filled by the congregation of the 
faithful, — widows and young women by themselves, — the men with 
their sons, the women with their daughters, sitting apart from each 
other, either on opposite sides of the church, or, as was frequently 
the case, the male part of the audience remained on the ground floor, 
while the females had a gallery appropriated for their use. At the 
further end, opposite the main entrance, was the pulpit, or elevated 
bench, from which the minister read the Scriptures and exhorted the 
people ; and immediately behind this was the place set apart for cele- 
brating the communion, — the consecrated elements of which were 
deposited on a plain moveable table, covered with a white cloth. 
Here and there were niches in the walls, sufficiently large to hold 
one or two persons, each of which was furnished with a copy of the 
Scriptures, for the use of those who might choose to retire in the in- 
tervals of public worship, to read and to meditate in these little re- 
cesses. Besides this provision, invaluable in those days, when books 
were all in manuscript and costly in price, texts of Scripture appro- 
priate to each class of hearers were inscribed on that part of the wall 
that lay immediately contiguous to the place they occupied in the 
church, and were so selected, as to be perpetual remembrancers of 
the temptations incident to their age, of the duties belonging to their 
condition, and the motives and encouragements to stedfastness in 
faith and virtue. Thus, to let one example suffice, over the space 
assigned to the young women, was engraven in large characters this 
passage of Paul, 1 Cor. 7: 34 : " There is difference between a wife 
and a virgin ; the unmarried woman careth for the things of the 
Lord, that she may be holy in body and in spirit." For the benefit 
of those who could not profit by such means of christian instruction, 
the custom was latterly introduced of decorating the walls of church- 
es with pictures of the scenes and characters of sacred history. 
Adam and Eve eating the forbidden fruit, — Joseph sold by his breth- 
ren, — David encountering Goliah, — Solomon dedicating his temple, 
Mary and the infant Jesus, — the Saviour expiring on the cross, were 
delineated to the eye, — intended, like historical paintings, to keep in 
remembrance the persons and events they were meant to represent, 



188 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

and especially to enable the illiterate to read that in the picture which 
they had not education enough to do in the book. It was towards 
the end of the third century when this innovation crept into the 
church ; and although, doubtless, it sprang from a pious and well- 
meaning zeal for the instruction of the ignorant, yet it was an impru- 
dent measure, productive of the worst consequences, and tending to 
accelerate the superstition which was then advancing with gigantic 
strides over the whole christian world. Up to that period, the church 
had kept itself pure and inviolate from the sanction of any sensible 
representations either of God or of man ; and in the only instance 
recorded, prior to this date, of anything approaching to a human 
figure being hung up in a church, the pious father who discovered a 
painting of Christ on a curtain when travelling through a little village 
of Palestine, got admission into the sacred edifice, and tore the dra- 
pery in pieces, being horror-struck at the daring sin." 

§ 7. Of the Outer Buildings, or Exedrae. 

Under this name were included all the appendages belonging to 
the church, such as courts, side-buildings, wings, etc. together with 
all those separate buildings pertaining to the main edifice, which 
were situated in the enclosure of the church-yard. This enclosure 
around the church was known by various names, ntglSoXog, <noug, 
nsQKJTioov, TiTQuo-idjov, tetqoujtvXov, ambitus, peristylia, etc. The 
area between the wall and the church was called atruim, impluvium, 
cu&Qiov, etc. 

In this open space stood the demoniacs, and the weeping penitents, 
neither of whom were permitted to enter within the walls of the 
church. About the sixth century it became customary to use the 
church yard as a burial place. In some instances it was so used as 
early as the fourth century. 

But the most important of the exedrae were the baptisteries which 
were erected adjacent to the cathedral churches, denominated for 
this reason, baptismal, and central churches. They must be refer- 
red to those times, when it was customary for the bishop himself to 
administer this ordinance only in these churches, and at stated sea- 
sons. These baptisteries are spoken of as in general use in the fourth 
century, from which it may be inferred that they are of high antiqui- 
ty. 1 The candidates for baptism were accustomed to meet in the 



OF THE OUTER BUILDINGS. 



189 



baptistery to receive the instructions requisite for their reception to 
this ordinance, and, for this purpose, it was divided into separate 
apartments for the accommodation of both sexes. Meetings of the 
whole congregation, and of synods could also be held here, from 
which we may form some idea of the magnitude of these buildings. 
The remains of these baptisteries are still extant. 

There were also several other smaller buildings situated about the 
church, such as the vestry or repository, diaconicum magnum, in 
which the sacred utensils, — the ornaments and robes of the clergy 
were deposited for safe keeping. These were entrusted to the care 
of the deacons and inferior clergy. It was also called xsi^LfjXuxgxuoP, 
ya£ocpvXaxiov, ay.svcxpvXaxLov vestiarium mutatorium. Here the cler- 
gy were wont to retire for private exercises preparatory to their pub- 
lic performances, and for private rehearsals and examination before 
the bishop ; from whence it was called secretum, or secretarium. It 
was also a general audience room, where friends and acquaint- 
ances meet to exchange their affectionate salutations and inquiries, 
hence called salutatorium, receptoriwn, audience chamber, reposito- 
ry. 2 Many are of opinion that this building was also used as a pris- 
on house for the confinement of delinquent clergymen. Others sup- 
pose that these ecclesiastical prisons were separate edifices, called 
decanica, but that there were such places of confinement is undeni- 
able. 3 

There was another class of buildings called pastophoria, but the 
learned are not agreed respecting the use of them. According to 
Rosenmiiller, they were a kind of guard, or watch-house. Others 
suppose them to have been apartments for the accommodation of 
the clergy. 

Libraries were at a very early period collected and kept in con- 
nection with the churches, 4 ^ which were furnished, not merely with 
the scriptures in the original and in translations, together with the 
books necessary for the church service, but with commentaries, 
homilies, catechisms, and theological works. These libraries were 
of great importance, and often were very extensive. The libraries 
of Alexandria, Rome, and Constantinople were kept in separate 
buildings, adjacent to the church. 5 From the libraries of Jerusalem 
and Caesarea, both Eusebius and Jerome chiefly derived the materials 
for their writings. The library of St. Sophia contained 120,000 vol- 
umes. 



190 OF THE CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

Schools were very early established in connection with the church- 
es. If no building was provided for this purpose, the schools were 
taught in the baptistery, and the vestry. The teachers of these 
schools always instructed their catechumens privately, and were 
never allowed to give public instructions. The sixth general coun- 
cil of Constantinople directs the presbyters in country towns and vil- 
lages to have schools to teach all such children as were sent to them, 
for which they should exact no reward, nor receive anything, unless 
the parents of the children thought fit to make them a charitable do- 
nation by way of voluntary contribution. From all which it is ap- 
parent that the primitive Christians regarded these schools as having 
an intimate connection with their churches, and essential to the pro- 
motion of the same great end. 

The bishops and clergy had houses allotted to them adjacent to 
the church, called olxoi fiamksuH. 6 

Bathing houses are also mentioned, and public rooms, called avu- 
y.afinTrjQia, diversoria, lodging places, supposed by some to be a kind 
of inn,— by others they are regarded as a common place of resort 
for rest and for recreation. 

Hospitals for the poor, and the sick, were also maintained in con- 
nection with the churches. 



§ 8. Of Towers, Bells, and Organs. 

Towers. — These were entirely unknown in the first seven centu- 
ries. The term nvg/og, which occurs in the description of the an- 
cient churches, is used, not in the usual sense of a tower, but as sy- 
nonymous with the /5^« or ufifiwv, the sanctuary, or the desk. 1 
These towers are first mentioned in the time of Charlemagne. A 
chapel built for him in the year 873, was provided with two towers 
for bells. A church of a cloister, of a date still earlier, 837, is also 
described as having a tower attached to it. 2 The same is true of 
the cathedral church at Mentz, A. D. 978. 3 

x\uthors are not agreed respecting the origin and use of these ap- 
pendages of the church. The probable opinion is that they were 
erected on the first introduction of bells, and for the purpose of pro- 
viding a convenient place for the suspension of them. Such the 
name implies, and so Du Cange explains the term. 4 They were 



OF TOWERS, BELLS, AND ORGANS. 191 

then belfries, erected not for ornament, but for convenience merely ; 
and often were separate structures totally detached from the church. 

The Gothic towers appear from the first to have been erected for 
ornament. They are the creation of the middle ages, when the 
taste of the age sought to depart as much as possible from the style 
of the primitive church. For further particulars, see References. 5 

Bells. 6 — Bells were unknown to the Hebrews, Greeks and Romans. 
Even if the tintinnahula of the Romans were bells, they were very 
inconsiderable in comparison with church-bells of later date. These 
were not in use earlier than the seventh century. The most proba- 
ble opinion is that which ascribes the first introduction of them to 
Sabianus bishop of Rome, who succeeded Gregory the Great in the 
year 604. 7 In the seventh and eighth centuries they were in com- 
mon use in the churches in France. Near the close of the ninth 
century the church of St. Sophia at Constantinople was furnished 
with bells. 8 But they have never received much favor in the East. 
The Arabs and Turks, especially, have always maintained a settled 
aversion to them. 

In the place of bells, in the East, messengers were sent out to 
summon the people to worship. 9 In Egypt, a trumpet was blown. 
The inmates of their cloisters were summoned to prayers by knock- 
ing upon their cells with a billet of wood, as is still the custom with 
the Nestorian Christians. The Greeks had two instruments for this 
purpose, which they called &r t [iavTQov and ayioaldiiqiov. [These 
are described by Bingham as consisting of boards, or plates of iron 
full of holes, which were held in the hand and struck with a mallet] 

In the West, on the contrary, the bell was considered as a sacred 
and indispensable appendage of a church. The following is a specimen 
of the inscriptions which were frequently written upon the church bell : 

" Laudo Deum verum, plebem voco, congrego clerum, 
Defunctos ploro, nimbum [al. pestem] f'ugo, festaque honoro." 

The custom of consecrating and baptizing bells is a superstition of 
early date, perhaps as early as the eighth century ; that of naming 
the bells of churches, dates no further back than the tenth or eleventh 
century. When the enormous bells of Moscow, Vienna, Paris, Tou- 
louse, Milan, etc. were cast, is not known. They are probably the 
production of the middle ages. They harmonize well with the vast 
cathedrals and towers of that period, so distinguished for its massive 
and imposing structures. 



192 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

The tolling of bells at the decease of a person, and at funerals, was 
originally an expedient of a superstitious age, to frighten away de- 
mons that were supposed to be hovering around to prey upon the 
spirit of the dead or dying man. This superstition was widely ex- 
tended during the dark ages. Bells were often rung with violence, 
also, during a tempest, to frighten away demons and avert the storms 
which they were supposed to raise. 10 

Organs. 11 The organ constituted no part of the furniture of the 
ancient churches. The first instance on record of its use in the 
church, occurred in the time of Charlemagne, who received one as a 
present from Constantine Michael, which was set up in the church at 
Aix-la-Chapelle. 12 The musicians of this city, and of Mentz, learned 
to play on the organ in Italy, from which it appears that they were 
already known in that country. We have authentic accounts of the 
manufacture of this instrument in Germany, as early as the tenth 
century. 13 England, about the same time, distinguished herself by 
the manufacture of organs of colossal dimensions. 

The Greek church have never favored the use of the organ in the 
churches, and have generally restricted it to the theatre and mu- 
sical concerts. For this reason that church has uniformly been in- 
ferior to the Latin in the art of sacred music. But even in this 
church the organ was not received with universal favor. " Our 
church," says Thomas Aquinas, (A. D. 1250) " does not use mu- 
sical instruments, as harps and psalteries, in the praise of God, lest 
she should seem to judaize." From which some have erroneously 
supposed that the organ was not used in any churches previous to 
this time. 

§ 9. Of the Altar. 

Pagan nations were wont to erect altars in their sacred groves, on 
their high places, in their houses, by the way-side, and in public 
places. Towards such altars the primitive Christians entertained an 
irreconcilable aversion. When reproached with the charge of hav- 
ing no altars, no temples, no images, they simply replied, " Shrines 
and altars we have none i 1 Delubra et or as non haoemus." The 
very name of an altar they discarded as profane, and carefully de- 
nominated the sacramental board not an altar, but a table, to which 
they applied a great variety of epithets, such as holy, sacred, divine, 



DOORS OF THE CHURCH. 193 

•princely, royal, immortal, awful, venerable, spiritual, emblematical, 
mystical, etc. 

In the second and third centuries it became customary to erect 
tables over the graves of martyrs ; but whether it was merely an 
appropriate memorial of the deceased, or whether it had an allegori- 
cal meaning, is still a disputed question. Augustine, in his eulogy 
upon Cyprian of Carthage, says, that " a table was erected to God 
on the spot where his body was buried, which was called Cyprian's 
table ; that Christians there might bring their offerings in prayer 
where he himself was made an offering to God, and drink the blood 
of Christ with solemn interest where the sainted martyr so freely 
shed his own blood ;" and much more to the same effect. 3 From 
this and other passages from the fathers, it would seem that they 
were wont to celebrate the sacrament of the Lord's supper over the 
graves of martyrs. From this circumstance' they were unjustly ac- 
cused of paying divine honors to their saints. 

But the veneration thus felt for them led to the erection of monu- 
ments to their memory within the sanctuary of the church. These 
monuments moreover were, in process of time, loaded with relics of 
saints, and became the occasions of such superstitions that it required 
the intervention of ecclesiastical councils to suppress them. 4 These 
decrees, however, only directed the overthrow of such altars as were 
erected to the memory of saints, whilst such as actually covered their 
remains were suffered to stand, and were still the occasion of much 
superstition. Religious pilgrimages were often made to visit these 
sacred relics. 

Such altars as stood in the open air, exposed to the action of the ele- 
ments, and the depredations of men, were constructed of the most 
enduring materials, stone, metals, etc. and were devoid of covering. 
Those, on the other hand, which were overspread with ornamental 
coverings, were more variable in their form, materials, and work- 
manship, and gradually received the name of altars. In the Greek 
church, but one altar was admitted. This had a fixed position, and 
was consecrated to one religious use. Whenever they had occasion 
to use an altar without the church, any convenient table was selected 
and spread with the consecrated covering, called v.vTip\v<jiv., or vv- 
Tifiivffta. 

25 



194 of churches and sacred places. 

§ 10. Of the Doors of the Church. 

To insure due secresy in celebrating the mysteries of their religion, 
the ancient Christians constructed the doors of their churches with 
peculiar care. As we have already seen, they set apart, by the 
solemn rites of ordination, a class of men to guard the doors, and 
prevent the intrusion, not only of the profane, but of their own cate- 
chumens and penitents. Such was the profound secresy in which 
they celebrated certain of their religious rites. In all this they imi- 
tated the Jews; and the early fathers, like the writers of the Old and 
New Testaments, from this usage derived abundant metaphors re- 
lating to the doors of the church, of heaven, of the kingdom, etc. 
Compare the following passages of Scripture, among many others : 
2 Chron. 8: 14. Ps. 84: 11. 118: 19, 20. John 10: 1. 20: 19. Acts 
14: 27. Rev. 22: 14, etc. 

It was customary, in the earliest ages of Christianity, to post upon 
the doors of the church the names of all excommunicated persons. 
At a period somewhat later, persons intending marriage were also 
published in the same manner. This was also the place for posting 
all proclamations and decisions of the church, and public notices of 
every kind. 

There were generally three main entrances to the churches, and 
these were provided with outer and inner doors, distinguished by the 
names a^Kpi&vga and rslsvralov xIvqwv. The different sexes entered 
by different doors; 1 these were made of the choicest and most dura- 
ble wood, wrought with peculiar care, and richly ornamented with 
arabesque, bronze, gold, or silver plate ; not unfrequently they were 
made of solid brass or bronze. Several of this kind still remain in 
the different countries of Europe. 2 

The date of the building or dedication of the church, was usually 
inscribed on the doors. In addition to this there were inscriptions 
of various kinds, consisting of a motto, a doctrinal sentiment, a pas- 
sage of Scripture, a doxology, or a prayer. A single specimen is 
here given, as taken from an ancient church. On the outer side of 

the door : 

Pax tibi sit, quincunque Dei penetralia Christi 
Pectore pacifieo earsdidus ingrederis. 

On the inside : 

Quisquis ab aede Dei, perfectis ordine votis, 
Egrederis, remea corpori ; corde mane. 



pavements and walls of the church. 195 

§ 11. Of the Pavements and Walls of the Church. 

The floor of the church consisted of pavement carefully laid, or 
smooth marble. In large churches the narthex had a pavement of 
plaster ; the flooring of the nave was plastering or boards ; whilst the 
choir was adorned with mosaic. Not unfrequently there was a tessel- 
lated pavement of particolored and polished marble, constituting a 
rich mosaic work. A curious specimen of this ancient mosaic was 
found in 1805, near Salzburg, delineating the story of Theseus and 
Ariadne. Such decorations, in imitation of the Jewish temple, 
1 Kings 6: 15 — 30, were used in the churches so early as the fourth 
century. From the seventh to the tenth century, it became cus- 
tomary to encumber and disfigure the nave and choir with the graves 
of the dead, and from that period the floors were occupied with pali- 
sades, monuments, and epitaphs ; and all unity and symmetry was 
destroyed. 

The walls and the canopy were also ornamented with inscriptions, 
mosaics, paintings, and bas-reliefs. The paintings were executed on 
wood, metals, and canvass. The bas-relief was executed in gyp- 
sum, mortar, stone, or metal, in imitation of the ornaments of the 
temple. Votive offerings of shields, arms, standards, and the like, 
were also hung upon the walls. To these the lights were attached 
and suspended from the canopy. Vaulted roofs are of later origin. 

§ 12. Of the Windows of the Church. 

No aspersion was ever more unjust than that which charged 
the primitive Christians with seeking concealment and hating the 
light. In imitation of the temple at Jerusalem, 1 Kings 6: 4, they 
sought, from the beginning, to furnish their churches fully with light. 
It is customary to refer the first use of glass windows to the third 
century ; but, in the opinion of many, they had an earlier origin, as 
is shown in the ruins of Herculaneum. In France, windows, both 
of colored and of cut glass, were in use in the sixth century. Ve- 
nantius Fortunatus, a poet of the fifth, has a distich respecting the 
cathedral church at Paris, from which it would seem that glass 
windows were then in use : 

Fritna capit, radios vitreis occulata fenestris 

Artificisque nianu clausit in arce diem. 



196 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

From the history of the venerable Bede, on the other hand, it would 
seem that these were not in use in England in the seventh century, 
but were introduced from France. 

Pliny affirms that the art of painting glass was known to the Ro- 
mans. If so, it must have been lost again ; for no traces of the art 
are discoverable until the beginning of the eleventh century. It was 
brought to perfection in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and is 
justly regarded as the most finished specimen of the arts in the mid- 
dle ages. After a slumber of three hundred years, it is beginning 
to be again revived in the nineteenth century. 

The windows of churches were not only greater in number, but 
larger in dimensions, than those of private dwelling houses. In the 
Carlovingian dynasty, however, the windows were small and round, 
and very far from affording sufficient light. 

It is but justice to the ancient fathers, to remark, that they were 
very far from bestowing unqualified approbation upon that style of 
gaudy magnificence in which their churches were decorated. St. 
Ambrose says, " that whatever is done in purity, and with sincerity, 
is commendable, but that it is neither praiseworthy to rear superfluous 
structures, nor to neglect such as are needful, — that the priest ought 
especially to adorn the temple of God with becoming graces, — that 
it should be rendered resplendent by acts of humility and charity ; 
in giving to the stranger according to his necessities, and as the dic- 
tates of humanity require ; not by pride, self-indulgence, and per- 
sonal aggrandizement, at the expense of the poor." 1 Jerome, in 
various passages, inveighs against the pomp and pride displayed in 
their churches, and in the attire of the priesthood. 2 Chrysostom com- 
plains of the vanity, superstition, and oppression of the poor, with 
which their churches were erected, though he objects not to these 
expenditures upon the churches in themselves considered. 3 St. Ber- 
nard rebukes this extravagant folly with so much simplicity and fer- 
vor, that the reader will be interested to hear him in his own tongue. 
Tali quadam arte spargitur aes, ut multiplicetur. Expenditur, ut 
augeatur, et effusio copiam parit. Ipso quippe visu sumptuosarum, 
sed mirandarum vanitatum, accenduntur homines magis ad offeren- 
dum, quam ad orandum. Sic opes opibus hauriuntur, sic pecunia 
pecuniam trahit : quia nescio, quo pacto, ubi amplius divitiarum 
cernitur, ibi offertur libentius. Auro tectis reliquiis saginantur oculi, 
et loculi aperiuntur. Ostenditur pulcherrima forma Sancti vel Sane- 



VENERATION AND PRIVILEGES OF SACRED PLACES. 197 

iae alicujus, et eo creditur sanction*, quo coloratior. Currunt homi- 
nes ad osculandum, invitantur ad donandum ; et magis mirantur pul- 
cra, quam venerantur sacra. Ponuntur dehinc in ecclesia gemma- 
tae, non coronae, sed rotae, circumseptae lampadibus, sed non mi- 
nus fulgentes insertis lapidibus. Cernimus et pro candelabris ar- 
bores quasdam erectas, multo aeris pondere, miro artificis opere fab- 
ricatas, nee magis coruscantes superpositis lucernis, quam suis gem- 
mis. Quid, putas, in his omnibus quaeritur ? poenitentium com- 
punctio, an intuentium admiratio ? O vanitas vanitatum, sed non 
vanior, quam insanior ! Fulget ecclesia in parietibus, et in pauperi- 
bus eget. Suos lapides induit auro, et suos filios nudos deserit. De 
sumptibus egenorum servitur oculis divitum. Inveniunt curiosi, quo 
delectentur, et non inveniunt miseri, quo sustententur. Utquid sal- 
tern Sanctorum imagines non reveremur, quibus utique ipsum, quod 
pedibus conculcatur, scalet pavimentum. Saepe spuitur in ore An- 
geli, saepe alicujus Sanctorum fades cedcibus tunditur transeuntium. 
Et si non sacris his imaginibus, cur vel non parcitur pulcris colori- 
bus ? Cur decoras, quod mox foedandum est ? Cur depingis, quod 
mox necesse est conculcari ? Quid ibi valent venustae formae, ubi 
pulvere maculantur assiduo ? Denique quid haec ad pauperes, ad 
Monachos, ad spirituales vivos ? Nisi forte et hie memoratum jam 
poetae versiculum propheticus ille respondeatur : Domine, dilexi 
decorum domus tuae, et locum habitationis gloriae tuae. Assentio : 
patiamur et haec fieri in ecclesia : quia etsi noxia sunt vanis et ava. 
ris, nontamensimplicibus et devotis. — Opp. T. I. p. 545. ed. Bened. 

The use of pictures of saints, martyrs, and Scripture-histories in 
churches, was gradually introduced about the latter end of the fourth 
century. 

The Eustathians, Messalians, Manichaeans, and other heretics suf- 
fered their prejudices to carry them into the opposite extreme ; and, 
by the simplicity and rudeness which they affected, promoted that 
ostentation in the Catholics which they so much condemned. 

§ 13. O* the Veneration in which Sacred Places were held, 

AND THE PRIVILGES ATTACHED TO THEM. 1 

The primitive Christians like the Jews, manifested a profound 
veneration for the house of God, and zealously guarded it not only 
against the intrusion of the profane, but against secular and sacrile- 



198 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

gious uses. Their own attendance upon its ordinances was marked 
with every demonstration of religious awe. " Let both men and 
women," says Clemens of Alexandria, " come to church in comely 
apparel, with a serious gait, with modest silence, and love unfeigned ; 
chaste both in body and mind, so that they may be duly prepared to 
offer prayer to God." 2 " They came into the church as into the 
palace of the Great King. Before going into the church, they used 
to wash at least their hands, carrying themselves there with the most 
profound silence and devotion. Nay, so great was the reverence 
which they bore to the church, that the emperors themselves, who 
otherwise never went without their guard about them, when they 
came to go into the church, used to lay down their arms — to leave 
their guard behind them, and to put off their crowns." 3 

The churches, however, were occasionally the scenes of disorder 
and sacrilege ; especially in the fourth and fifth centuries, during 
the Arian controversy. To prevent these, Honorius decreed, A. D« 
398, the sentence of scourging and banishment upon any one who 
should enter the church and disturb the bishop or minister in the dis- 
charge of his duties. If he interrupted the religious services, or of- 
fered violence to the litany, he was to be sentenced to death by any 
court civil or military. 4 

The following were some of the rules by which the church was 
guarded from secular and sacrilegious uses, a) Neither churches 
nor any of their utensils or implements could be sold, mortgaged or 
assessed for taxes ; to this rule however there were occasional ex- 
ceptions, b) Churches could not be used for courts of either civil 
or criminal cases, nor for popular elections, or legislative assemblies, 
but they might be opened for the accommodation of ecclesiastical 
councils, and for the coronations of princes, c) No marketing, or 
exchanges in buying or selling of any kind was allowed in the church, 
much less were annual fairs permitted in the neigborhood of a 
church, d) No convivial assemblies were in any instance to be 
held in the churches. And even the love-feasts, the abuses of which 
in the Corinthian church were so severely censured by the apostle 
Paul, 1 Cor. 11: 18 seq. were not allowed in the churches, e) Nei- 
ther were they to be opened for the entertainment of strangers and 
travellers, f) It was also an high offence to speak irreverently of the 
house of God, or unworthily to engage in any official act of public 
worship. 5 



CHURCHES A PLACE OF REFUGE. 199 

All who entered, into the church were first required to wash their 
bands, and for this purpose water was constantly kept in the front 
part of the church as has been already stated, § 6. p. 185. This rite 
as explained by Tertullian and others, was emblematical of that 
purity of heart with which the worshipper ought to engage in his 
public religious duties. 6 In some of the Eastern churches, particu- 
larly in Abyssinia, it was customary also for Christians to put off 
their shoes on entering the church, after the example of Moses, 
Exodus 3: 5. Kings and princes, and military commanders reve- 
rently laid aside their badges of honor and of office on entering the 
the church, 7 a custom which even Julian the apostate commends as 
worthy of imitation. 8 It was moreover an ancient and very general 
usuage to kiss the threshold of the doors and the altars of the 
churches, as another token of reverence. 9 Afterwards it became 
usual to kiss the paintings and utensils.* 

Of the same general character were the numerous directions 
given respecting a quiet, devout and becoming demeanor in the 
church, in the time of religious worship, and during the celebration 
of the sacrament. These directions required the worshipper to ap- 
pear in decent apparel, to kneel or stand in prayer, to keep the head 
uncovered, to fold the hands, and to refrain from gazing about. All 
noise and bustle, shrieking, clapping, hemming and spitting, was ex- 
pressly forbidden, together with all irreverent gesticulation, reading, 
and mimicking ; all which serves to show, how fully the christian 
church, at all times participated in the sentiment of the pious Israel- 
ite, " Lord, I have loved the habitation of thy house, and the place 
where thine honor dwelleth." 

§ 14. Of the Churches as a place of refuge. 

The ancient historians and christian fathers mention many instan- 
ces in which the church and the altar were made a safe place of 
refuge not only for Christians, but for Jews and pagans. Even by 
barbarous nations the church was respected as a sacred asylum. 
Both Jews and Gentiles had long been familiar with similar usages. 
The christian church therefore, like the pagan temples, and Jewish 

* The rite of kissing the pope's toe, was probably derived from those acts 
of prostration and humiliation to which penitents were subjected. 



200 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

cities of refuge, very naturally became a sacred retreat, which 
avenging justice feared to invade. This right was first established 
under the reign of Constantine the Great, and was confirmed and en- 
larged by succeeding emperors ; but the privilege was greatly 
abused and early became the subject of complaint, A. D. 392, as 
preventing the ends of justice by offering a hiding-place for every 
fugitive from justice. Arcadius, at the instigation of Etropius, A. D. 
397, is said to have abrogated the right within his empire. 1 The cler- 
gy were uniformly opposed to this decree of Arcadius. The coun- 
cil of Coletum in Africa, A. D. 449, sent a delegation to the em- 
peror for its repeal. 2 Chrysostom especially distinguished himself 
by his zeal against it ; 3 from him it appears that Arcadius did not 
repeal his law. But this was done in relation to the Western 
church by his brother Honorius, A. D. 414, 4 which again was further 
established and enlarged by his son, Theodosius the younger, A. D. 
431 5 . The privileges of this right were finally denned by Justinian, 
A. D. 535, to this effect, — that the sanctuary should afford no pro- 
tection to murderers, adulterers, ravishers of virgins, and offenders 
of the like character, it being the intent of the privilege not to give 
protection to such criminals, but to offer an asylum to such as were 
exposed to violence and abuse from them. If therefore, any who 
were guilty of such crimes fled to the altar for refuge, they were to 
be immediately taken thence and punished according to law. 6 

This law of Justinian, however, was strenuously opposed by the 
clergy as being an invasion of their right of jurisdiction over the 
churches, and, owing to this cause and the barbarous character of 
the times, it was never generally observed. The councils of Orange 
A. D. 441, of Orleans A. D. 511, of Aries A. D. 541, of Magon A. 
D. 586, of Rheims A. D. 630, of Toledo A. D. 681, etc., severally 
vindicated this right, and extended protection even to the grossest 
offenders ; and the less efficient sovereign acquiesced in their deci- 
sions. Charlemagne himself fully confirmed these privileges. 7 They 
were now extended to the church-yard and burial-ground, and to 
the bishop's house ; and then again to the chapels, to crucifixes 
when brought by the priest to the sick ; and even to the parsonage. 8 
The right was also claimed for cloisters, though it was not often ex- 
ercised. The synod of Nemours, A. D. 1284, confirmed the privi- 
lege even on public inns for strangers, and religious establishments 
generally. The right was also claimed for the residence of the Ro- 



PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 201 

man cardinal, who, also was the first to assume the inviolable rights 
of a public ambassador, jus asyli Legatorum. This, it is well known, 
has been the subject of much controversy, and as late as the last half 
of the eighteenth century, was asserted as an important political 
privilege. 

To what extent the privileges above mentioned were abused is 
evident from the fact, that Innocent III, and Gregory IX, were com- 
pelled to make public proclamation that the church should offer no 
refuge to murderers and high-way robbers. 9 And the council of 
Cologne decreed, A. D. 1280, that criminals should only find refuge 
in the church until due deliberation should be had whether they 
should be subjected to punishment, or receive pardon. 

In the Eastern empire, the right in question was the subject of 
similar controversy and abuse. The famous Tarasius, Patriarch of 
Constantinople in the eighth century, was a zealous defender of this 
right. By a decree of the emperor, it was denied to murderers, 
robbers, and adulterers ; 10 but Theophilus granted this right in favor 
of his daughter's grave to all offenders. It is remarkable, that even 
the Turks recognized and respected the sacred privileges of the 
sanctuary. Since the reformation, these have been abrogated in all 
evangelical churches, and in all Catholic countries they have either 
been wholly abolished, or greatly modified. 



CHAPTER X. 



OF THE PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 

§ 1. Preliminary Remarks. 

Pythagoras is said to have recommended that prayer should be 
audibly expressed, to guard the suppliant from praying for those 
things which are not agreeable to the will of God. It was also a 
common sentiment of the Jews, that prayer was of no avail unless 
expressed aloud in words. 1 Christianity, on the other hand, teaches 
that prayer may arise acceptably from the heart, though no speech 
or language give it utterance. It looks wholly to the spirit of the 

26 



202 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 

suppliant, and is in its nature opposed to prescribed forms and cere- 
monies. John 4: 24. Jude v. 20. Christ and his apostles taught, 
both by precept and example, the duty of prayer. And the primi- 
tive Christians, in all their assemblies, sought to excite and quicken 
their devotional sentiments by singing and prayer. Several exam- 
ples of prayer by Jesus and his disciples are recorded, viz. Acts 1: 
24. 4: 24—31. 9: 40. 12: 5. 20: 36, etc. And it is worthy of re- 
mark, that, with the exception of certain forms, such as Amen, 
Grace be unto you, etc., no instance occurs of the repetition of the 
same prayer. This circumstance forbids the idea of any prescribed 
forms of prayer. Even our Lord's prayer is recorded with essen- 
tial variations by the evangelists Matthew (6: 9—13) and Luke (11: 
1 — 4). Hence the inference, that the prayer is of a general charac- 
ter, expressing rather the subject than the form of our petitions 
to God. 

And yet the prayers and salutations in the writings of the New 
Testament are the basis of all the forms which were observed by the 
ancient church. At the same time, it is equally evident that the 
church drew largely from the Old Testament, and freely adapted to 
their own use ihe doxologies, psalms, and hymns of the pious Israel- 
ites. Besides these, there are a multitude of phrases and forms of 
expression in the rituals which have no counterpart in the Scriptures. 

Commentators generally agree that the passage 1 Tim. chap, ii., 
is given to explain the proper subjects of public prayer. 2 And the 
design and connection of this epistle favor this supposition. So Ter- 
tullian evidently understood it. 3 

The psalms and hymns, of which mention is made in the ancient 
church, are evidently none else than prayers mingled with ascrip- 
tions of praise to God for his goodness, designed to promote and ex- 
press becoming sentiments of piety. Their songs were but joyful 
prayers, and as such were transferred into the church from the syna- 
gogue and temple worship of the Jews. That such was the import 
of their sacred music, all their most ancient doxologies, collects, and 
psalms abundantly show. In perfect accordance with this sentiment 
it was customary, in the primitive church, not to read, but to chant 
the Lord's prayer, the gospels, the epistles, their litanies, and their 
confessions of faith. 

It was a favorite sentiment of the fathers, that the worship of 
heaven would be a prolonged eternal song of praise. Praise indeed 



UNITY AND TRINITY IMPLIED IN DEVOTION. 203 

is the highest act qf worship both on earth and in heaven. This was 
the worship of the seraphs whom Isaiah in his vision saw, (6: 1 — 4.) 
And the redeemed in heaven bring their sweetest odors with the 
new song which they sing to God and the Lamb. However prayer 
and praise may vary in form, they are essentially one ; one spirit 
pervades and inspires them both. 

§2. The Unity and Trinity of the Godhead implied in the 
Devotions of the Ancient Church. 

Every prayer and every song of praise was presented by the 
worshipper to one God, the Maker of heaven and earth. In this, 
Christianity was directly opposed to the polytheism of the age, whilst 
it perfectly harmonized with the doctrine of the Jewish religion : — 
':' Hear, O Israel ! the Lord our God is one God." 

At the same time, all the prayers and songs of the church were 
directed to the triune God, or distinctly implied the doctrine of the 
Trinity. The church guarded itself against the charge of paganism 
by continually asserting that it rejected all polytheism, and that 
the doctrine of the trinity bore no analogy to tritheism. Indeed it is 
very evident, in view of all that the apostles have said, that, in wor- 
shipping the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, they did not worship 
three Gods. 

The distinction between the Jews and Christians on this point is 
well described by Tertullian, who says, " They believed God to be 
one in such a sense that it is improper to unite with Him the Son 
and Holy Spirit. What can the distinction be, save that under the 
new dispensation he is revealed to us through the Son and the Spirit, 
although he is still known by his own appropriate appellations, and 
in his own person, whilst in the former dispensation he is not re- 
vealed to us through the intervention of the Son and the Spirit.' 1 1 
Jerome, Augustine, and Cosmus, Indicopleustes, etc., express much 
the same sentiments. Ever since the time of the christian apologists, 
dogmatists, and polemics, the strife has been to detect, in the creeds 
and liturgy of the Jews, in their names of the Deity, doxologies, and 
ascriptions of praise, implied evidence of the trinity, and to ascribe 
to the Jews their belief in God as existing in three persons. 2 

The church has also had occasion to defend herself, in the wor- 
ship of the three persons of the Godhead, against numerous classes 



204 PRAYERS AND FSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 

of heretics who are known under the general name of anti-trinitari- 
ans — Patripassians, Sabellians, Gnostics, Manicheans, Arians, etc. 
In all these controversies, the church has sought to maintain the doc- 
trine of the trinity in its integrity. " Our hope," says Cyril of Jeru- 
salem, " is in the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. We teach, not the 
doctrine of three Gods, but, with his Son, and the Holy Spirit, one 
God ; of necessity, our faith is undivided. We neither sunder the 
trinity, as do some, nor confound it, like the Sabellians. But we ac- 
knowledge with piety the Father, who sent the Son our Saviour ; we 
acknowledge the Son, who promised to send us the Comforter from 
the Father ; we acknowledge the Holy Ghost, who has taught us by 
the prophets, and who, on the day of Pentecost, descended in tongues 
of fire upon the apostles, in Jerusalem, the head of the church." 3 

Such being the decided testimony of the church, setting forth the 
doctrine of the trinity as the grand characteristic of the christian re- 
ligion, it is no matter of surprise that this doctrine is so constantly 
advanced under all circumstances ; especially, that it is repeated in 
their doxologies, psalms, and hymns. They repeated the doxology 
at each assembly for religious worship, and at each rehearsal of the 
liturgy. This doxology was as follows : " To God the Father, and 
his Son our Lord Jesus Christ, with the Holy Spirit, be honor and 
might forever and ever. Amen." 

They were so minutely careful respecting the phraseology of these 
forms, that it became a question, which Basil the Great discussed at 
length, whether the preposition iv, in, or diu, through, or avv, with, 
should be used in connection with the Holy Spirit. 4 From which we 
learn that in the fourth century the same controversies were had on 
this subject which were renewed in the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries throughout Germany, Holland, England, France, and 
Sweden. 

So general was this recognition of the trinity in public prayer, 
in the fourth and fifth centuries, that merely upon the mention of the 
name of God, the adoration of God in three persons, was, of course, 
presupposed and implied. Nay, it may be affirmed as a general 
truth, that any petition addressed to either of the persons of the God- 
head, was directed to all. To prevent confusion of mind it was in- 
deed decreed by the council of Carthage, A. D. 525, that the prayer 
should be directed to the Father only, but this was distinctly under- 
stood and explained to be a prayer to the three persons of the God- 



DIVINE WORSHIP PAID TO CHRIST. 205 

head.* Similar sentiments are found abundantly in the writings of 
the ancients, 5 so that it is an undeniable fact that their prayers and 
psalmody were indicted by zealous trinitarians. " From all which," 
as Bingham very justly observes, " it is evident, to a demonstration, 
that the three persons of the Holy Trinity were always the object of 
divine adoration from the first foundation of the primitive church, and 
that the giving of divine honor to the Son, and Holy Ghost, as God, 
was not the invention, or addition, of any later ages." 6 

§3. Divine Worship paid to Christ. 

It is a peculiar characteristic of the christian religion, that it offers 
divine honors to Christ. It teaches not merely that prayer should be 
offered in the name of Jesus, but directly to Him. Every prayer, 
and every hymn, while it honors the sacred Trinity, has also another 
design. It distinctly recognizes the divinity of Christ, and shows 
what views the christian church had of the person of the Saviour. 
Pliny says, A. D. 107, that " they were wont to meet together on a 
stated day (the Lord's day) before it was light, and sing alternately, 
among themselves, a hymn to Christ, as God. To sing a hymn, 
carmen dicere, may imply, either that they offered to him a sacred 
song, or a prayer; but in either case it was the offering of divine 
honors to him. 

Polycarp, in his epistle to the Philippians, 1: 12, says, " Now the 
God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and he himself who is our 
everlasting High Priest, the Son of God even Jesus Christ, build you 
up in faith and in truth, and in all meekness, and lenity." The 

* Si qui catholici fideles hujus sacramenti nunc usque videantur ignari, 
deinceps scire debent, omne cujuslibet honorificentiae et sacrificii salutaris 
obsequium- et Patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto, hoc est, sanctae Trinitati ab 
Ecclesiacatholica jgaWieT- exhiberi. Incujus utique uno nomine manifestum 
est, sanctum quoque baptisma celebrari. JYeque enim praejudicium Filio vet 
Spiritui Sancto comparatur, dum ad Patris personam precaiio ab offer ente di- 
rigitur : cujus consummatio, dum Filii et Spiritus S. complectitur nomen, os- 
tendit, nullum esse in Trinitate discrimen. Quia dum ad solius Patris perso- 
nam sermo dirigitur, bene credentis fide tota Trinitas honoratur ; et quum 
ad Patrem litantis destinatur intentio, sacrificii munus omni Trinitati uno 
eodemque ofFertur litantis officio. S. Fulgent. Rusp. ad Monirnum lib. II. 
c. 5. edit. Basil. 1621. p. 328. 



206 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 

church of Smyrna, in their circular epistle respecting the death of 
Polycarp, say, ? Neither is it possible for us ever to forsake Christ, 
who suffered for the salvation of all such as shall be saved through- 
out the whole world, the righteous for the ungodly ; nor to worship 
any other besides him. For him indeed, as being the Son of God, 
we adore." ] 

Origen against Celsus says, " All supplications, prayers, and in- 
tercessions, are to be offered up to the most high God through this 
High Priest, who is above all angels, who is the living Word and 
k God.'''' He further says, " we pray also to the Word himself, and 
make supplication." This he vindicates at length against the 
charge, on the one hand, of worshipping more Gods than one ; and 
on the other, against the imputation of worshipping him as a subor- 
dinate and created being, showing that he is one with God, and our 
Mediator and Intercessor with the Father. He concludes this discus- 
sion by declaring, " We worship the Father, whilst we admire and 
adore the Son, who is his word, and wisdom, and truth, and righteous- 
ness ; and whatever else we are taught to believe of the Son of God, 
begotten of such a Father." 2 

This interesting passage fully illustrates the sentiments of the 
primitive church on the subject. A multitude of other passages, to 
the same effect, may be found in the authors quoted in the index. 3 

§ 4. Of the worship of Martyrs, Saints and Angels. 1 

The worship of these came into use in the fourth and fifth centu- 
ries. Some few traces of such worship at earlier periods may be 
found, and innumerable instances of a later date. It has been a 
great question whether such were invoked as direct mediators with 
God, or not ; and again, whether these invocations imply the offering 
of such divine honors as are paid to Christ or to God. This the 
Catholic writers generally deny. Their assertion is, that these invo- 
cations are not acts of adoration, but only a means of grace to awa- 
ken pious feeling and to aid us in rendering due worship to God. 
Non sancti Dei appetunt indebitas laudes sed ut rationabile fiat obse- 
quium nostrum. 2 " The saints are not our immediate intercessors with 
God ; but whatever they obtain for us from God, they obtain through 
Christ. We therefore invoke the saints to the end that they may do 
that which we also do, and which they are better able to do than 



WORSHIP OF SAINTS AND ANGELS. 207 

we are ; and the united prayer of both must be more influential than 
that of us alone. We only implore the saints to intercede with God 
for us, that the merits of Christ may be applied to us ; and that 
through him we may obtain grace and glory." 3 

The evangelical church, on the other hand, contend that all wor- 
ship of saints and images is idolatry. The primitive church, while 
they scrupulously worshipped Christ as God, rejected with abhor- 
rence the worship of saints and of images. 4 

The history of the delusion above mentioned, is sketched by Gie- 
seler in the following terms : 

" The notion that the prayers of the dead availed for the living 
was prevalent in the school of Origen even in the third century,* 

* Origines in Cant. Cant. lib. III. ed de la Rue, T. III. p. 75 : Sed et om- 
nes sancti, qui de hac vita decesserunt, habentes adhuc cbaritatem erga eos 
qui in hoc mundo sunt, si dicantur curatn gerere salutiseorum, etjuvare eos 
precibus suis atque interventu suo apud Deum,non erit inconveniens. — Idem 
in libr. Jesu Nave horn. 16 § 5 (T. II. p. 437) : Ego sic arbitror, quod omnes 
illi, qui dormierunt ante nos, patres pugnent nobiscum et adjuvent nos ora- 
tionibus suis. Ita namque etiam quemdam de senioribus magistris audivi 
dicentem in eo loco, in quo scriptum est in Kumeris (xxii. 4), quia ablinget 
synagoga ilia hanc synagogam, sicut ablingit vitulus herbam viridem in campo. 
Dicebat ergo : Quare hujusmodi similitudo assuinta est, nisi quia hoc est, 
quod intelligendum est in hoc loco, quod synagoga Domini, quae nos prae- 
cessit in Sanctis, ore et lingua consumit adversariam synagogam, i. e. oration- 
ibus et precibus adversarios nostros absumit ? — Idem, in Epist. ad Rum. Lib. II. 
p. 479 : Jam vero si etiam extra corpus positi vel sancti, qui cum Christo 
sunt, agunt aliquid, et laborant pro nobis ad similitudinem Angelorum, qui 
salutis nostrae ministeria procuranfc ■ vel rursum peccatores etiam ipsi extra 
corpus positi agunt aliquid secundum propositum mentis suae, ad Angelo- 
rum nihilominus similitudinem sinistrorum, cum quibus et in aeternum ig- 
nem mittendi dicuntur a Christo: habeatur et hoc quoque inter occulta Dei, 
nee chartulae committenda mysteria. Origen' s follower, Eusebius praep. 
Evang. XII c. 3, begins with referring to Plato de Legg. lib. XI. and then 
proceeds: ICal ev tm filfiloj Ss tojv Maxxaftcu'ow (2 Mace. 15: 14) Xeyszai 
IsQtfAias 6 TTQoqijTtjq jLurd x?)v aTzaXXctyrjV tov ftiov, si'yc/uavog OQao&ai iiTteQ 
tov Xaovj ujs (pQovriSa Ttoiov^avog tojv sttI y?jg dv&Qomojv . Jat §i cp7]ot, xal 
6 nXdrojv rovToig Tttarsvsiv. Hence the custom, very early, of asking the 
living martyrs for their intercession after death. Thus Euseb. de Martyr. 
Palaest. cap. 7, relates that a certain Theodocia in Caesarea approached the 
martyrs who were awaiting death, 6/uov (piXocpQOVovfiivq , nal ola sixog {lisp 
row fivrjfiovevsiv avrijg TCQog tov xvqiov ysvoutvovg TiaQaxaXovaa. On the 
other hand, there is as yet no trace of prayers to the dead. 



208 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH, 

but had not yet sufficient authority to influence directly the mode of 
honoring the martyrs. 

" The more remote the times of the martyrs, the greater the ado- 
ration paid to them. The heathen converts, naturally enough, trans- 
ferred to them the honors they had been used to pay their demigods, 
while the horror of creature-worship, which had hitherto operated as 
a check on the growing superstition, had been gradually dying away 
since the extinction of paganism. As men had long been accustom- 
ed to assemble for public worship at the graves of the martyrs, the 
idea of erecting churches ([iv.QivQia, memoria) over them would 
readily occur. In Egypt the Christians began to embalm the bodies 
of reputed saints, and keep them in their houses. The communion 
with the martyrs being thus associated with the presence of their 
material remains, these were dug up from the graves and placed in 
the churches, especially under the altars ; and the popular feeling 
having now a visible object to excite it, became more extravagant 
and superstitious than ever. The old opinion of the efficacy of their 
intercession, who had died a martyr's death, was now united with 
the belief that it was possible to communicate with them directly ; a 
belief founded partly on the popular notion that departed souls al- 
ways lingered around the bodies they had once inhabited, and partly 
on the views entertained of the glorified state of the martyrs, a sort 
of omnipresence being ascribed to them. These notions may be 
traced to Origin, and his followers were the first who apostrophized 
the martyrs in their sermons, and besought their intercession. But 
though the orators were somewhat extravagant in this respect, they 
were far outdone by the poets, who soon took up this theme, and 
could find no expressions strong enough to describe the power and 
the glory of the martyrs. Their relics soon began to work miracles, 
and to be valuable articles of trade. In proportion as men felt the 
need of such intercession they sought to increase the number of the 
intercessors. Not only those, who, on account of services rendered 
the church, were inscribed in the Diptycha, but the pious characters 
from the Old Testament, and the most distinguished of the monks, 
were ranked among the saints. Martyrs before unknown announ- 
ced themselves in visions, others revealed the place of their burial. 
From the beginning of the fifth century the prayers for the saints 
were discontinued as unbefitting their glorified state. Christians 
were now but seldom called upon to address their prayers to God ; 



DEVOTIONAL PECULIARITIES. 209 

the usual mode being to pray only to some saint for his intercession. 
With this worship of the saints were joined many of the customs of 
the heathen. Men chose their patron saints, and dedicated churches 
to their worship. The heathen, whom the Christians used to re- 
proach with worshipping dead men, found now ample opportunity of 
retort. 

" Throughout the fourth century there was no peculiar preference 
of the Virgin Mary above other saints. The church went as yet no 
further than to maintain the doctrine of her perpetual virginity, to 
which the monastic notions of the time naturally led. The opinion 
that she had ever borne other children than Jesus was declared to 
be heresy ; as for instance by Epiphanius, in the case of the 3 Avndi- 
xopaQiaviTaL in Arabia, A. D. 367, by Jerome in the case of Helvi- 
dius at Rome, A. D. 383, and by the Macedonian bishops in the case 
of Bonosus, bishop of Sardica, A. D. 391, while it was shown in what 
way she gave birth to our Saviour without ceasing to be a virgin. 
Neither did the teachers of the church in the fourth century scruple 
to attribute to her faults ; and Epiphanius includes certain women 
in his catalogue of heretics, for their extravagant adoration of the 
Virgin. The Nestorian controversy first led men to set her above 
all other saints as the mother of God, dsoroxog. 

Though it was the general belief that the angels watched over men 
and brought their prayers to God, it was thought unallowable to wor- 
ship them because of the passages Col. 2: 18. Rev. 19: 10. 22: 8, 9. 
Ambrose is the first who seems to recommend such a worship ; and 
after his time we find many marks of adoration paid them ; though 
much fewer than to the saints." — Cunningham's Trans. Vol. I. pp. 
173—4, 282—7. 

§ 5. a filial and confiding spirit peculiar to the prayers of 
the Church. 

By this the christian religion is distinguished from all others. It 
teaches us to offer our addresses unto God as our Father ; to come 
unto him, not as a servant unto his master, but as children to a pa- 
rent, confident of finding audience and acceptance with him. ; Ye 
have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear ; but ye have 
received the spirit of adoption whereby we cry Abba, Father.' To 
the Jew, the Lord God is a being of terrible majesty, repelling eve- 

27 



210 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 

ry presumptuous approach to him. To the Christian he is one of 
endearing kindness and condescension, inviting him to draw nigh 
with confidence. To the one, he appears in stern and awful sancti- 
ty ; to the other y in the mild majesty of love. 

§ 6. The simplicity and brevity of the Devotions of the 
Primitive Church. 

The prayers of the church were offered in language the most art- 
less and natural. Even the most learned of the fathers, who were 
no strangers to the graces of diction, refused all ornamental embel- 
lishments in their addresses to the throne of grace, alleging that the 
kingdom of heaven consists not in word, but in power, 1 Cor. 4: 20. 
Cum de rebus agitur ab ostentatione submotis quid dicatur spectan- 
dum est, non quali cum amoenitate dicatur ; nee, quid aures commul- 
ceat, sed quas afferat aud.ientibus utilitates. 1 Their prayers were 
accordingly offered in the greatest simplicity, and as far as possible 
in the phraseology of scripture. This artlessness and elegant sim- 
plicity appears in striking contrast with the ostentation and bombast 
of a later date. 

This contrast appears equally great also in the brevity of these 
prayers. It was a maxim in the primitive church, that many words 
should never be employed to express what might better be said in a 
few. So manifest was this excellence, that Basil, Chrysostom, and 
Gregory the Great, successively attempted to abridge the formula- 
ries of the church, and restore their early simplicity and brevity. 2 

§ 7. Of the Catholic Spirit of their devotions. 

The church, receiving the acknowledged truth that in every place 
he that feareth God and doeth righteousness is accepted of Him, re- 
stricted her devotions to no particular tongue. It was indeed a dis- 
puted question, at a very early period, in what language Christ and 
his apostles performed their devotions ? Whether in the Greek, or 
Hebrew, or Syro-Chaldaic. But it was not accounted essential 
that the devotions of the church should be performed in the same 
language. Accordingly there are extant examples of prayers and 
of spiritual songs which were uttered in the vernacular tongue as 
early as the second and third centuries. Celsus indeed urged it as 



AUDIBLE AND SILENT FRAYER. 211 

a grave objection against the Christians, that they introduced into 
their prayers certain strange and barbarous expressions, having ref- 
erence probably to such terms as Amen, Hallelujah, Hosanna, etc. 
To which Origen replied, that both Greeks and Romans, in prayer, 
spoke in their own native tongue ; each, in his own dialect, offering 
prayer and praise to God as he is best able. And the Lord of all 
languages listens to each supplicant praying in his own tongue, but 
hears, as it were, one voice expressed by different signs, and in vari- 
ous sounds. 1 Similar sentiments are expressed by other writers. 2 

No prescribed time or place for prayer was required by the 
church. Nor was any rule given respecting the direction of the eye, 
the bending of the knees, or position of the hands. Neither was 
there any established form of prayer or praise for general use. 
With the single exception of the instructions given in the Apostolical 
Constitutions for the private use of the Lord's prayer, there is no in- 
stance of any synodical decree respecting it until the sixth and sev- 
enth centuries. 3 Every church, whether national or individual, pre- 
scribed its own mode of worship. In many instances, the prayers of 
the church were merely submitted to the examination and approba- 
tion of the bishop. Beyond all question, the use of a liturgy and rit- 
ual was at first wholly voluntary. This subject is discussed at length 
by Bingham, who maintains that a liturgy, and set forms of prayer 
were used from the beginning, but admits that each church was at 
liberty to form their own liturgy, and that the prayers were probably 
uttered memoriter, and continued for one or two centuries by tradi- 
tion, before they were committed to writing. 4 

Respecting the number of prayers offered in public, no general 
rule was given. It was customary, however, to begin and close re- 
ligious service with prayer. Here, as in other things, the same sim- 
plicity was advocated by Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Cyprian, Irenaeus, 
Origen, etc. But the Latin and Greek churches, in time, greatly de- 
parted from the spirit and taste of the primitive church. 

§ 8. Audible and Silent Prayer. 

This distinction was first made in the secret discipline of the 
church. Silent prayer was restricted to the mental recital of the 
Lord's prayer, which neither the catechumens, nor the profane of any 
description, were allowed to repeat. Professing Christians repeated 



212 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 

it in the presence of such, not audibly, but silently. But at the com- 
munion, when withdrawn from such persons, they repeated it aloud, 
at the call of the deacon. 

There was another species of silent prayer which consisted in pi- 
ous ejaculations offered, by the devout Christian, on entering upon 
public worship. This commendable custom isstillobserved in many 
protestant churches. According to the council of Laodicea, c. 19, 
prayer was offered immediately after the sermon for catechumens, 
then for penitents. Then, after the imposition of hands, and the ben- 
ediction, followed the prayers of the believers,— the first in silence ; 
the second and third, audibly. They then exchanged the kiss of 
charity, during which time their offerings were brought to the altar. 
The assembly were then dismissed with the benediction, Iieinpace, 
go in peace. 

The primitive church never chanted their prayers, as was the cus- 
tom of the Jews, and still is of the Mahommedans ; but reverently 
addressed the throne of grace in an easy, natural, and subdued tone 
of voice. 

§ 9. Of the Lord's Prayer. 1 

The opinions of the learned even to the present day are greatly 
divided respecting the design of our Lord in giving this prayer. 
Three several theories have been advanced on this subject. 

1. That the Lord Jesus did not give this as a prescribed form. 
But only to illustrate that spirit of filial love and reverence in which 
all prayer should be offered to God. It was given to teach the na- 
ture and appropriate subjects of prayer. 

2. That it was a prescribed form, to be used, not only by his dis- 
ciples, but by believers in every age and country, like the prescribed 
form in which baptism is to be administered. 

3. That it is an epitome of the Jewish liturgy which was at that 
time extant. The several parts of this prayer are supposed to be 
the very words in which the several prayers of the Jewish service 
began ; and that the whole was embodied by our Lord as a substi- 
tute for so many long and unmeaning prayers. 

The historical facts connected with the use of the Lord's prayer, 
may be stated as follows. 

1. It was not in use in the church in the age of the apostles. Not 



OF THE LORD'S PRAYER. 213 

the remotest hint js given in the history of the apostles that this 
prayer constituted any part of their religious worship. The apostle 
is silent on this point even in 1 Cor. xiv. where he is treating of their 
devotions. In the absence of written testimony, we are, indeed, di- 
rected to uncertain tradition to supply its place. But in every view 
of the subject the assertion that this prayer was used, either by the 
apostles, or their immediate successors, must be regarded as arbi- 
trary and groundless. 

Justin Martyr, the earliest of the fathers, says that the presiding 
officer offered prayers and thanksgivings, oV?; divafAig amoo, and that 
the people responded, Amen. 2 By the our] dvvafiig avxa> it may be 
understood that he spoke in as clear and audible a voice as he could, 
" totis viribus^ or, more properly, as Tertullian expresses it, ex 
proprio ingenio, according to the best of his ability.* At the same 

* The following are the remarks of Lord Chancellor King on this subject: 
" As to these prescribed forms, there is not the least mention of them in any 
of the primitive writings, nor the least word or syllable tending thereunto 
that I can find, which is a most unaccountable silence, if ever such there 
were, but rather some expressions intimating the contrary : as that famous 
controverted place of Justin Martyr, who, describing the manner of the pray- 
er before the celebration of the Lord's supper, says, ' that the bishop sent up 
prayers and praises to God with his utmost ability,' oay dvva/uig (Jlpolog. ii. 
p. 92), that is, that he prayed with the best of his abilities, invention, expres- 
sion, judgment, and the like. 1 am not ignorant that there is another sense 
given of oarj Scvctfug, or < according to his ability.' But I must needs say, 
that I generally, if not always, found this phrase to include personal abilities. 
Thus, as to the explanation of Scripture, Origen writes that he would ex- 
pound it, l according to his ability,' ooi] §v'va/uig (Com. in Matth. torn. xvii. p. 
487, vol. i.), and that he would comment on that Parable of the blind man that 
was healed near Jericho, mentioned in Luke 18: 35 (Com. in Matth. torn. xvi. 
p. 429, vol i.) nard to dvvarov. And soon the Parable concerning the hus- 
bandmen (Ibid. torn. xvii. p. 463), aard Svvafitv; and on the marriage of 
the king's son (Ibid. torn. xvii. p. 474), uard r'/jv naQovoav divatav; and 
that he would search out the sense of the Gospel of St. John (Com. in 
Johan. torn. i. p. 5, vol. ii.), nard Si'vajuiv. Now what doth Origen intend 
by his searching out the sense and expounding the meaning of the Scrip- 
tures to the utmost of his power and ability ? Js it a bare reading and tran- 
scribing of other men's works, or an employment of his own abilities and 
studies, to find out the sense and meaning of them ? Certainly every one 
will think the latter to be most probable." 

" So as to the argumentative defence of the truth, Origen promises he would 
answer the calumnies of Celsus, according to his poioer, nard tj)v Ttaoovoav 
dvvu/uiv (Contra Celsum, lib. i. p. 2) ; and that he would defend and confirm 



214 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 

time Justin, in several places, seems distinctly to allude to the Lord's 
prayer. He speaks of God as the Father tow olwv, 3 which is of 
similar import with the expression : " Our Father in heaven.'''' 

his arguments against Celsus, according to his power, oo?] d'vva/uig (Ibid. lib. 
i. p. 35), and demonstrate the reasonableness of the christian religion, accord- 
ing to his power, oor] Svva/uig (Ibid. lib. vi. p. 265), and dispute against Cel- 
sus, according to his pozcer, oor/ Svva/uig (Ibid. lib. vii. p. 332). Now, wheth- 
er Origen's defending the power, consisted in a reading, or in a bare tran- 
scribing out of a book, the written arguments of other men, or in an employ- 
ment of his own abilities, inventions, and expressions, is no difficult matter 
to determine." 

" 1 have not found one place, wherein this phrase of oorj §vva.fiig doth not 
comprehend personal abilities; and several scores more might I cite, where 
it is so to be understood, which I shall omit, and mention only one more, 
spoken by Origen with respect to this duty of prayer, where it must of ne- 
cessity imply personal abilities, and that is in his book De Oratione (§ 2. 
p. 134), where he prescribes the method and parts of prayer, the first where- 
of was doxology ; wherein, says he, he that prays must bless God according 
to his power, nard §vPa/uiv ; where xard dv'vajuiv must signify the perform- 
er's abilities of judgment and expression, because it is not spoken of prescri- 
bed words, but of a prescribed method of prayer ; as if any one should desire 
me to inform him how, or in what method, he must pray ; I tell him, as Ori- 
gen doth in this place, that first he must begin with an invocation of God by 
his titles and attributes ; then he must proceed to praise God for his mercies 
and benefits, confessing withal his ingratitude and unfruitfulness ; then beg 
pardon for past sins, strength against future, and conclude all, with praising 
God through Christ, and that he must do all this according to the utmost of 
his ability. What could any one imagine that I should intend by this ad- 
vice of following this method to the utmost of his power, but the exerting of 
his own abilities, understanding, memory, invention, expression, and the like, 
since I direct him not to any prescribed words, but only to the observation 
of those general heads and parts of prayer?" 

" So that the minister's praying oorj diva/tig, or according to the utmost 
of his ability, imports the exerting his gifts and parts in suitable matter and 
apt expressions ; and that the primitive prayers were so, appears yet further 
from a passage in Origen, who thus explains that verse in Matthew vi : But 
when ye pray, use not vain repetitions as the heathens do : — ' But when we pray, 
let us not battologise, that is, use not vain repetitions, but theologise : but 
we battologise, when we do not strictly observe ourselves, or the words of 
prayer, which we express, when we utter those things which are filthy, ei- 
ther to do, speak, or think, which are vile, worthily reproveable, and aliena- 
ted from the purity of the Lord.' (u4)Jm TTQoasvyofitvoij fir/ ^arroXoy?'jGOj- 
[iw, alia dtoloyriawpLZV (3aTioloyov(A£v ds oje ft?} jutofAoaxonovvTsg eavrovg 
rj Tovg avaji£y,no[ASvovg z^g 'si%j}g loyovg teyopsv ta diEcp&agixiva soya, i] 



OF THE LORD'S PRAYER. 215 

Irenaeus distinctly quotes from our Lord's prayer, 4 but gives no 
intimation of its being used in public worship ; and Clemens Alex- 

Xoyovg, r\ vor^ara Tansiva rvyyavovia y.al enllnma, tr\q acp&agalug al~ 
XoTQia tov y.vQiov. De Oratione, § 10.) Surely this caution had been need- 
less, of strictly observing the words that they uttered ; and this fear had been 
groundless, of expressing themselves undecently, or sinfully, if they had a 
prayer-book to recur to ; but that they had no such prayer-book appears yet 
more evidently from Tertullian, who, describing their public prayers, says 
that, looking up to heaven, they spread abroad their hands because inno- 
cent; uncovered their heads because not ashamed; and without a monitor, 
because they prayed from the heart. (Illuc suspicientes Christiani manibus 
expansis, quia innocuis, capite nudo, quia non erubescimus, denique sine 
monitore, quia de pectore orarnus. Apolog. c. 30, p. 703). Now, what is to 
be understood by praying from the heart will best appear from inquiring into 
what is opposed to it, viz., the praying by a monitor. Now, the praying by 
a monitor, as is acknowledged by all, was praying by a book ; but thus Tertul- 
lian affirms the primitive Christians prayed not : We do not pray, saith 
he, with a monitor, reading our prayers out of a book. No, but on the con- 
trary, we pray de pectore, from the heart, our own heart and soul dictating 
to us what is most proper and suitable to be asked, having no need of any 
other monitor besides." 

" Hence their prayers were suited to their emergencies, and present cir- 
cumstances, as Tertullian writes, that ' having premised the Lord's Prayer, 
we may offer up accidental requests and petitions' (praemissa legitima et or- 
dinaria oratione, accidentium jus est desideriorum. De Orat. p. 659), of which 
occasional requests we find some instances, as in the 16th epistle of Cyprian, 
where that father assures Moses and Maxim us, two Roman confessors, that 
he remembered them in his public prayers with his congregation (Et quando 
in sacrificiis precem cum plurimis facimus. Epist.16, § 1, p. 44). And in 
another epistle, when he congratulates Pope Lucius upon his return from 
banishment, he assures him i That he did not cease in his public prayers to 
bless God for so great a mercy, and to pray Him that was perfect to keep 
and perfect in him the glorious crown of his confession.' (Hie quoque in 
sacrificiis atque in orationibus nostris non cessantes Deo — gratias agere, et 
orare pariter, ac pete re, utqui perfectus est atque perflciens, custodiat et per- 
ficiat in vobis confessionis vestrae glonosam coronam. Epist. lviii. § 2, p. 
163 ) And so, when the Church of Carthage sent a sum of money to the 
bishops of Numidia for the redemption of some christian captives, they de- 
sired those bishops to ' remember them in their public prayers.' (In mentem 
habeatis in orationibus vestris et eis vicem boni operis in sacrificiis et preci- 
bus repraesentetis. Epist. lx. § 4, p. 167.) So that their prayers could not 
be stinted, invariable forms, because they could add new petitions, as their 
occasions and circumstances did require." — King, Second Part of the Enqui- 
ry into the Constitution, Discipline, Unity, and Worship of the Primitive Church, 
chap. 2, § 7. 



216 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 

andrinus many times alludes to it in like manner. 5 The authority 
of the Apostolical Constitutions is irrelevant, as belonging to a later 
period. 

2. Tertullian, Cyprian, and Origen, fully concur in testifying to 
the use of the Lord's prayer in the second and third centuries. 

Tertullian declares it to be not only a form prescribed by Christ 
for all ages, but asserts that it contains the substance of all prayer, 
and is an epitome of the whole gospel. 6 Cyprian repeats much the 
same sentiments, acknowledging Tertullian as his guide and in- 
structor, and often explaining more fully the sentiments of that au- 
thor. He calls the Lord's prayer, ' Our public and common prayer.' 7 
Origen also has a long treatise on the same subject, in which he 
says lhat this was a prescribed form containing all that the true 
Christian ever has occasion to pray for. 8 Authorities, without num- 
ber, to the same effect may be accumulated from writers of the 
fourth and fifth centuries. 9 

3. The use of the Lord's prayer in the third, fourth, and fifth cen- 
turies was restricted to the faithful only, and was denied to catechu- 
mens. 10 By Chrysostom it was styled zv%r\ juv nunwv, the prayer 
of the faithful. 

The reason of this exclusion was, in general, that none but chris- 
tian believers had the true spirit of adoption, so that they could sin- 
cerely say, ' Our Father which art in Heaven.' 11 Another reason was 
that the petition, ' Give us this day our daily bread,' was understood 
in a mystical sense, as relating to spiritual gifts, and appropriate 
especially to be used in the communion service, at which no catechu- 
men, or profane person, was permitted, under any pretext whatever, 
to be present. 12 

The ancient liturgies of the Greek church connect with the 
Lord's prayer a doxology, which has been ascribed to Basil and to 
Chrysostom, recognizing the doctrine of the Trinity as implied in 
the prayer, "Thine is the kingdom, power, and glory, Father, Son, 
and Holy Spirit, both now and forever, world without end." The 
doctrine revealed in this doxology, none but the faithful were per- 
mitted to know. The doxology which is given in Matthew, at the 
close of the Lord's prayer, was unknown to Tertullian, Cyprian, 
Origen, and Cyril of Jerusalem. But it was extant as early as the 
middle of the fourth century. 13 Neither this doxology, nor that 
above mentioned is supposed by writers to have belonged to the 
original text. 



OF THE RESPONSES. 217 

Believers were expected to repeat this prayer three times daily. 14 
They who were baptized were also required to repeat it, together 
with the creed, immediately upon coming out of the water. 15 It 
was also repeated in the celebration of the Lord's supper, 16 and of 
marriages, funerals, ordinations, etc. 

The modern custom of some Protestants, of repeating the Lord's 
prayer twice in the course of a sermon, has no precedent in the 
primitive church. 

The most ancient prayers of the church which have come down 
to us are contained in the Apostolical Constitutions. These forms may 
have been in use as early as the end of the fourth century. Among 
these are prayers for the catechumens, 17 for candidates for baptism, 18 
for penitents, 19 for demoniacs, 20 prayers for them that sleep [in 
death], 21 morning and evening prayers, 22 and prayers to be used on 
the sabbath. 23 

As a single example of these forms of prayer, one is inserted be- 
low, which was offered at the conclusion of the Lord's supper : 

Aiunoxa o Otog o 71olvxov.qu.tqq, o nan]Q tov Xgiarov gov tov eiXoyy- 
xov naidbg, 6 twv fxn ev&vxrjxog iTtiyaXovpsvojv gb inrjxoog, o xat tcuv 
g Kan wvTcav inLGxa^vog xag ivrsv^sig ' £V%aQicrtQV[i&v goi, otl y.aTtjJ-lojGag 
Tj^uaS fisxaXafitlv xwv ayltav gov ^ivGxrjgiojv, a nag£G%ov ijfuv, tig nXrigo— 
qpooiav xwv xaXwg iyvoiG^ivojv, slg qpvlay.i]v xi\q siGsfisLug, slg aqptGiv 
7iXr}^sXf]fxax(ov ' on xbovofia tov XgiGxov gov inixiy.Xr)xcu iqp ^fiocg, xal 
goi TxgoGomsioi^is&a. 6 %0JotGttg tjfxixg %r\g xwv ug?(3wv xoivwvlag, svwgov 
vfiag fisxa xwv ya&03Gib)fusvojv Got, gtijql!-ov fj^ag iv xy wXrj&sloc xfj tov 
uylov nvsv^iaxog iTTKpoixrjGsi, to. ayvoovpsva ajioy.aXvxjjov, xa XsLnovxa 
TtQOGavanbJQWGOv, xa iypcoG^iva xgaivvov ' xovg Isgslg afiafiovg oiacpv— 
Xa$ov iv xf] Xaxgsia gov xovg fiaGilstg diotirjgrjGOv iv slgrjvr], xovg ag- 
yovxag iv dixaiOGivr], xovg aigag sv svvgaGiu, xovg y.ugnovg iv svcpogla, 
xov y.oG^ov iv navaXusi ngovola. xa sd-vtj xct noXsfMxa ngavvov' xa 
Titnlavrjfteva inlGiosipov, xov Xuov gov ayluGov. xovg iv nag&svla dia- 
Tr,grjGov ' xovg iv ydftcn diacpvXal-ov iv ttlgxsi' xovg iv ayvsta ivdvva- 
{xmgov ' xa vi]Tiia adgvvov xovg vsoxsXstg fisfialwGOv ' xovg iv xairjyrjGSi 
naldsvGov, xal xyg ^vi]GS(og a$lovg otvadei$ov ' yea ndviag ij/uas iniGwa- 
yays slg xi)v tmv ovgavoJv ftaGtXslav, iv XgcGxoj ° IrjGOV xuj y.vglca ?/pv * 
{ie& ov goi do$u, xifji] y.cu Gsfiocg, xal tw ay lot nvsv^iaxi, slg xovg aiwvag. 
a^v.— Const. VIII. 14. 15. 

28 



218 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 



§ 10. Op the Responses — Amen, Hallelujah, Hosanna, 1 etc. 

These were either short ejaculations to God, or exclamations de- 
signed to enkindle the devotions of believers, or an intimation thai 
the prayer of the speaker was heard. 

1. Amen. This, in the phraseology of the church, is denominated 
orationis signaculum, or devotae concionis responsionem? the token 
for prayer — the response of the worshippers. It intimates that the 
prayer of the speaker is heard, and approved by him who gives this 
response. It is also used at the conclusion of a doxology. Rom. 9: 5. 
Justin Martyr is the first of the fathers who speaks of the use of this 
response. In speaking of the sacrament he says, that at the close of 
the benediction and prayer, all the assembly respond, u Amen," 
which, in the Hebrew tongue is the same as, " So let it be/* 3 Ac- 
cording to Tertullian, none but the faithful were permitted to join in 
the response. 4 

In the celebration of the Lord^s supper especially, each commu- 
nicant was required to give this response in a tone of earnest devo- 
tion. 5 Upon the reception, both of the bread, and of the wine, each 
uttered a loud 'Amen ;' and, at the close of the consecration by the 
priest, all joined in shouting a loud ' Amen.' But the practice was 
discontinued after the sixth century. 

At the administration of baptism also, the witnesses and sponsors 
uttered this response in the same manner. In the Greek church, it 
was customary to repeat this response as follows : 'This servant of the 
Lord is baptized in the name of the Father, Amen ; and of the Son, 
Amen ; and of the Holy Ghost, Amen ; both now and forever, world 
without end ; 5 to which the people responded, 'Amen. 7 This usage is 
still observed by the Greek church in Russia. The repetitions were 
given thrice, with reference to the three persons of the Trinity. 

2. Hallelujah. This was adopted from the Jewish psalmody, 
particularly from those psalms (cxiii — cxviii) which were sung at the 
passover, called the Great Hillel or Hallel. It was this that our Sa- 
vior sang with his disciples at the institution of the sacrament. The 
word itself is an exhortation to praise God, and was so understood 
"by Augustine, Isiodorus, and others. 6 The use of this phrase was 
first adopted by the church at Jerusalem, 7 and from this was re- 



OF THE RESPONSES. 



219 



ceived by other churches. But the use of it was restricted to the 
fifty days between Easter and Whitsunday. 8 

In the Greek church it was expressive of grief, sorrow, and peni- 
tence. 9 In the Latin, on the contrary, it denoted a joyful spirit — 
love, praise, thanksgiving, etc. 

3. Hosanna. The church, both ancient and modern, have con- 
curred in ascribing to this word, contrary to its original import, a 
signification similar to that of Hailelujah. The true signification of 
it is, " Lord, save," Ps. 118: 25, and was so understood by Origen, 
Jerome, and Theophylaet, in their commentaries upon Matt, 21: 15. 

Eusebius gives the first instance on record of its use, 10 where, at 
the death of a certain martyr, the multitude are said to have shouted 
4t Hosanna to the Son of David." The use of it is prescribed in the 
Apostolical Constitutions, lib. 8. e. 13, in connection with a doxology 
to Christ. The first mention of it in religious worship is found in the 
Apostolical Constitutions, 8. c. 13. It occurs also in the liturgy of 
Chrysostom. By the ancients it was uniformly regarded as a dox- 
ology. 

4. O Lord have mercy, — Kvgis ilstjaov. There are many au- 
thorities, both sacred and profane, from which this phrase may have 
been adopted. 11 According to Augustine, Epist. 178, it was in use 
both in the Syriac, Armenian, and other Oriental languages. The 
council of Vaison, A. D. 492, can. 3, ordained that this reponse 
should be introduced into the morning and evening worship, and 
into the public religious service. Gregory the Great introduced a 
threefold form. 1. O Lord. 2. Lord have mercy. 3. Christ have 
mercy. And each it would seem was to be thrice repeated with 
reference to the sacred trinity. 12 

5. Glory ; Glory in the highest. This exclamation was in use 
on certain festive occasions in the fifth century ; In the seventh, it 
had come into general use. 13 According to Meratus, the bishops 
alone were allowed the use of this exclamation. 14 

6. The Lord be with you ; Peace be with you. The council of 
Braga, A. D. 561, ordained that this should be the uniform saluta- 
tion both of bishops and presbyters, when addressing the people. 15 
The last mentioned salutation alone was in use in the Greek church. 
At first, this salutation was not allowed to excommunicated per- 
sons, or to penitents, or even to catechumens ; but only to the faith- 
ful. Examples of the scrupulous observance of prescribed forms of 
salutation are cited in the index. 16 



220 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 

7. Let us pray ; Lift up your hearts, etc. ; oremus, dtr^ai^v ; sur- 
sum corda. In the ancient service of the church, it was the duty of 
the deacon to summon each class of worshippers separately to en- 
gage in prayer by saying, ' Let us pray.' Whether they were to pray 
in silence or audibly, they received a similar intimation from the 
deacon. This was followed by another injunction to kneel ; and at 
the conclusion, he also directed them to arise. There were various 
forms of announcing the time of prayer besides the one above men- 
tioned, such as'Give audience ;' 'Attend ;' 'Lift your hearts on high, 
pray, pray earnestly,' etc. To which the congregation replied, 'Our 
heart is unto the Lord,' etc. 17 

Cyprian is the first who distinctly mentions this mode of announ- 
cing prayer, but he speaks of it as a familiar and established usage. 18 
Cyril of Jerusalem says, that at this awful summons, the whole soul 
should be fixed upon God, and no unworthy or earthly thought 
should be allowed to intrude. Much more to the same effect is said 
by him, and by the authors quoted in the index. 19 During the mid- 
dle ages, this custom was perverted to the maintenance of the doc- 
trine of transubstantiation, — the elevation of the host, etc. In the 
English church, it continued unchanged until the seventeenth cen- 
tury. In the Lutheran church a similar usage remains to the 
present time. 

" The long prayer which, in the missa fidelium, the service de- 
signed for the faithful alone, usually followed the sermon, was intro- 
duced as follows. The deacon first commanded silence and atten- 
tion by exclaiming, ' Let us pray ;' the officiating minister then ad- 
dressed the assembly in these words : ' The peace of God be with 
you all ;' to which the assembly responded, 'And with thy spirit.' 
Then said the deacon, ' Salute ye one another with an holy kiss ;' 
upon which the clergy saluted the bishop, and one another ; and the 
laity of both sexes, saluted those of their own sex. During this time, 
some of the deacons, and subdeacons are occupied in preserving 
order. One of the latier brings water for the officiating minister to 
wash his hands in token of the purity of mind which is accepta- 
ble to God. The deacon then says, ' Let no catechumen, disciple, or 
unbeliever, or any of Caesar's party remain ; all you who have at- 
tended the first service retire ; mothers withdraw with your infant 
children ; let no one cherish enmity in his heart towards another; 
let there be no hypocrisy in any ; let us set our hearts with fear and 



PSALMODY Or THE CHURCH. 221 

trembling to bring our offerings.' These offerings are then laid up- 
on the altar by the deacon, while the minister, with the elders, stands 
before it praying for himself, and with a white cloth, crossing him- 
self upon the breast. After this he says to the assembly, ' The grace 
of Almighty God, the love of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the fellow- 
ship of the Holy Spirit be with you all, Amen ;' to which the people 
respond, 'And with thy spirit.'' He then says, ' Lift up your hearts on 
high.' " Our heart is unto the Lord." Let us bless the Lord, says 
the minister. " It is meet and right." He that leads their devo- 
tions then prays at great length, and the solemn service is closed by 
a doxology."* 

§ 11. Of the Psalmody of the Church. 1 

The sacred canon of the Jews consisted of the Law and the 
Prophets. The Psalms were a collection of sacred songs, and were 
used in their temple service, like our modern collections of Psalms 
and Hymns. The use of sacred music in religious worship was de- 
rived from the Jews, and the Psalms of the sacred Scriptures were 
uniformly used by the primitive Christians as songs to be sung. 
Some one or more lead the singing, and the whole congregation 
united their voices in the chorus. 2 Sometimes they constituted two 
divisions, and sung responses to each other, and at other times, it is 
probable that all sung in unison. Their worship was conducted by 
the reading of the Scriptures, and singing of the Psalms alternately. 3 
Certain Psalms were sung also on certain occasions. There were 
accordingly morning and evening Psalms, and Psalms prescribed 
by the bishops to be sung on the several religious festivals. 4 

It is worthy of remark, that the earliest christian fathers make no 
mention of Psalms and Hymns as a part of religious worship. These 
were classed with the prayers and thanksgivings of the church. Ori- 
gen is the first author who distinctly mentions them. " We," says 
he, "sing hymns to God who is over all, and to his only begotten 
[Son] the Word and God." 5 f Eusebius also says that the Psalms 
and Hymns of the brethren, written at the beginning by the faithful, 
do set forth the praises of Christ the Word of God, and attribute di- 

* Seigel, Alter. Vol. 11. Art. Gebet. 

t The genuineness of the last phrase, is called in question by some 
writers. 



222 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 

vinity to him. 6 From all which, we have historical evidence that 
the divinity of Christ was a doctrine of the primitive church. 

The circumstance that none of the Psalms and Hymns of the 
primitive church have come down to us, may be ascribed to various 
causes. They were comparatively few in number, consisting only 
of a few hymns to be committed to memory by the young people, and 
by all those who could not afford the expense of a manuscript copy. 
They must have been carefully destroyed in the times of persecu- 
tion. They were a part of the secret service, which was never 
taught to any but believers. And the church were greatly divided 
in opinion respecting this part of their worship, often revising their 
collections of psalmody. The various sects of heretics especially, 
adapted their psalmody to their peculiar sentiments ; and generally, 
the ancient psalmody was of a decidedly doctrinal character, subject 
to change from age to age, with the ever varying sentiments of the 
church. Like their creeds and catechisms, their psalmody also was 
expected to contain a summary of the christian faith. The music 
by which it was accompanied consisted merely of a few easy and 
simple melodies. 

§ 12. Attitude and Gesture in Singing, and in Prayer. 1 

1. Standing. In the Eastern church it was customary, as it still 
is with Mohammedans, Arabians, and the Parsees of Persia, to stand 
in prayer. 2 Many examples of this custom occur also in the Scrip- 
tures : Gen. 18: 22. 19: 27. 2 Chron. 20: 13. 1 Sam. 1: 26. Job 30: 
20. Luke 18: 11, 13. Matt. 6: 5. Mark 11: 25.3 And from the 
writings of Basil, Chrysostom, and the Apostolical Constitutions, it 
would seem that this was the usual attitude, and not an exception to 
the general rule, as has often been asserted. To kneel in prayer, 
during the entire season of pentecost, was expressly forbidden. 4 Ac- 
cording to Origen, the eyes and the hands should be lifted up to hea- 
ven, that the body may indicate the elevation of the soul. But he al- 
lows exceptions in case of infirmity, and according to circumstances. 5 
He also insists that it is necessary for one to kneel when he prays for 
the forgiveness of his sins. But he is here speaking not of public, 
but of private prayer. The author of Questions and Answers to the 
Orthodox, which some erroneously have ascribed to Justin Martyr, 
asserts that the custom which is observed through the days of pente- 



ATTITUDE AND GESTURE. 223 

cost was of apostolic origin, and refers to a passage from Irenaeus, 
which is lost, in proof of the assertion. Epiphanius, Jerome, Augus- 
tine, 6 and Basil, 7 also concur in sanctioning the custom of standing in 
prayer. And it is particularly worthy of remark, that penitents were 
denied this privilege, it being the prerogative and right only of be- 
lievers and consistent professors of religion. 

In singing, this was regarded as the only proper and becoming at- 
titude. 8 

2. Kneeling. Abundant authority for this is also found in the 
Scriptures : Gen. 17: 3, 17. Num. 16: 22. Josh. 5: 14. 2Chron.20: 
18. Luke 22: 41. Acts 7: 59,60. 9:40. 21:5. Eph. 3: 14. The 
act of kneeling was thought peculiarly to indicate humility before 
God ; to exhibit a sinner who had fallen away from him, and in 
need of divine grace and mercy. Accordingly it was uniformly re- 
quired of all who had fallen under censure of the church for their 
offences, as an indispensable condition of their restoration to their 
former covenant relations. Basil denominates it the less penance^ 
in distinction from prostration, which was called the greater penance. 

It must indeed be admitted that it was very common both to kneel 
and to stand in prayer. But the assertion that kneeling was the uni- 
form posture in prayer, in all acts of worship except on the sabbath 
and festive occasions, is an unwarranted assumption. The most 
important authorities from the fathers are given in the index. 9 

3. Bowing the head. This was a kind of intermediate attitude 
between standing and kneeling. Occasionally the inclination of the 
body is also mentioned. The bowing of the head was especially re- 
quired in connection with intercessory prayers and the receiving of 
the benediction. 10 

4. Prostration upon the ground. Thisjs occasionally mentioned, 
but was not required as a rule of worship. It was chiefly appropri- 
ate to deep humiliations and expressions of shame or sorrow upon 
some very remarkable occasion, but was not the general practice of 
the church. 11 

Sitting in prayer, according to Bingham, was never allowed in the 
ancient church. It was universally regarded as an irreverent and 
heathenish posture in these devotions. 

5. The lifting up of the hands. This was a common rite in pa- 
gan worship, but with the christian fathers it was peculiarly signifi- 
cant as an emblem of the cross, designed to assist them in holding 



224 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 

in lively remembrance Christ crucified. Occasionally the hands were 
clasped together in prayer. 

In regard to the covering of the head, the church strictly observed 
the rule given by the apostle, 1 Cor. xi, requiring the men to be un- 
covered, and the women to wear their appropriate covering in prayer. 
In this their custom was directly opposed to that of both Jews and 
Gentiles. With them, to appear with the head covered, denoted 
freedom and independence. But the Christian, as the servant of the 
Lord, appeared uncovered, in token of his humility and dependence. 

From the period of the second century it was customary, both in 
the Eastern and Western church to pray facing towards the east, 
contrary to the custom of the Jews who prayed towards the west, 
1 Kings 8: 4. 2 Chron. 29: 6. Dan. 6: 10. The altars of the chris- 
tian churches were situated towards the east, and the dead were 
buried so that the eye might be turned in the same direction. The 
reason for all this seems to have been derived from the ceremonies 
of baptism, in which they were accustomed to turn towards the west 
as the region of darkness, where the prince of darkness might be 
supposed to dwell and solemnly to renounce the devil and his works ; 
and then to turn about to the east and enter into covenant with 
Christ. They might, therefore, very naturally suppose that in 
prayer they ought to direct themselves to God in the same manner 
in which they first entered into covenant with him. 13 

Of the time for prayer. Christ and his apostles give no specific 
instructions, but generally, to pray at all times, and in every place. 
But it became, in the second and third centuries, a prevalent senti- 
ment in the church, that every Christian ought to pray three times 
a day ; at the third, sixth and ninth hour, corresponding to the hours 
of nine, twelve and three o'clock. For the observance of these 
hours they had certain mystical reasons drawn from the doctrine of 
the trinity. The third being emblematical of the trinity, and the 
sixth and ninth being formed by repetitions of three. 14 But Tertul- 
lian and Cyprian both urge the propriety of morning and evening 
prayer, at the rising and setting of the sun, in remembrance of the 
sun of righteousness whose absence we have so much occasion to 
deplore, and in whose light we must rejoice. The Apostolical Con- 
stitutions also prescribe the offering of prayers five, six, and even 
seven times a day. 15 



ANCIENT PSALMODY. 



225 



As a specimen of the ancient psalmody of the church, the follow- 
ing hymn from Ambrose is inserted, with bishop Mant's version of 
it. — Opp. T. II. H. 8. 



Aeterna Christi munera 
Et martyrum victorias, 
Laudes fe rentes debitas, 
Laetis canamus mentibus. 

Ecclesiarum principes, 
Belli triumphales duces, 
Caelestis aulae milites, 
Et vera mundi lumina. 

Terrore victo saeculi 
Spretisque poenis corporis, 
Mortis sacrae compendio, 
Vitam beatam possident. 

Traduntur igni martyres, 
Et bestiarum dentibus, 
Armata saevit ungulis 
Tortoris insani manus. 



Nudata pendent viscera, 
Sanguis sac rat us funditur, 
Sed permanent im mobiles 
Vitae perennis gratia. 

Devota sanctorum fides, 
Invicta spes credentium ; 
Perfecta Christi caritas, 
Mundi triumphat principem. 

In his paterna gloria, 
In his voluntas filii, 
Exsultat in his Spiritus, 
Caelum repletur gaudiis. 

Te nunc, redemtor, quaesumus, 
Ut ipsorum consortio 
Jungas precantes servulos, 
In sempiterna saecula. Amen. 



Bishop Manfs Version. 

Lord, who didst bless thy chosen band, 
And forth commissioned send, 

To spread thy name from land to land, 
To thee our hymns ascend. 

The princes of thy church were they, 

Chiefs unsubdued by fight, 
Soldiers on earth of heaven's array, 

The world's renewing light. 

Theirs the firm faith of holy birth, 

The hope that looks above, 
And, trampling on the powers of earth, 

Their Saviour's perfect love. 
29 



226 



PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OP THE CHURCH, 



In them the heavens exulting own 
The Father's might revealed, 

Thy triumph gain'd, begotten Son, 
Thy Spirit's influence sealed. 

Then to thy Father, and to Thee, 

And to thy Spirit blest, 
All praise for these thy servants be 

By all thy church add rest. 



The most ancient hymn of the 
Clement of Alexandria, which is | 

2x6y.L0V nwlwv adawv, 
Uxsgov ogvl&cav anXavwv, 
Ot«| vr/Tilcav ajgsy.rjg, 
UoipijV CCQl'bOV fiacFiXMm> ' 
Tovg aovg acpsXtig 
Ilaldag ayugov^ 
Alvuv uylcog, 
'■Tfivilv ad Slag, 
Axetxoig GTo^iacny 
Uttldwy i}yi]TOQa Xgunov, 
Ba&tXsv a/lav, 
Aoys Tiavda^iaiuyQ 
HuTobg vipiaiov, 
2o(flag TigvTavio 
2!v})Qiy{xa nov&v 
AlttivozuQEq^ 
Bgoisag yevwq 
Smsg ^lyo-ov, 
noipjv, agoxr t g f 

JJxf.gov ovgaviov 
JIavayovg noifiv^g ' 
'AXisv [isgoncav 
Tav ao)'Co(jisv(ov^ 
JlfXayovg xantag 
^Ix&vg ayvovg 
Kv^axog itf&qov 



primitive church extant, is that of 
given below, 

Fraenum pullorum indocilium, 

Penna volucrum non errantium, 

Verus clavus infantium, 

Pastor agnorum regalium, 

Tuos simplices. 

Pueros congrega, 

Ad sancte laudandum : 

Sincere canendum 

Ore innoxio 

Christum puerorum ducem. 

Rex sanctorum, 

Verbum, qui domas omnia, 

Patris altissimi, 

Sapientiae rector, 

Laborum sustentaculum, 

Aevo gaudens, 

Humani generis 

Servator Jesu, 

Pastor, arator, 

Clavus, fraenum, 

Penna coelestis 

Sanctissimi gregis, 

Piscator hominum, 

Qui salvi fiunt, 

Pelagi vitii 

Pisces castos 

Unda ex infests 



ANCIENT HYMN. 



227 



Tlwsqfi X>wfj dsked£(OP' 
c Hyov } ixgoftaxav 
Aoyw&v oioip'jV 
Aytz rj/ov 

Baadsv naldcov avsnaqxav. 
* Igvia Xgiarov, 
c Odog oigavia^ 
Aoyog dsvaog p 
AIojv ctnXsTog, 

*EX£ovg nr\yi] y 
c Pmti]q agsiqg' 

Osop v^vovvtcjv^ Xqhtxe* Irjcrov, 

rdla ovguviov 

Mccaiwv ylvxeguv 

Nvpcprjg %cigho)v, 

2?ocplag xr t g arjg ix&Xifiofisvov. 

Oi VTjnlayot 

*Atalotg Qib^iaaiv 

'AznciXXofisvoi, 

Orjlyg XoyivJr\g 

JIvEVixaTi dgocrsgo) 

Al'vovg acpslug, 
^Tfivovg argsxtlg, 
Baoilzi Xqmjtw, 
Mia&ovg oaiovg 
Zm\g dida/^g, 

MilTHtiflSV OjXOV, 

Melii(ti[xzv anXwg, 

JIalda xgcnsgov 

Xogog sigiivrjg 

Oi XgLcnoyovoi, 

Actog (Twcpgav, 

zpdXodfzsv ofiov Osov tlgrjvygo 



Dulci vita inescans. 

Sis dux, ovium 

Rationalium pastor : 

Sancte, sis dux, 

Rex puerorum intactorum. 

Vestigia Christi, 

Vita coelestis, 

Verbum perenne, 

Aevuni infinitum, 

Lux aeterna, 

Fons misericordiae, 

Operatrix virtutis, 

Honesta vita, 

Deum laudantium Christe Jesu: 

Lac coeleste 

Dulcibus uberibus 

Nymphae Gratiarum, 

Sapientiae tuae expressum, 

Infantuii 

Ore tenero 

Enutriti, 

Mammae rational is 

Roscido spiritu 

Impleti, 

Laudes simplices, 

Hymnos veraces, 

Regi Christo, 

Mercedes sanctas 

Vitae doctrinae, 

Canamus simul. 

Canamus simpliciter 

Puerum valentem, 

Chorus pacis, 

Christo geniti, 

Populus modestus, 

Psallamus simul Deum pacis. 

Paed. Lib. Ill 



228 USE OF THE HOLY SCRirTURES. 



CHAPTEK XL 

THE USE OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES L\ T RELIGIOUS WORSHIP. 1 

§ 1. Preliminary Remarks. 

The christian church at first adopted, without essential variation, 
the Jewish form of worship in the reading of the Scriptures, which, 
after the Babylonish captivity, constituted an important part of re- 
ligious service. The books of Moses were divided into fifty-four 
sections, corresponding to the sabbaths in a year, one being allowed 
for their intercalated years, in which there might be fifty-four sab- 
baths. These sections were read successively, one on each sabbath. 
When a less number of sabbaths occurred in a year, two sections 
were read together as one on the last sabbath, so that the reading of 
the whole might be completed every year. 

Selections were also made from the historical and prophetical 
books, which were denominated the Prophets. One of these selec- 
tions was read every sabbath day in connection with the correspond- 
ing portion of the law. This custom originated from the persecution 
of Antiochus Epiphanes, who forbade the Jews the reading of their 
law on the sabbath. They accordingly selected from the prophets 
certain portions which they read successively, in the place of like 
portions of the law. And after the persecution, they continued to 
read both in connection. Paul, at Antioch in Pisidia, stood up to 
preach after the reading of the law and ihe prophets, Acts 13: 15. 

The Psalms and other devotional parts of the Scriptures, which 
with the Jews constituted a third division, were probably not read 
at all on the sabbath. They were the Psalter of the Jewish syna- 
gogue, and were sung or chanted whenever introduced into religious 
worship. 

Justin Martyr is the first who mentions the reading of the Gospels 
and of the Acts together with the Scriptures of the Old Testament. 2 
According to this author, they were read in public assembly on the 
sabbath, by a reader appointed for the purpose ; and after the read- 
ing, an exhortation and exposition was delivered by the minister. 



PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 



229 



Tertullian also insists upon the reading of the Scriptures both of 
the Old and New Testament as an important part of public worship. 3 

Both Tertullian and Cyprian speak of the Reader, as an officer in 
the church, the latter of whom particularly describes the ordination 
of two Readers to this office. 4 

The Apostolical Constitutions enjoin the reading of the Scriptures 
as the most important part of public worship. And Origen and 
Chrysostom insist upon this as the foundation of all correct religious 
service. 5 To these authorities, again, may be added those of various 
councils, on the same subject. 6 

As a general rule none but the books which were received as ca- 
nonical were allowed to be read in public worship. The reading of 
other books in private was recommended for personal edification, 
but not, like the Scriptures, as being of divine authority. 7 As in 
different provinces the church was divided in opinion respecting the 
true character of certain books, so they differed in regard to the 
propriety of permitting the same to be read in religious worship. 
The apocryphal books of the Old Testament, and the Antilegomena 
of the New, were chiefly the subject of dispute. The diligent peru- 
sal of the apocryphal books was recommended to catechumens, but 
their authority was seldom or never allowed in doctrinal discussions. 
These books were held in higher repute by the church in Africa 
than by any other. 

The controversy relating to the Antilegomena, in a great measure 
ceased in the fourth century. The authority of the Apocalypse 
was, however, still controverted ; and the churches of Constantinople, 
Antioch, and others, continued to refuse it a place in the sacred 
canon. 8 Ephraim of Syria, Athanasius, Cyril of Alexandria, Pseu- 
do-Dionysius, and Leontius of Byzantium, were apparently the first 
to remove the prejudice against this book. 9 

No distinction was made between the books of the Old and New 
Testament, but both were regarded as of equal authority, and in re- 
ligious worship selections from each were read in connection. On 
sacramental occasions, however, the Romish church, in the primitive 
ages of Christianity, omitted the lessons from the Old Testament and 
the Psalms, and confined themselves to the Gospels and the Epistles. 
Whilst both the Jewish and the christian sabbath continued to be ob- 
served, it was customary on the former occasion to read the Old 
Testament; and on the latter, the New. 10 



230 USE OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 

The controverted portions of Scripture above mentioned, and other 
religious works, were frequently read in public on certain occasions ; 
such as the Epistles of Peter, the Apocalypse, the Doctrines of the 
Apostles, the Shepherd of Hermas, the first epistle of Clemens Ro- 
manus to the Corinthians, the Homilies of the celebrated fathers, 
Public Symbols and Rules of Faith, and Memoirs of Martyrs and 
Saints. 11 

§ 2. Of the Order in which the Scriptures were read. 

At first there was no established order for the reading of them. 
Before the canon of the New Testament was completed, the Law 
and the Prophets of the Jewish Scriptures were read according to 
their divisions. Afterwards the bishop appointed the lessons. Even 
as late as the fourth and fifth centuries, instances occur of such ap- 
pointments by the bishop. 1 In all matters pertaining to the church, 
usage had a great influence. The traditions of the apostles, and 
especially usages established by them, were very carefully observed. 
Every innovation was regarded with jealousy proportionate to the 
antiquity of the usage which it would supersede. 

The earliest division of the New Testament was into the Gospels 
and the Apostles, corresponding to the Law and the Prophets of the 
Jewish Scriptures. This division appears in the writings of Tertul- 
lian and Irenaeus, 2 and must, accordingly, have been anterior to 
their time. The reading was directed according to this division, one 
lesson from each being read alternately. Between the reading of 
these, Psalms were sung, or selections from the Old Testament were 
read. When there was nothing peculiar to direct the reading, the 
Scriptures were read consecutively according to their established 
order ; but this order was interrupted on their festivals, and other 
occasions. 3 At Easter, the account of the resurrection was read 
from each of the evangelists successively. 4 The season of Pentecost, 
from Easter to Whitsuntide, was set apart for the reading of the 
Acts of the Apostles. 5 The Western church connected with this the 
reading of the Epistles and of the Apocalypse. 6 During Lent, Gene- 
sis was read ; and, as early as the third century, the book of Job was 
read in Passion- Week. In a word, though we have no complete or- 
der of the lessons read, through the year, it is to be presumed that 



DIVISIONS AND LESSONS. 231 

the reading was directed by an established rule and plan, especially 
on all the principal festivals and solemnities of the church. 

At the close of the lesson, the assembly kneeled and prayed for 
pardon of the sins of which they might have been guilty in the read- 
ing ; saying, ' Lord have mercy upon us.' Instead of this prayer, 
however, other forms were frequently used ; such as, l Thus saith the 
Lord, 1 etc. The reading at the burial service, was ended with the 
exclamation, ' Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord.' 

§ 3. Mode of designating the Divisions and Lessons. 

In many manuscripts, these divisions are denoted by certain 
marks like the masoretic notes in the Hebrew Scriptures. These, 
however, are not to be regarded as of necessity the most ancient 
divisions, for none of the manuscripts themselves have, in the 
opinion of critics, a higher antiquity than the fifth and sixth cen- 
turies, and most of them are of an origin much later. But it is wor- 
thy of remark that the ancient vesions, which date back to a much 
higher antiquity than any manuscripts now extant, and from which, 
almost without exception, the lessons were read are also divided in 
the same manner. Such for example are the divisions of the 
Syriac Peshito. From all which, it is probable that these divisions 
were made as early as the second century. According to this 
method, the New Testament was divided into two kinds of chapters, 
some longer, and some shorter. The divisions however were not 
uniform in the different churches, and were subject to revision from 
time to time. 1 

To prevent misunderstanding, it was customary to refer to texts 
of Scripture by quoting a few words of the passage in question, or 
by a description of it, thus : As it is said in the parable of the sower, 
— or, As it is written in the passage relating to the woman that had 
an issue, etc. 

These divisions continued to be general in the Eastern and West- 
ern churches until the thirteenth century, when cardinal Hugo de 
Sancto Caro introduced the chapters now in use. The divisions 
into verses first appeared in an edition of the Scriptures, published 
by Robert Stephens, A. D. 155L 



232 USE OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 



§ 4. Of the manner in which the Scriptures were read, and 
of other exercises in connection. 

Certain portions of the Scriptures, as has been already remarked, 
were sung, others were recited, or read. The Psalms were uni- 
formly sung, and from the time of Gregory the Great, the same was 
true of the gospels, and the epistles. All other parts of the Scrip- 
tures were read ; but the mode of reading was very unlike that in 
common use ; it was indeed a recitative or chant ; each syllable was 
uttered with a measured cadence and modulation, in a style and 
manner midway between that of singing and ordinary reading. In 
the East especially was this art of chanting greatly cultivated ; and 
the Koran to this day is thus read. 

It was a prevailing sentiment of the Oriental church, that the words 
of the Most High ought to be pronounced in a higher and more 
joyful strain than that of common conversation and reading. On 
this interesting point it is to be regretted that so little is known. The 
ancient art of chanting the Scriptures was perpetuated by tradition, 
and only some slight traces of it can now be observed in the Greek, 
Roman, and Protestant churches. 

Augustine, the great rhetorician and musician of the ancient 
church, contends earnestly for an easy, simple, and unstudied style 
of psalmody, and commends highly the singing of Athanasius, 
bishop of Alexandria, which more resembled the performance of a 
reader than of a singer. 1 In accordance with this author, the ap- 
proved style of conducting the services of the church seems to have 
been to conform the exercise of singing as nearly as possible to that 
of reading.; and the reading, to that of singing. The style was much 
the same, both in the Jewish synagogue and the Greek church. In 
both, the rehearsals were so rapid, that it would be difficult to deter- 
mine whether it most resembled that of singing, or of reading. 

The reading was begun and closed with a set form. The reader, 
according to Cyprian, saluted the audience by saying, ' Peace be 
with you.' This prerogative was afterwards denied to the reader, 
as belonging exclusively to the presbyter or bishop. 2 Then again, 
it became the usual salutation at the opening of public worship, and 
before the sermon. 

Before the meeting began, the deacon enjoined silence, and often 



MANNER OF READING THE SCRIPTURES. 233 

called aloud again,- i ngou/Mfisv, attendamus, attention P Then the 
reader proceeded saying, ' Thus saith the Lord in the lesson from 
the Old Testament, or from the gospels,' etc., or again, 'Beloved 
brethren, in the epistles it is written.' This was said to awaken atten- 
tion and veneration for the word read. 3 

At the close of the lesson, the people responded frequently if not 
uniformly, by saying, ' Amen.' The purport of which was, accord- 
ing to Alexander Halesius, ' God grant us to continue steadfast in 
the faith.' Or they said, ' We thank thee, Lord ;' ' We thank thee, 
O Christ,' — for the previous word. Such abuses finally arose from 
this custom, that the people were forbidden to join in the response, 
and the minister closed the reading of the epistles by saying, ' Bles- 
sed be God ;' and that of the evangelists by saying, ' Glory be to 
thee, O Lord.' 4 

Whenever the deacon, presbyter, or bishop performed the office 
of reader, he introduced the service by a form which was, substan- 
tially, the same as that which is still observed in the Episcopal 
service. 

At first the reading was performed from the ambi, a pulpit or desk, 
prepared for the purpose ; afterwards the reading was from the pul- 
pit, with the exception of that of the gospels and the epistles which, 
out of reverence for these parts of Scripture, were rehearsed near 
the altar ; the former on the right hand, and the latter on the left, 
of the altar. It was the duty of the subdeacon to read or chant the 
epistles ; and of the deacon to rehearse the gospels. 

The reader was at all times required to stand, in the discharge 
of his office ; the people preserved the same attitude in the rehear- 
sal of the Psalms, and the reading of the lessons from the gospels 
and the epistles at the celebration of their festivals. Cyprian repre- 
sents this to have been, on all occasions, the custom in Africa. The 
Apostolical Constitutions recommend both the clergy and the peo- 
ple to stand in the reading of the gospels. 5 Augustine urges all 
who are lame, or afflicted with any infirmity, so that they cannot 
conveniently stand, to sit and reverently listen to the word of God. 6 
But it was a general rule of the ancient church, which has at all 
times been observed, and still is to some extent, that the hearers sat 
during the ordinary reading of the Scriptures, and arose when the 
gospels were recited. If in the delivery of a sermon the preacher 
introduced a passage from the gospels, the assembly immediately 

30 



234 USE OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 

arose ; which was the frequent occasion of much noise and con- 
fusion. The reason for this usage in relation to the gospels is given 
by Chrysostom as follows : " If the letters of a king are read in the 
theatre with great silence, much more ought we to compose our- 
selves, and reverently to arise and listen when the letters, not of an 
earthly king, but of the Lord of angels are read to us." 7 

Jerome is the first who mentions the custom of burning lighted 
candles in the Eastern church, though not in the Western, when the 
gospels were read. 8 But all antiquity offers no other authority for 
this senseless superstition. 

§ 5. Of the Psalter. 

The use of the psalter as a system of psalmody is an imitation of 
the synagogue and temple service. The usage is of great antiquity, 
and very general, both in the ancient and modern church. But the 
psalter also partook very much of the character of a symbolical book, 
and constituted an essential part of the liturgy of the church. It con- 
tains appropriate^essons for reading, and religious formularies, suit- 
ed to the capacities of the youth and of the people generally. These, 
the clergy were required to commit to memory, and to explain. 1 
Such indeed was the consideration in which it was held, that it was 
styled the Bible in miniature, a manual of all sacred things, and a 
representative of the sacred Scriptures. 2 Even in the dark ages, 
when men were denied the use of the Bible, the psalter was allowed 
to the laity generally. 3 

The psalms were very early introduced as a constituent part of 
religious worship, and were variously numbered and divided ; some- 
times into five books, corresponding to the books of Moses ; and 
again they were arranged in different classes according to their 
character, as Hallelujah, Baptismal, Penitential Psalms, and many 
others. 

§ 6. Of the Pericopae. 

It has been before remarked that particular lessons were set apart 
from the gospels and epistles to be read on certain sabbaths and spe- 
cial festive occasions. The custom was derived from the Jews, who 
were accustomed to read different portions of their Scriptures oo 



OF THE TERICOPAE. 235 

their several festivals. 1 These specific selections from the writings 
of the New Testament were denominated Pericopae. When these 
selections were first made, is a question on which the learned are 
greatly divided. Some contending that they are of apostolic ori- 
gin ; others, that they originated in the fourth century ; and others 
again, date them back no farther than the eighth century. For a 
discussion of these several theories, the reader is referred to the au- 
thor, and the authorities quoted by him. 

[One end to be answered by making these extracts, was no doubt 
to assist those who had not free access to the Scriptures in learning 
the substance of what the Scriptures teach. Nothing in the history 
of the primitive Christians is more worthy of admiration than their 
profound reverence for the word of God, their diligence in reading 
the sacred Scriptures, and their surprising familiarity with truths of 
revelation. " At a time when the copies of the sacred volume were 
all in manuscript, and very scarce, — being so dear as to be beyond 
the reach of many to purchase, and when multitudes of those who had 
been converted to Christianity were unacquainted with the first ele- 
ments of reading, the great majority of them were conversant with 
the phraseology and the matter of the Word of life, to a degree that 
may well put Christians of later days to shame. Those of the men 
who could read, never went abroad without carrying a Bible in their 
pockets — while the women wore it hanging about their necks, and by 
frequently refreshing their memories by private perusal, and draw- 
ing little groups of anxious listeners around them, they acquired so 
familiar an acquaintance with the lively oracles, that there were few 
who could not repeat those passages that contained anything remark- 
able respecting the doctrines of their faith, or the precepts of their du- 
ty. Nay, there were many who had made the rare and enviable at- 
tainment of being able to say the entire Scriptures by heart. One 
person is mentioned among the martyrs in Palestine, so well instruct- 
ed in the sacred writings, that, when occasion offered, he could, 
from memory, repeat passages in any part of the Scripture as exact- 
ly as if he had unfolded the book and read them ; a second, being 
unacquainted with letters, used to invite friends and christian stran- 
gers to his house to read to him, by which means, he acquired an ex- 
tensive knowledge of the sacred oracles : and another may be men- 
tioned, of whom the description is so extraordinary, that we shall give 
at in the words of the historian, Eusebius, who knew him : l When- 



236 USE OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 

ever he willed, he brought forth, as from a repository of science, and 
rehearsed either the law of Moses, or the prophets, or the historical, 
evangelical, and apostolical parts of Scripture. Indeed, I was struck 
with admiration when I first beheld him standing amidst a consider- 
able multitude, and reciting certain portions of holy writ. As long 
as I could only hear his voice, I supposed that he was reading ; but 
when I came close up to him, I discovered that, .employing only the 
eyes of his mind, he uttered the divine oracles like some prophet.' 
— Every day it was the practice for each individual to commit a por- 
tion of Scripture to memory, and for the members of a family to re- 
peat it to each other in the evening. So much was this custom re- 
garded as part of the ordinary business of the day, that they had a 
set time appointed for conning the daily lesson — an hour which, 
though every individual fixed it as suited his private convenience, 
was held so precious and sacred, that no secular duties, however ur- 
gent, were allowed to infringe upon it ; and while some, who had 
their time at their own disposal, laid their memories under larger 
contributions, and never relaxed their efforts, till they had completed 
the daily task they had imposed on themselves, others were obliged 
to content themselves with such shorter passages as they could learn 
during the intervals of labor, and amid the distractions of other cares. 
By all classes, however, it was considered so great an advantage — 
so desirable an attainment to have the memory richly stored with 
the records of salvation — that while in the lapse of time many ancient 
practices became obsolete, and others more suited to the taste of suc- 
ceeding ages were adopted into the Church, this excellent custom 
still maintained its place among the venerable observances inherited 
from primitive times ; and the pious Christians of the first centuries 
would have regarded it as a sin of omission, for which they had oc- 
casion expressly to supplicate for pardon in their evening devotions, 
if they were conscious of having allowed a day to pass without hav- 
ing added some new pearls from the Scriptures, to the sacred treas- 
ures their memory had previously amassed." 

To aid those who could not read, pictures of Scripture scenes were 
also hung upon the walls. In the idolatrous devotion with which 
popish superstition bows down before the images and paintings of the 
sainted dead, the intelligent reader will easily discover only a per- 
version of the pure intents for which primitive piety first introduced 
them into the ancient churches. — Tr.1 



GENERAL REMARKS. 237 

CHAPTER XII. 

OF HOMILIES. 

§ 1. General Remarks, Names, etc. 

Every religious discourse, almost without exception, was based 
on some text, or distinctly related to some passage of Scripture. It 
aimed at nothing more than to explain and enforce the same. In 
the Latin church, instances frequently occur of sermons without any 
text, but they had reference distinctly to the scripture lesson which 
had just been read, which is sometimes cited, and at others, is passed 
over in silence. But in either case the discourse is a paraphrase or 
explanation of the passage in question. A sermon, according to the 
idea of the ancient church, may be defined to be a rhetorical dis- 
course upon some passage of Scripture, having for its object the 
spiritual edification of the hearers. It is an exposition and applica- 
tion of Scripture, not merely a religious discourse designed for the 
instruction of the audience. 

This discourse was called by different names, as loyoq, an oration, 
ofxilla, a homily. The latter implies a more familiar discourse than 
the former. When the deacon officiated in the place of the bishop, 
his discourse was frequently denominated v.i)qvy^a. It was also 
styled didacry.aXla, i^yvjing, iy.&satg, etc. In the Latin church it was 
styled tractatus, disputatio, allocutio. 

The modern divisions and parts of a sermon, such as the intro- 
duction, the proposition, the illustration and application, were to- 
tally unknown, in form, to the ancient fathers. The strife then 
was, as Gregory Nazianzen justly observes, not about terms, but 
doctrines. 

Mosheim asserts that the sermon was not at first a necessary part 
of religious worship. In answer to this absurd hypothesis it must be 
admitted that the discourses of Christ and his apostles were not in- 
deed homilies like those of Chrysostom and Augustine, but they re- 
semble these much more than they do the catechetical instructions 
of Cyril and Gregory Nazianzen, to say nothing of our Lord's ser- 
mon on the mount, which may truly be regarded as a pattern for a 



238 OF HOMILIES. 

formal discourse. The same may also be said of most of the dis- 
courses of Peter and Paul, as recorded in the Acts of the Apostles. 

We may also, with propriety, refer to all those passages which 
relate to the usage of Jewish worship in their synagogues, according 
to which that portion of Scripture which had been read was made 
the subject of discourse. Luke 4: 16. Matt. 4: 23. 13: 54. Acts 13: 
15—27. 15: 21. 2 Cor. 3: 15, etc. From all which it appears that 
a discourse based on the Scriptures was an essential part of the wor- 
ship of the Jews. The first instance of this on record is in the eighth 
chapter of Nehemiah. The homilies of the christian church were 
only an imitation of these discourses in the- synagogue, from which 
they were derived. 1 The discourses of the apostles were either ba- 
sed on some specific portions of Scripture, or else they were an ab- 
stract of sacred history. Instances of the former class are found in 
Acts 1: 15. 2: 14-36. Of the latter, Acts 7: 2—53. 17: 22—31. 
Acts xxii. and xxiii. 

For further illustration we may refer to 2 Tim. 3: 14 — 17, and to 
the miraculous gift of prophesying, i. e. of teaching which are men- 
tioned in 1 Cor. 12: 28, 29. Eph. 4: 11. The churches, to whom 
the apostles addressed their epistles, were required to have them 
read in public, accompanied, no doubt, with suitable explanations 
and applications, Col. 4: 16. 1 Thess. 5: 27. 2 Pet. 3: 15, 16. 

Justin Martyr expressly asserts, that " certain selections from the 
prophets and memoirs of the apostles were not only read, but ex- 
plained and enforced.'''' By the prophets and memoirs, he evidently 
means the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament. "After the 
reading is ended the minister of the assembly (the bishop) makes an 
address in which he admonishes and exhorts the people to imitate the 
virtues which it enjoins." 2 

So also Tertullian, in the second century. " We come together 
to acquaint ourselves with the sacred Scriptures, and to hear what, 
according to the circumstances of the present time, may be applica- 
ble to us either now, or at any future time. At least we establish 
our faith — we encourage our hope, we assure our confidence, and, 
by the injunctions of the divine word, we make its life-giving power 
efficacious to our hearts. We admonish and reprove one another, 
and give ourselves up to the teachings of the divine word. And this 
word of God has the greater weight because it is believed by all to 
reflect the image of God." 3 Who can doubt that this extract de- 



BY WHOM THE HOMILIES WERE DELIVERED. 239 

scribes the office of' the preacher as an essential part of public wor- 
ship. 

This duty is also specified in the Apostolical Constitutions. "When 
the gospel is read, let all the elders and deacons and the whole' as- 
sembly, stand in silence. Afterwards, let the elders, one by one, 
but not all of them, exhort the people ; and lastly, let the bishop as 
the master, address them." 4 Again, they speak of the bishop as 
" the preacher of the word of God," and as preaching to the people 
the things pertaining to their salvation. 5 

Again the notes of Peter's addresses to the people which Clemens 
Romanus has left, are proof positive to the point in dispute, provided 
they are genuine ; 6 but they are confessedly of doubtful authority. 
Enough, however, has been said to show that a sermon or homiletic 
address was, in the first and second centuries, a part of public wor- 
ship. In regard to this point at a later period, there can be no ques- 
tion. 

§ 2. By WHOM THE HOBIILIES WERE DELIVERED. 

Justin Martyr informs us, that after the reading, the president of 
the assembly, 6 nQsaxag, meaning the bishop, makes an application of 
the word, vov&ealav uoiutul, and exhorts to an imitation of the vir- 
tues which it inculcates. 1 This passage distinctly ascribes to the 
bishop the duty of explaining and applying the Scriptures which 
were read. And the same is manifest from the whole history of the 
ancient church. To preach, or as Ambrose expresses it, to teach 
the people, was, uniformly, the bishop's duty. The case of Am- 
brose himself is a clear illustration of this duty. He was promoted 
from a civil office to that of bishop, without having even been bapti- 
zed as a catechumen, and, in view of his unpreparedness, sought in 
vain to excuse himself from the discharge of this part of his duties, 
alleging that he had need himself to learn, instead of teaching others. 
But, as he himself confesses, he was obliged to begin to teach, be- 
fore he had himself been a learner. 2 

The distinction between ruling and teaching elders resulted sim- 
ply from the circumstance that, in those trying times, men were 
sometimes required to manage the concerns of the church who yet 
were not qualified to act as preachers ; and a competent teacher was 
not always suited to direct the affairs of the church. But the office 



240 OF HOMILIES. 

of a ruling elder who did not teach, was uniformly regarded as at 
exception to a general rule, — as an extraordinary provision for a pe- 
culiar emergency, whilst the office of preaching was accounted the 
most honorable and important part of the bishop's duties. " Far 
from this seat," says Chrysostom, " let him be removed who knows 
not how to teach sound doctrine as he ought." 3 The neglect of this 
duty is, by the apostolical canons, c. 58, to be punished with sus- 
pension and removal from office. 

There is indeed no case on record, of a bishop who was removed 
for his inability to teach ; but there are many in which the bishops 
were disregarded and neglected for this cause. Such was the case 
of Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, and Atticus, bishop of Constan- 
tinople. 4 On the contrary, they who excelled in this duty were held 
in the highest consideration, as Gregory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, 
Augustine, etc. 

The deacon and even the presbyter officiated only as substitutes 
of the bishop in case of his absence or inability, from sickness or 
other causes. Both Augustine and Chrysostom preached for their 
bishops in this capacity. 5 In such cases the bishop was held respon- 
sible for what was said by his substitute, of which we have a striking 
instance in the history of Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople. 

From all this we are not, however, to conclude that the right to 
preach was restricted under all circumstances, to the bishops alone. 
For how, in that case, were the churches which had no bishop to be 
supplied with the preaching of the word of God ? In all such cases 
the presbyter occupied the place, and discharged the duties of the 
bishop ; and in his absence, or failure, the deacon supplied his place ; 
not, however, by delivering an original discourse, but by reading, one 
from the fathers. The Apostolical Canons, c. 58, require the bishop, 
or the presbyter, to deliver the sermon, and exact upon both the same 
penalty for neglect of duty. 

In times of persecution presbyters and deacons were entrusted with 
the office of preaching. Still, the deacon was regarded only as an 
assistant, like a licenciate or candidate for the sacred office. 

Laymen who had not received ordination were not allowed to 
preach, but there are instances on record, notwithstanding, of such 
permission being granted to them under certain circumstances. 6 

But the apostolic rule forbidding a woman to teach, was most cau- 
tiously observed. 7 The Montanists are, indeed, an exception to this 



FREQUENCY OF SERMONS. 241 

remark, but TertulJian, himself one of this sect, complains of this 
abuse. 9 The fourth council of Carthage forbid both the laity and 
women to teach in public. " Let no laymen teach in the presence 
of the clergy, 1 ' c. 98. " Let no women, however learned or pious, 
presume to teach the other sex in public assembly," c. 99, 

§ 3. Of the Frequency of Sermons. 

It has already been stated that the sermon consisted originally in 
an explanation and application of the scripture lesson which had just 
been read. Sermons were therefore, as a general rule, as frequent 
as the reading of the Scriptures. If, in any instance, a sermon was 
delivered without any foregoing lesson from the Scriptures, it was 
an exception to the general rule. In some cases, several sermons 
were delivered by different speakers in succession at the same 
meeting. At other times, several were delivered by the same 
speaker on the same day. 1 Sermons were an appropriate part of 
every form of public worship, but they were especially designed for 
the catechumen ; and for this reason were a part of the services de- 
signed for them. 2 The frequency with which they were delivered va- 
ried greatly in different countries and dioceses. They were ex- 
pected of course on the sabbath, frequently on Saturday ; i. e. both 
on the Jewish and christian sabbath, especially whilst both days were 
observed in connection. A sermon was also essential to a due cele- 
bration of the festivals of the church. During the fifty festive days 
from Easter to Whitsunday, a sermon from the Acts of the Apostles 
was delivered each day, in the Oriental churches ; and also on each 
day of Lent. Afterwards they became less frequent, but were still 
delivered on fast days. On other occasions they were delivered in 
the afternoon. A sermon was also delivered at sometime during the 
middle of the week ; usually on Friday. Instances also occur in the 
writings of the fathers, of sermons for the forenoon and for afternoon. 3 
But it does not appear to have been a uniform arrangement. No bet- 
ter evidence of the consideration in which this part of religious wor- 
ship was held can be given, than the fact that Julian the apostate, in 
his endeavors to restore idolatry, recommended the pagan priests to 
imitate the christian preachers by delivering similar discourses. 

31 



242 OF HOMILIES. 



§ 4. The Length of Time allotted for the Delivery of the 

Sermon. 

This does not appear to have been determined by any canon, or 
rule of custom. It appears rather to have been regulated by times 
and circumstances. They were, however, much shorter in the Latin 
than in the Greek church. Some conjecture as to the length of time 
may be formed from the circumstance that more than one was de- 
livered in succession ; and yet it is remarkable that some of the 
longest sermons which remain to us, were delivered in churches 
where this custom prevailed. Some of Chrysostom's must have oc- 
cupied two hours in the delivery, although this was the usual time 
for the whole service, as Chrysostom himself asserts. 1 Bingham is 
of opinion that the sermons of the fathers could not have been an 
hour in length ; most of the sermons of the Latin fathers, according 
to him, could not have occupied one half hour, and many not ten 
minutes. 2 

Like the ancient orators, the preacher is supposed to have spoken 
by an hour-glass, a water-clock, or a sand-glass. 

§ 5. Of the Position of the Speaker. 

In many countries the speaker habitually occupied an elevated 
desk in the body of the house, which was also used for the reading, 
and for various exercises. In other places this was used by the 
speaker occasionally, but not habitually. Chrysostom and Augus- 
tine were accustomed to speak from this place, that they might more 
easily be heard by the immense multitudes that thronged to listen to 
them. 

The custom originally was, for the preacher to speak either from 
the bishop's seat, or from before the altar and behind the lattice that 
separated the sanctuary or shrine from the body of the house ; but 
most frequently from the former place, which, as Augustine says, 
was an elevated throne, that from it the bishop might watch his flock, 
as the vintager does his vineyard from his watch-tower. 

At a later period, when the care of the church became more 
cumbersome, and the bishops began to neglect or omit the duty of 
preaching, the deacons became the moderators of the assembly, and 



MODE OF DELIVERY. 243 

the preacher occupied the desk of the reader. This position was, 
of necessity, allotted to the preacher in the vast Gothic cathedrals 
which were erected in the middle ages. 

Sermons were frequently delivered in other places besides the 
ehurch ; but this was an exception to the general rule. The eulo- 
gies of the martyrs were usually delivered in the exedrae, baptiste- 
ries, cemeteries, etc. The monks frequently preached from the 
trees, and the top of a post or pillar. 

<$ 6. Attitude of the Speaker, Mode of Delivery, Deportment 
of the Audience, etc. 

In the primitive church it was customary for the speaker to sit, 
and for the audience to stand. As in attending to the reading of the 
Scriptures they stood, in token of reverence for the word of God, so 
in listening to the sermon, in which it was explained and enforced, 
for the same reason they preserved a similar attitude. To this, 
however, there were exceptions, and the usage was different in dif- 
ferent places. In Africa the custom above mentioned was observed 
with great care. Augustine insists often upon it, and rebukes every 
departure from it except in cases of infirmity, which rendered it in- 
convenient for the hearer to preserve this attitude. At one time he 
apologizes for the inconvenient length of his sermon, especially in 
as much as he is permitted to sit, while they are required to stand. 

The hearers of Gregory Nazianzen and Chrysostom preserved 
the same posture. It is related even of Constantine the Great, that 
he did not resume his seat during a long sermon by Eusebius, and 
that all the assembly followed his example. 1 From all which it is 
fairly inferred that this was the prevailing custom. Compare Luke 
2: 46. 4: 20. 5: 3. John 8: 2. Matt. 5: 1, etc. 

The hearers, it would seem, were accustomed to take great liber- 
ties in regard to their attendance upon public worship, and often de- 
meaned themselves very unworthily. At one time, they would ab- 
sent themselves from the service except during the sermon — an ir- 
regularity against which Chrysostom inveighs with great spirit. 2 At 
other times, they treated even the preaching with great indifference 
and neglect, 3 complaining bitterly of long sermons, and even left the 
house while the preacher was yet speaking. To prevent this, the 
doors were ordered to be fastened after the reading and before the 



244 OF HOMILIES. 

sermon, 4 as is still the custom in Sweden. The fourth council of 
Carthage, c. 24, forbade this contempt of the preacher under pain of 
excommunication. 

Another impropriety of which Chrysostom complains with his ac- 
customed spirit, is that of disturbing the preacher by needless noise 
and frivolous conversation : — the loquacity of the women, and the 
wantonness of the young people, are among his subjects of complaint. 
Similar complaints are made by others, particularly by preachers in 
the large cities, Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria, Car- 
thage, etc. 

The indecent custom was also introduced into the ancient church 
of applauding the speaker by acclamations, by clapping, waving of 
handkerchiefs, and other similar customs, which disgraced the an- 
cient theatres, as they still do the modern. A multitude of examples 
may be found in the references ; 5 but the custom was severely cen- 
sured. 6 

The ancient Christians had also the custom of taking notes and 
writing out at length the sermons which they heard. To this lauda- 
ble custom we owe many of the sermons of the fathers, which have 
come down to us. It was not, however, a universal practice. 7 Ser- 
mons in which the hearer took little interest, he was not careful to 
retain in this manner. Some preachers refused to have their ser- 
mons preserved in this imperfect manner. Origen allowed no notes 
to be taken of his sermons until he was sixty years of age. 8 

§ 7. Of the Construction of the Sermon. 

In the middle ages it became customary for the preacher to draw 
his topics of discourse from Aristotle ; but this strange custom has 
not the least authority from the practice of the early fathers. Not 
only did the Bible furnish them their text and subject of discourse, 
but, as has been already observed, they confined themselves strictly 
to the duty of expounding the sacred Scriptures. " To the word 
and the testimony," says Augustine, " for I perform the office not 
merely of a preacher, but of a reader also ; so that this my discourse 
may be supported by the authority of the sacred word. If my recol- 
lection fails me, far be it from me to build upon the sand by human 
reasoning. Hear, therefore, the gospel according to John : " Verily, 
verily, I say unto you," etc. 1 



CONSTRUCTION OF THE SERMON. 245 

Nothing like the modern division of a sermon into separate heads 
was formally practised by the ancients. This mode of division was 
borrowed from the schoolmen. But the ancient fathers confined 
themselves strictly to their text, and contented themselves with the 
explication of it, or quickly returned to it again, if at any time they 
allowed themselves in a digression. 

It was a fundamental principle with them that the truths of Chris- 
tianity possessed their own intrinsic force, and needed not the aid of 
eloquence or of art. It was also their usual custom to speak extem- 
pore. And for this twofold reason their sermons were generally de- 
void of ornament. The ability to speak extemporaneously as occa- 
sion might require, and without previous study, was indispensable to 
an acceptable discharge of the duties of a preacher. His popularity 
was proportionate to his success in this art of speaking. For this 
reason the fathers were influenced to cultivate this art with so much 
success, that even as late as the fourth and fifth centuries, they fan- 
cied themselves to be assisted by the miraculous gifts of the Spirit. 
" I could not have spoken thus by myself" says Chrysostom, " but 
God, foreseeing the result, x« [xsXkovTa nQotidozog, dictated those 
words." Augustine and Gregory the Great also express similar 
sentiments. 2 At the same time it is sufficiently evident that they 
did not so rely upon the aid of the Spirit as to excuse themselves 
from careful study, and from preparation according to the best of 
their ability. They expected his aid rather as a blessing upon their 
labors and studies, and in answ T er to their prayers. 

Whether the fathers spoke wholly without notes, it is not so easy 
to determine. No general rule prevailed on this point. Many ex- 
amples may be found in which the sermons of celebrated preachers 
were read — in some cases indeed by the deacon, (on whom it de- 
volved to conduct the meeting in the absence of the regular preach- 
er,) but in others, they were either read or dictated by the author 
himself. Augustine, in one of his sermons, complains that he is 
embarrassed by Ms notes, and entreats the audience to aid him by 
their prayers : 'Quoniam video disputationes graphio, ceraque ligari, 
etnequaquam sumus idonei lectitare, adjuvate me ipsum, quaeso, in- 
tercessu vestro.' 3 Gregory the Great also complains of the difficulty 
of speaking from his notes, and of inattention and want of interest 
on the part of his hearers, and for these reasons resolves to speak 



246 OF HOMILIES. 

without notes, contrary to his usual custom. The prevailing mode 
of speaking, however, was evidently without notes. 

The speaker usually began with a short invocation to God for his 
aid, and closed his discourse with a benediction : Peace be with you, 
or something to that effect. 4 Every address, says Optatus, is made 
to begin and end with God. 5 But long and formal prayers, such as 
in modern times precede and follow the sermon, were not offered 
in that connection. To every sermon whether in the Greek, Syriac, 
or Latin church, there was affixed the customary doxology : To God 
through Jesus Christ his Son, our Lord who lives and reigns with 
him, world without end. Amen. We subjoin, as quoted by Bing- 
ham from Ferrarius, the prayer which St. Ambrose was wont to of- 
fer for himself before rising to address the assembly. 

" I beseech thee, O Lord, and earnestly entreat thee, give 
me an humble knowledge which may edify. Give me a meek and 
prudent eloquence, which knows not how to be puffed up, or vaunt 
itself upon its own worth and endowments above its brethren. Put 
into my mouth, I beseech thee, the word of consolation, and edifica- 
tion, and exhortation, that I may be able to exhort those that are 
good to go on to greater perfection, and reduce those that walk per- 
versely to the rule of thy righteousness, both by my word, and by 
my example. Let the words which thou givest to thy servant, be as 
the sharpest darts, and burning arrows which may penetrate and in- 
flame the minds of my hearers to thy fear and love." 6 

§ 8. Of the Subjects of discourse by the Fathers. 

It is very justly remarked by Bingham, that their topics of dis- 
course were of a grave and serious character. Their object was to 
instruct, to edify and to improve the hearer. The leading subjects 
of their discourses are described by Gregory Nazianzen and Chry- 
sostom. " To me it seems," says Gregory, " to require no ordina- 
ry qualifications of mind rightly to divide the word of truth, — to give 
to every one a portion in due measure, and discreetly to discourse 
of the great doctrines of our faith ; to treat of the universe of worlds 
— of matter and of mind— of the soul and of intelligent beings, good 
and bad — to treat of a superintending and ruling Providence, control- 
ling with unerring wisdom all things, both those that are within, and 
those that are above human comprehension — to treat of the first 



SUBJECTS OF DISCOURSE. 247 

formation and of the restoration of man, of the two covenants, and of 
the types of the Old and antitypes of the New Testament — of Christ's 
first and second coming, of his incarnation and passion, of the resur- 
rection, and of the end of the world, of the day of judgment, of the 
rewards of the just, and the punishment of the wicked ; and, above 
all, of the blessed Trinity, which is the principal article of the chris- 
tian faith." 1 

In like manner Chrysostom in reminding his hearers of the lead- 
ing topics of religious discourse which all who frequent the house of 
God expect and demand, enumerates the following : " The nature 
of the soul, of the body, of immortality, of the kingdom of heaven, of 
hell and of future punishment — of the long-suffering of God, of re- 
pentance, baptism, and the pardon of sin — of the creation of the 
world above, and the world below — of the nature of men and of an- 
gels — evil spirits and of the wiles of Satan — of the constitution of 
christian society, of the true faith, and deadly heresies. With these 
and many other such like subjects must the christian minister be ac- 
quainted, and be prepared to speak on them as occasion may re- 
quire." 

The following extract comprising a brief recapitulation of some of 
the leading facts in relation to the devotions of the primitive Chris- 
tians in social and public worship, may be acceptable to the common 
reader. 

" Under a conviction that social meetings held at the commence- 
ment and at the close of every day, would prove an admirable pre- 
paration for the duties and trials of ordinary life, they adopted the 
practice of having morning and evening service daily in the church. 
The hours were fixed so as not to interfere with the routine of ordinary 
business. Long before daylight, they assembled and opened their 
meeting with the 63d Psalm, the exordium of which, ' O God, thou 
art my God, early will I seek thee,' as well as the whole strain of 
that pious effusion, made it an appropriate commencement of the du- 
ties of every day. They then united in prayer, the burden of which 
was a supplication for the divine blessing and favor on the mem- 
bers of the household of faith, and for the extension of the Redeem- 
er's kingdom. This was followed by the reading of a short and ap- 
propriate passage of Scripture, after which they sang the 90th Psalm, 
so pathetically descriptive of the frailty and uncertainty of life, and 
then embodied their sentiments on this subject in a second prayer, in 



248 OF HOMILIES. 

which they expressed their sense of dependence on the care of the 
Almighty, and their gratitude for their common preservation during 
the previous night. Another portion of the Divine Word being read, 
the whole service — scarcely, if ever, exceeding the limits of an hour 
— was brought to a close by the singing of the 51st Psalm, and a 
corresponding prayer, in both of which they implored the divine mer- 
cy to pardon the sins of their past life, and the divine grace to help 
them amid the exigencies of their future course. 

" The evening service was conducted on the same plan as that of 
the antelucan meeting, only diversified, of course, by a set of psalms, 
and a strain of devotional sentiments appropriate to the change of 
time and circumstances. It began with the 141st Psalm, and a pray- 
er, in which, like the corresponding one in the morning oblation, the 
divine love was supplicated on the brethren, an extract from the Gos- 
pels or Epistles was read, and after this, as the evening meeting 
generally took place at the time of lighting candles, they sung a 
hymn in which they gave thanks both for natural and spiritual light, 
and then prayed a second time for a continuance of the bounty and 
grace of the Lord. Such were the pious habits of the primitive Chris- 
tians, that not content with the devotions of the family and the closet, 
they attended duly as the season returned, the celebration of morn- 
ing and evening service in the church. Nor was it only the more 
devout and zealous of them that pursued this daily routine of reli- 
gious observances. The place of worship was thronged with all ranks 
of the faithful as much during the morning and evening service, as 
during that of the Sabbath, and they would have afforded good rea- 
son to suspect the sincerity of their religious profession, who should 
in those days of christian simplicity and devotedness, have confined 
themselves to the hebdomadal ordinance of the sanctuary. Persons 
who from sickness, or travelling, or confinement in prison, were pre- 
vented from enjoying the privilege of repairing to the assembly of 
their brethren, carefully observed in private those hours of daily 
prayer ; and men, whose time was engrossed during the day with 
the labors of the field or the shop — with the speculations of commerce, 
or the offices of civil and judicial stations, ' rose early before day, and 
never engaged in any of their most necessary and ordinary worldly 
business, before they had consecrated the first-fruits of all their ac- 
tions and labors to God, by going to church, and presenting them- 
selves in the divine presence.' 



lord's day kept as a festival. 249 

" But the principal season of public worship among the primitive 
Christians was the first day of the week. From the time of the apos- 
tles, it was customary for the disciples of Christ, both in town and 
country, to meet in some common accessible place on the return of 
that day ; and while on other occasions, such as those we have de- 
scribed, it was left to every one to frequent the assemblies of the 
brethren as inclination dictated or convenience allowed, the sanction 
of apostolic example at once elevated attendance on the religious 
meetings of that period to the rank of a sacred duty, and an invalu- 
able privilege. The high and holy character the Christians of the 
primitive age attached to it, is sufficiently indicated by their styling it 
the Lord's Day ; and, from the glorious event of which it was the stated 
memorial, they hailed it as a weekly festival, on which no other senti- 
ment was becoming or lawful but that of unbounded spiritual joy. 
Hence fasting, which was so frequently practised in the ancient 
church, and was allowable on every other day, was strictly prohibited 
on this ; and even the most rigid of the primitive Christians, who sought 
to aim at more than ordinary heights of virtue by the practice of auster- 
ity and mortification, laid aside their habitual aspect of sorrow, as in- 
consistent with the joyful feelings that season inspired. With one ac- 
cord they dedicated it to the worship of their exalted Redeemer, and 
to meditation on things pertaining to the common salvation ; and the 
spiritual views with which they entered on its observance, the conge- 
nial tempers with which all repaired to the place of assembly, the 
common desire that animated every bosom to seek the Lord there, 
if haply they might find him, and to hold fellowship with the Father, 
and with his Son Jesus Christ, was at once an evidence and a means 
of the high-toned piety that distinguished them. Early on the Sat- 
urday, it was their practice to accomplish the duties of their house- 
hold, and fulfil the necessary demands of their business, so that no 
secular care might disturb the enjoyment of the sacred day, or im- 
pede the current of their spiritual affections ; and severe indeed was 
the indisposition, remote the situation, imperious the cause, that de- 
tained any from the scenes and occupations the first day of the week 
brought along with it. So long as heathenism retained the ascend- 
ant, and the disciples of the new and rival religion were at the mer- 
cy of their pagan masters, it was only during the night, or early in 
the morning, they could enjoy the privileges of the christian Sab- 
bath ; nor could they observe any regular order in their service, at 

32 



250 OF HOMILIES. 

a time when the voice of psalms was liable to betray the secret as- 
sembly, — and the ruthless soldier often dispersed the brethren in the 
middle of their devotions, or compelled them to leave a glowing ex- 
hortation unfinished. But the moment the sword of persecution was 
sheathed, and the religion of Jesus enjoyed the tolerant smiles of a 
heathen, or the paternal auspices of a Christian emperor, the Chris- 
tians resumed their much valued assemblies on the Lord's day, — es- 
tablished a certain order in the routine of their service, suited to the 
constitution and circumstances of the primitive church ; and such 
was the happy understanding among the brethren everywhere, that, 
with some trifling variations required in particular places, a beauti- 
ful uniformity in worship and discipline may be said to have prevail- 
ed in all parts of the christian world. 

" Viewing the Lord's day as a spiritual festivity, a season on 
which their souls were specially to magnify the Lord, and their spi- 
rits to rejoice in God their Saviour, they introduced the services of 
the day with psalmody, which was followed by select portions of the 
Prophets, the Gospels, and the Epistles ; the intervals between 
which were occupied by the faithful in private devotions. The men 
prayed with their heads bare, and the women were veiled, as became 
the modesty of their sex, both standing — a posture deemed the most 
decent, and suited to their exalted notions of the weekly solemnity — 
with their eyes lifted up to heaven, and their hands extended in the 
form of a cross, the better to keep them in remembrance of Him, 
whose death had opened up the way of access to the divine presence. 
The reading of the sacred volume constituted an important and in- 
dispensable part of the observance ; and the more effectually to im- 
press it on the memories of the audience, the lessons were always 
short, and of frequent recurrence. Besides the Scriptures, they 
were accustomed to read aloud several other books for the edifica- 
tion and interest of the people — such as treatises on the illustration 
of christian morals, by some pastor of eminent reputation and piety, 
or letters from foreign churches, containing an account of the state 
and progress of the gospel. This part of the service, — most neces- 
sary and valuable at a time when a large proportion of every con- 
gregation were unacquainted with letters, was performed at first by 
the presiding minister, but was afterwards devolved on an officer 
appointed for that object, who, when proceeding to the discharge of 
his duty, if it related to any part of the history of Jesus, exclaimed 



ROUTINE OF SERVICE. 251 

aloud to the people, ' Stand up — the gospels are going to be read ;' 
and then always commenced with, ' Thus saith the Lord.' They 
assumed this attitude, not only from a conviction that it was the most 
respectful posture in which to listen to the counsels of the King of 
kings, but with a view to keep alive the attention of the people— an 
object which, in some churches, was sought to be gained by the 
minister stopping in the middle of a scriptural quotation, and leaving 
the people to finish it aloud.* The discourses, founded for the most 
part on the last portion of Scripture that was read, were short, plain, 
and extemporary exhortations, — designed chiefly to stir up the minds 
of the brethren by way of remembrance, and always prefaced by 
the salutation, ' Peace be unto you. 1 As they were very short — 
sometimes not extending to more than eight or ten minutes' dura- 
tion,— several of them were delivered at a diet, and the preacher was 
usually the pastor of the place, though he sometimes, at his discre- 
tion, invited a stranger, or one of his brethren, known to possess the 
talent of public speaking, to address the assembly. The close of the 
sermon by himself, which was always the last of the series, was the 
signal for the public prayers to commence. Previous to this solemn 
part of the service, however, a crier commanded infidels of any de- 
scription that might be present to withdraw, and the doors being clo- 
sed and guarded, the pastor proceeded to pronounce a prayer, the 
burden of which was made to bear a special reference to the cir- 
cumstances of the various classes who, in the primitive church, were 
not admitted to a full participation in the privileges of the faithful. 
First of all, he prayed in the name of the whole company of believers, 
for the catechumens — young persons, or recent converts from hea- 
thenism, who were passing through a preparatory course of instruc- 
tion in the doctrines and duties of Christianity, — that their under- 
standings might be enlightened — their hearts receive the truth in the 
love of it— and that they might be led to cultivate those holy habits 
of heart and life, by which they might adorn the doctrine of God 
their Saviour. Next he prayed for the penitents, who were under- 
going the discipline of the church, that they might receive deep and 
permanent impressions of the exceeding sinfulness of sin, — that they 
might be filled with godly sorrow, and might have grace, during the 



* Augustine, for instance, having introduced in one of his sermons these 
words of Paul — The end of the commandment is charity, — stopped ; and the 
whole people immediately cried out— out of a pure heart. 



252 OF CATECHETICAL INSTRUCTION. 

appointed term of their probation, to bring forth fruits meet for repen- 
tance. In like manner, he made appropriate supplications for other 
descriptions of persons, each of whom left the church when the class 
to which he belonged had been commended to the God of all grace ; 
and then the brethren, reduced by these successive departures to an 
approved company of the faithful, proceeded to the holy service of 
communion."* — Jamieson, pp. 115 — 121. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

OF THE CATECHETICAL INSTRUCTIONS. 1 

No very clear distinction can be drawn between the homilies and 
catechetical lessons of the fathers. The terms are applied inter- 
changeably, in some instances, to the same productions. The cate- 
chetical lessons were familiar instructions given to candidates for 
baptism, or to persons who had just received that ordinance ; and 
varied very much according to the age, character, and circumstances 
of the catechumens. Sometimes they were of a doctrinal, and at 
others of a popular character ; and again, they were adapted more 
especially to the young ; just as the instructions of the missionary 
are necessarily qualified by the circumstances of the people to whom 
he goes, or the particular class whom he may chance to address. 
But in either case they are strictly catechetical. 

The nature of these instructions in the ancient church was greatly 
modified by the general introduction of infant baptism, in conse- 

* In the East, where multitudes of the Christians were Jews, who still re- 
tained a passionate attachment to the law of Moses, Saturday was long ob- 
served as a day of public worship, though not regarded by the Christians in 
the same light and of the same character with the first day of the week. — 
Wednesday and Friday began, at an early period, to be held as weekly fasts, 
which never terminated till three in the afternoon. A number of public fes- 
tivals were also introduced, in commemoration of the birth, ascension, and 
other events in the life of Christ, — some of which, Easter, for instance, can 
boast of a most venerable antiquity, and of universal observance. — See 
Routh's Reliquiae Sacrae, vol. iii. p. 236; and Nelson's Festivals. 



OF CATECHETICAL INSTRUCTION. 253 

quence of the corresponding change of the relations and institutions 
which attended this change in the ordinance. 

The catechetical discourses of Cyril of Jerusalem, contain the 
most ancient and authentic summary of the doctrines of primitive 
Christianity. These the catechumens were expected to commit to' 
memory and habitually to study as a compend of the Scriptures, 
and a substitute for them, to such as had not a Bible. Such was 
also the nature and interest of all subsequent formularies of this kind. 
They have a close analogy to the ancient symbols of the church, 
and were in many respects the same. 

The principal points of catechetical instruction, even when no 
catechism in form was used, was : 

1. The Decalogue. The fathers in the church unitedly agreed in 
regarding this as essentially a summary of the Old Testament, and 
obligatory upon Christians. They were accordingly diligently 
taught this compend of the moral law. Pliny, in his famous epistle, 
has clearly declared how faithfully the primitive Christians observed 
this law, and the same is known from many authorities. 2 

Many of the fathers disagreed in the division of the law of the two 
tables, some making ten, others seven, etc. In regard to their dif- 
ferent views, see references. 3 

2. The Symbols, or Confessions of Faith, particularly that which 
is styled the Apostles' Creed. In relation to these which have been 
the subject of so much discussion, it may be sufficient briefly to re- 
mark, that from the earliest organization of the church, some confes- 
sion and rule of faith must evidently have been necessary. 4 This 
rule of faith must have been derived from the teaching, either oral 
or written, of the apostles ; and may have been earlier than ihe 
writings of the New Testament in their present form. Luke 1: 1 — 4. 
Gal. 1:11. As the preaching of the apostles preceded their written 
instructions, so an oral confession may have preceded a written one, 
comprising an epitome of the gospel. 5 From such a source may 
have sprung the great variety of forms which were known previous 
to the council of Nice. The various creeds and symbols which have 
been framed since that period, are only so many modifications of the 
apostles' creed.* For a notice of these creeds see reference. 6 

* The most ancient creed extant is that of Irenaeus. This venerable 
document is here inserted for the gratification of the curious inquirer. 
" The church, though it be dispersed over all the world, from one end of 



254 OF CATECHETICAL INSTRUCTION. 

3. The Lord's Prayer comprised a part of the catechetical in- 
structions. This was used in baptism, and, after Gregory the Great, 
at the sacrament of the Lord's supper. It was regarded as a sum- 
mary of the proper topics of prayer. 

4. While the secret mysteries of the church were continued, in- 
structions respecting the sacrament could not have been publicly 
given. But from the time when the introduction of infant baptism 
changed the style of catechetical instructions, they must have in- 
cluded the subjects of baptism, absolution, and the Lord's supper. 

the earth to the other, has received from the apostles and their disciples the 
belief in one God the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth, the sea, 
and all things in them : and in one Christ Jesus, the Son of God, who was 
incarnate for our salvation : and in the Holy Ghost, who preached by the 
prophets the dispensations of God, and the advent (rag I'Xtvoeis, adventum, 
Int. vet.), nativity of a virgin, passion, resurrection from the dead, and bod- 
'ily ascension into heaven of the flesh of his beloved Son Christ Jesus our 
Lord, and his coming again from heaven in the glory of the Father, to restore 
{(avaxscpaXcuujoaofrat,; ad recapitulanda uni versa, Int. vet.) all things, and 
iraise the flesh of all mankind ; that, according to the will of the invisible 
Father, every knee should bow, of things in heaven, and things in the earth, 
and things under the earth, to Jesus Christ, our Lord, and God, and Sa- 
viour, and King; and that every tongue should confess to him; and that he 
may exercise just judgment upon all, and may send spiritual wickednesses, 
and the transgressing and apostate angels, with all ungodly, unrighteous, 
lawless, and blaspheming men, into everlasting fire; but having granted life 
to all righteous and holy men, that keep his commandments, and persevere 
in his love, some from the beginning, others after repentance, on these he 
may bestow the gift of immortality, and invest them with eternal glory." 

The famous Nicene creed, first framed in the year 325, and completed 
A. D. 381, is given in the liturgy of the Episcopal church. 



OF BAPTISM. 255 



CHAPTER XIV. 



OF BAPTISM. 1 



§ 1. Names by which the ordinance is designated. 

The term Baptism, is derived from the Greek fiamia, from which 
is formed /Soott/^w, with its derivations fiaTZTiapog and §anxi(T^a,, hap- 
tism. The primary signification of the original is to dip, plunge, 
immerse ; the obvious import of the noun is immersion. For a dis- 
cussion of this point, more full and satisfactory than our author has 
given, the reader is referred to an article by Prof. Stuart, in Bib. 
Repos. April, 1833. 

The term lovigov, washing, is used figuratively to denote that puri- 
fication or sanctification which is implied in the profession of those 
who are received by baptism into the church of Christ. It is equi- 
valent to the washing of regeneration, and the receiving of the Holy 
Ghost, Tit. 3: 5. This phraseology was familiar to the ancient 
fathers. 2 

Baptism is also denominated by them the water, — and a. fountain, 
from whence, according to Bingham, is derived the English, font, — 
an anointing, a seal, or sign, etc. It is also styled an illuminating 
or enlightening ordinance, the light of the mind, of the eye, etc., 
sometimes with reference to that inward illumination and sanctifica- 
tion which was supposed to attend that ordinance, and sometimes, 
with reference to the instructions by which the candidates for this 
ordinance were enlightened in a knowledge of the christian re- 
ligion. 

With reference to ihe secrecy in which, in the early ages of the 
church, it was administered as a sacred mystery, it was styled ^wirj- 
qlov, a mystery. A multitude of other names occur in the writings 
of the fathers, such as grace, pardon, death of sin, philactery, re- 
generation, adoption, access to God, way of life, eternal life, etc. 
These terms are more or less defined and explained, in the authori- 
ties to whom reference is had in the index. 3 



256 OF BAPTISM. 



§ 2. Historical Sketch. 

The learned of every age have generally regarded baptism as an 
independent institution, distinct, alike from the washings and conse- 
crations by water, so common among the pagan nations, and from 
the ceremonial purifications and proselyte baptisms of the Jews. 
Neither have they accounted it the same as the baptism of John. 
Even those who have contended for the identity of the two institu- 
tions, have still concurred with others in regarding baptism as a 
separate, and independent ordinance. 

But the opinions of authors are greatly divided in regard to the 
time when this ordinance was instituted by our Lord. It might seem, 
from the account given by Matthew and Mark, to have been institu- 
ted when he gave his final commission to his disciples just before 
his ascension. Such was the opinion of Chrysostom, Leo the Great, 
Theopylact, and others. But this supposition is contradicted by John, 
3: 22. 4: 1, 2., from whom we learn that Christ, by his disciples, had 
already baptized many, before his death. Augustine supposed Christ 
to have instituted this ordinance when he himself was baptized in Jor- 
dan ; and that the three persons of the Godhead, were there dis- 
tinctly represented ; the Father, by the voice from heaven, the Son, 
in the person of Christ Jesus, and the Holy Ghost, by the form of 
the dove descending from heaven. 1 Others, without good reason, 
refer the time of instituting it to the conversation of Christ with 
Nicodemus ; and others again, to the time when he commissioned 
the twelve to go forth preaching repentance, and the approach of 
the kingdom of heaven, Matt. 10: 7. But this supposition is contra- 
dicted by the fact that these same truths had been before preached, 
and that those who duly regarded this ministry, received John's bap- 
tism, Matt. 4: 17. 3: 1, 2. Luke 7: 29. 

On this subject, the truth seems to be that our Lord, on entering 
upon his ministry, permitted the continuance of John's baptism as 
harmonizing well with his own designs. The import of the rite was 
the same, whether administered by John himself, or by the disciples 
of Jesus. In either case, it implied the profession of repentance, 
and a consecration to the kingdom of heaven. To this baptism, 
none but Jews were admitted ; to whom the ministry of John was 
wholly restricted. Our Lord did indeed, at a later period, declare 






HISTORICAL SKETCH. 257 

that he had other sheep, not of that fold, which must also be gather- 
ed ; but his disciples understood not the import of that declaration, 
until after his ascension ; and, even then, were slow to yield their 
national prejudices so far as to receive the gentiles to participate, in 
common with the Jews, in the privileges of the gospel. 

The introduction of christian baptism, strictly so called, was im- 
mediately consequent upon our Lord's ascension ; and the most im- 
portant commission for receiving it, as an universal ordinance of the 
church, is given by its divine author in Matt. 28: 19, " Go ye there- 
fore and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, 
and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." Those who had been 
baptized by John, now received christian baptism ; which was re- 
garded by the fathers rather as a renewal of the ordinance, than as 
a distinct right. It differed from the former, in that it was adminis- 
tered in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy 
Ghost. This was the sacramentum plenum, the plenary baptism of 
Ambrose and Cyprian. 

Baptism was uniformly administered as a public ordinance, even 
to the end of the second century. In no instance, on record in the 
New Testament, was it administered privately as a secret rite. Nor 
is there an intimation to this effect given by the earliest authorities. 
The apostolic fathers indeed give no instruction respecting the mode 
of administering this rite. Justin Martyr distinctly intimates that the 
ordinance was administered in the presence of the assembly. From 
the third century it became one of the secret mysteries of the church. 
Such it continued to be, until the middle of the fifth century, when 
Christianity became so prevalent, and the practice of infant baptism 
so general, that the instances of adult baptism were comparatively 
rare. But during that period of time it was administered privately, 
in the presence of believers only ; and the candidates, without re- 
spect to age, or sex, were divested of all covering in order to be bap- 
tized, and in this state, received the ordinance. 3 

It was customary for adults immediately after baptism to receive 
the sacrament. This usage gave rise to the custom of administer- 
ing the sacrament also to children at their baptism, a superstition 
which continued in the Western churches until the twelfth and thir- 
teenth centuries, and in the Eastern, remains unto this day. 4 

Certain religious sects, contrary to the established usage of the 
church, were accustomed to re-baptize ; others again contended 

33 



258 OF BAPTISM. 

that it must be thrice administered, to be valid. Such was the cus- 
tom of the Marcionites and Valentinians. 

The Novatians maintained that those who had apostatized from 
the faith, on being restored to the church ought to be baptized anew ; 
having lost, by their apostasy, the benefit of their former baptism. 
Against this Tertullian and Cyprian earnestly contended, alleging 
that the validity of the ordinance, once rightly administered, could 
never be annulled ; 5 subsequent writers also concur with them in 
this opinion. 

Baptism by heretics was early regarded as null and void. Clem- 
ens of Alexandria declared it strange and uncongenial, 'Tdiaq aXlo- 
tqiov. Tertullian classed heretics with idolaters, and declared their 
baptism of no effect ; unless rightly administered, it was no baptism. 
Cum baptisma rite non habeant, omnino non habent. 6 Cyprian also 
agreed with him, and generally the churches of Africa, together 
with that of Caesarea and Alexandria. These required that their 
converts from heretical sects should be re-baptized, limiting them- 
selves, however, to those sects who differed most widely from the 
true church. The churches of Rome, and France, and of some 
parts of Asia, on the other hand, received such to their communion 
by prayer and the imposition of hands, with the exception of such as 
disowned the Catholic church, and of those who were not baptized 
in the names of the Trinity. Baptism in the name of the Trinity, 
even by heretics, was considered valid, except some who were ex- 
pressly named. 7 The council of Nice proceeded on the same prin- 
ciple. The efficacy of the rite depended upon the divine power ac- 
companying it, not upon the character of him who administered it. 
For a further discussion of this point, see references. 8 

§ 3. Infant Baptism. 1 

The general introduction of the rite of infant baptism, has so far 
changed the regulations of the church concerning the qualifications 
of candidates, and their admission, that what was formerly the rule 
in this respect, has become the exception. The institutions of the 
church during the first five centuries, concerning the requisite pre- 
parations for baptism, and all the laws and rules that existed during 
that period, relating to the acceptance or rejection of candidates, 
necessarily fell into disuse when the baptism of infants began not 



INFANT BAPTISM. 



259 



only to be permitted, but enjoined as a duty ; and almost universally 
observed. The old rule which prescribed caution in the admission 
of candidates, and a careful preparation for the rite, was, after the 
sixth century, applicable, for the most part, only to Jewish, heathen 
and other proselytes. The discipline which was formerly requisite, 
preparatory to baptism, now followed this rite as a needful qualifica- 
tion for communion. 

Christian baptism has from the beginning been characterized for 
the universality of its application. Proselyte baptism was adminis- 
tered only to pagan nations. John's baptism was restricted solely to 
the Jews ; but christian baptism is open alike to all. Proselyte bap- 
tism included the children with the parents ; John's baptism excluded 
both children and the female sex. Christian baptism excludes no na- 
tion, or sex, or age. Comp. Matt. 28: 19,20. Gal. 3: 28. 1 Cor. 12: 
13, together with the authorities of Irenaeus, Cyprian, and Tertullian, 
quoted below. From all which, it appears evident beyond a doubt, 
that the ancient church understood that christian baptism was de- 
signed for all, nuvTsg, navta tw s&vfj, in the fullest sense of the term, — 
that no nation, or class, or sex, or age was excluded. Of course it 
was understood to be universal in the highest degree. 

In his views respecting infant baptism as above expressed, Augus- 
ti, it is well known, differs from many of his learned contempora- 
ries in Germany. In common with all who observe this rite, and 
maintain the doctrine of infant baptism, the learned in Germany 
generally admit, indeed, the authenticity of the historical testimony 
on which our author relies. They admit that infant baptism was an 
usage of the primitive church as early as the time of Cyprian, Ter- 
tullian, or even of Irenaeus ; but they refuse to follow us in the con- 
clusion that this ordinance must have been instituted by the authority, 
and supported by the example of the apostles. They either deny 
that the baptism of infant children was authorized by Christ and his 
apostles, or they content themselves with stating the historical facts 
in relation to the subject — giving the earliest evidence of the rite in 
question, without advancing any theory whatever respecting the origin 
of this ordinance. 

For the gratification of the common reader, the views of some of 
the learned German scholars on this vexed question in theology are 
given below. 

Baumgarten-Crusius supposes that infant baptism was not incon- 



260 OF BAPTISM. 

sistent with the views of the primitive church. But he finds no sat- 
isfactory evidence of the practice of the rite in the first two centu- 
ries. He admits that it was practised in the time of Cyprian, and 
of Tertullian, and that in the fourth century it had become genera!. 
— Dogmengeschichte II. Th. III. Abschn. S. 1208—9. 

Hahn contents himself with the " assertion that there is no clear 
example of infant baptism to be found either in the Scriptures or 
during the first hundred and fifty years of the christian era." He 
makes no comment upon the examples on record, nor does he inform 
us what he receives as a clear example. But he justifies infant 
baptism as a useful institution, which ought to be retained.— Christli- 
chen Glaubens, § 123. S. 557. 

De Wette, in commenting upon 1 Cor. 7: 14, allows that in the 
time of the apostles children were not baptized, but alleges this same 
passage as scriptural authority for receiving them to this ordinance. 
— Geschichte der Kindertaufe. Th. Stud. u. Kr. 1830. S. 671. 

Neander also agrees with De Wette on this point, Geschichte des 
Pflantzung, p. 141. 

According to Rheinwald, p. 41, " traces of infant baptism appear 
in the Western church after the middle of the second century, i. e. 
within about fifty years of the apostolic age; and, towards the end 
of this century, it becomes the subject of controversy in Proconsular 
Africa. Though its necessity was asserted in Africa and Egypt, in 
the beginning of the third, it was, even to the end of the fourth cen- 
tury, by no means universally observed — least of all in the Eastern 
church ; and finally became a general ecclesiastical institution in the 
age of Augustine." — Archaeologie, § 111. S. 313. vgl. Tafel I. Kirk- 
liche Sitte. 

Gieseler simply says that in the first period of his history, from 
A. D. 117 to 193, "the baptism of infants was not a universal cus- 
tom ; and was sometimes expressly discountenanced." For his au- 
thority he quotes Tertullian, De Baptismo, c. 18, as given in the se- 
quel. Kirchengeschichte, § 52. S. 175. 

Siegel maintains that infant baptism is of apostolical authority. — 
Handbuch der Christlich-Kirchen Alterthiimen, Bd. IV. 476. 

Neander concludes, from the late appearance of any express men- 
tion of infant baptism, and the long continued opposition to it, that it 
was not of apostolical origin, Geschichte der ch. Kirche durch. die 
Apostel. I. Bd. 140. Again he says, " the ordinance was not estab- 



INFANT BAPTISM. 261 

lished by Christ, and cannot be proved to have been instituted by 
the apostles."— K. Geseh. B. 11. Abth. 11. S. 549. 

Such, then, are the views of some of the most distinguished Ger- 
man scholars of the present day. But enough. Authority is not 
argument, nor is an ostentatious parade of names of any avail either 
to establish truth or refute error. These authors themselves gene- 
rally admit the validity of the testimony of the early fathers ; nor 
does it appear that, with all their research directed even by German 
diligence and scholarship, they have essentially varied the historical 
argument drawn from original sources in favor of infant baptism. 
Those authorities have long been familiar to the public, and they are 
very briefly brought together in this place as a concise exhibition of 
the historical evidence in favor of the theory that this ordinance was 
instituted by divine authority, and as such was observed by the 
primitive and apostolic church. 

We will begin with Augustine, born A. D. 354, at which time the 
general prevalence of infant baptism is conceded by all. Passages 
without number might be cited from this father to show that the ob- 
servance of this ordinance was an established usage of the church. 
The rite itself he declares to be an apostolical tradition, and by no 
means to be lightly esteemed. " The custom of our mother-church, 
in baptizing little children, is by no means to be disregarded, nor ac- 
counted as in any measure superfluous. Neither, indeed, is it to be 
regarded as any other than an apostolical tradition." * This he also 
declares to be the practice of the whole church, not instituted by 
councils, but always observed, " quod universa tenet ecclesia nee 
conciliis institutum, sed semper retentum." 

Omitting other authorities, we go back into the third century. In 
the time of Cyprian there arose in Africa a question whether a child 
might be baptized before the eighth day, or not. Fid us, a country 
bishop, referred the inquiry to a council of sixty-six bishops, con- 
vened under Cyprian, A. D. 253, for their opinion. To this inquiry 
they reply at length, delivering it as their unanimous opinion that 
baptism may, with propriety, be administered at any time previous 
to the eighth day. No question was raised on the point whether 
children ought to be baptized at all or not. In this they were unani- 

* Consuetudo tamen matris ecclesiae, in baptizandis parvulis nequaquam 
spernenda est, neque ullo modo superflua disputanda ; nee omnino creden- 
da, nisi apostolica esse traditio. — Dc Gencsi ad Liter am, lib. 10. 



262 OF EAPTISM. 

mously agreed. This passage is quoted by Rheinwald, 9 to show 
that the church in Africa, in the third century, maintained the abso- 
lute necessity of infant baptism. It is given in the note below.* 

The authority of Origen brings us still nearer to the age of the 
apostles. This eminent father was born in Egypt of christian pa- 
rents, A. D. 185, and was himself baptized at an early age, if not in 
childhood, or in infancy, as many suppose. He resided in Alexan- 
dria, in Cappadocia, and in Palestine. He travelled in Italy, Greece, 
and Arabia, and must have been in correspondence with the 
churches in every country. He is equally distinguished for his 
great learning, his piety, and his love of truth. He is therefore an 
unexceptionable and competent witness in this matter. What is his 
testimony ? It is, " that little children are baptized agreeably to the 
usage of the church ; that the church received it as a tradition from 

* Quantum vero ad causam infantium pertinet, quos dixisti intra secun- 
dum vel tertium diem, quo nati sint, constitutos baptizari non oportere et 
considerandam esse legem circumcisionis antiquae, ut intra octavum diem 
eum, qui natus e.st, baptizandum et sanctificandum non putares ; longe aliud 
in concilio nostro omnibus visum est. — Universi judicavimus, nulli homini 
nato misericordiam Dei et gratiam denegandam. Nam cum Dominus in 
evangelio suo dicat : filius hominis non venit animas hominum perdere, sed 
salvare, quantum in nobis est, si fieri potest, nulla anima perdenda est. — 
Nam Deus ut personam non accipit, sic nee aetatem, cum se omnibus ad 
coelestis gratiae consecutionem aequalitate librata praebeat patrem. Nam 
et quod vestigium infantis in primis partus sui diebus constituti, mundum 
non esse dixisti, quod unusquisque nostrum adhuc horreat exosculari, nee 
hoc putamus ad coelestem gratiam dandam impedimento esse oportere. 
Scriptum est enim : omnia munda sunt mundis. Nee aliquis nostrum id 
debet horrere, quod Deus dignatus est facere. Nam etsi adhuc infans a 
partu novus est, non ita est tamen, ut quisquam ilium in gratia danda 
atque in pace facienda horrere debeat osculari ; quando in osculo in- 
fantis unusquisque nostrum pro sua religione ipsas adhuc recentes Dei 
manus debeat cogitare, quas in homine modo formato et recens nato quodam- 
modo exosculamur, quando id, quod Deus fecit, amplectimur. — Ceterum si 
homines impedire aliquid ad consecutionem gratiae posset, magis adultos et 
provectos, et majores natu possent impedire peccata graviora. Forro autem 
si etiam gravissimis delictoribus et in Deum multum ante peccantibus, cum 
postea crediderint, remissa peccatorum datur, et a baptismo atque a gratia 
nemo prohibetur, quanto magis prohiberi non debet infans, qui recens natus 
nihil peccavit, nisi quod secundum Adam carnaliter natus contagium mortis 
antiquae prima nativitate contraxit, qui ad remissam peccatorum accipien- 
dam hoc ipso facilius accedit, quod illi remittuntur, non propria, sed aliena 
peccata. — Cyprian ep. 59 ad Fidum. 



INFANT BAPTISM. 263 

the apostles, that baptism should be administered to children." * 
Origen lived within a century of the apostolic age, and, according 
to Eusebius, lib. 6. c. 19, received this tradition from his own pious 
ancestry, who, of the second or third generation from him, must 
have been contemporary with the apostles themselves. This explicit 
testimony of Origen, in connection with that of Augustine of the uni- 
versal practice of the church, is, in the opinion of the paedo-baptists, 
strong evidence that infant baptism is an ordinance established by 
the authority of the apostles. 

We come next to Tertullian. He objects strongly to the hasty 
administration of baptism to children, and inveighs against the su- 
perstition of the age in this respect in such a manner as to show, 
beyond dispute, the prevalence of the custom in his days. " Accord- 
ing to the condition, disposition, and age of each, the delay of bap- 
tism is peculiarly advantageous, especially in the case of little chil- 
dren, parvulos. Why should the godfathers [of these baptized chil- 
dren] be brought into danger ? For they may fail by death to fulfil 
their promises, or through the perverseness of the child. Our Lord 
indeed says, ' Forbid them not to come unto me.' Let them come 
then when of adult age. Let them come when they can learn ; 
when they are taught why they come. Let them become Christians 
when they shall have learned Christ. Why hastens that innocent 
age to the forgiveness of sins [by baptism] ? In worldly things men 
observe greater caution, so that he is intrusted with divine things, to 
whom those of earth are not confided. "f 

* Addi his etiam potest, ut requiratur quid causae sit, cum baptisma eccle- 
siae pro remissione peccatorum detur secundum ecciesiae observantiam etiam 
parvulis dari baptismum. Hornil. 8. in Levit. Opp. T. VI. p. 137. ed. Olerth. 

Ecclesia ab apostolis traditionem suscepit, etiam parvulis baptismum dare. 
Sciebant enim illi, quibus mysteriorum secreta commissa sunt divinorum, 
quia essent in omnibus genuinae sordes peccat.i, quae per aquam et spiritum 
ablui deberent: propter quas etiam corpus ipsum corpus peccati nominatur. 
—In Rom. L. V. c. 9. 

t Pro cujusque personae conditione ac dispositione, etiam aetate, cuncta- 
tio baptismi utilior est ; praecipue tamen circa parvulos. Quid enim neces- 
se est, sponsores etiam periculo ingeri ? Quia et ipsi, per mortalitatem des- 
tituere promissiones suas possunt, et proventu malae indolis, falli. Ait qui- 
dem Dominus, " Nolite illos prohibere ad me venire." Veniant ergo, dum 
adolescant. Veniant, dum discunt; dum, quo veniant, docentur. Fiant 
christian! quum Christum nosse potuerint. Quid festinat innocens aetas ad 
remissionem peccatorum ? Cautius agitur in secularibus ; ut cui substan- 
tia terrena non creditur, divina credatur. — De Baptismo, c. 18. 



264 OF BAPTISM. 

Whatever were the particular views of Tertullian on other reli- 
gious subjects, he is sufficiently explicit in opposing infant baptism 
as a prevailing custom. He flourished some years before Origen, 
and in less than one hundred years of the apostolic age. Within 
this brief period it appears, therefore, that the rite of infant baptism 
is observed with such superstitious care as to call forth from him 
these severe animadversions — and that too, without any intimation 
that his own church is peculiar in their observance of this rite, or 
that there, was any example in favor of the correction for which he 
pleads. Indeed, it deserves particular notice that Tertullian neither 
refers to the authority of Scripture, nor to the usage of the church 
in opposition to the baptism of infant children. Is it possible that 
this father of tradition could have overlooked so important a point 
had there been any authority, usage, or tradition, in favor of his own 
peculiar views ? 

Next in order, and at an age still nearer to the apostles lived Ire- 
naeus, bishop of Lyons. By some he is believed to have been born 
before the death of John the Evangelist, others, perhaps with great- 
er probability, assign this event to a period somewhat later. It is 
however agreed that he lived, in early life, in Asia Minor, and en- 
joyed the friendship, and received the instructions of Polycarp, the 
disciple of John. He therefore received apostolical instructions 
through the tradition of a single individual, the venerable martyr, 
Polycarp. What then does he say in relation to the subject before 
us? — That Christ " came to save all persons through himself — all, 
I say, who through him are regenerated unto God ; infants, and little 
ones, and children, and youth, and the aged. Therefore, he passed 
through the several stages of life, being made an infant for infants, 
that he might sanctify infants ; and for little ones a little one, to sanc- 
tify them of that age."* 

The relevancy of this celebrated passage turns wholly on the 
meaning of the phrase— regenerated unto God. If in this expression, 
the author has reference to baptism, nothing can be plainer than that 
the passage relates to infant baptism. It is indeed a vexed passage. 

* Omnes venit per semetipsum salvare, omnes inquam, qui, per eum, re- 
nascuntur in Deum ; infantes, et parvulos, et pueros, et juvenes, et seniores. 
Idea per oranem venit aetatem ; et infantibus, infans factus, sanctificans in- 
fantes ; in parvulis, parvulus ; sanctificans hanc ipsam habentes aetatem. — 
Lib. 2. c. 39. (Lib. 2. c. 22. § 4.) 



INFANT BAPTISM. 265 

But it has been shown by writers on this subject, that this form of 
expression, renascuntur in JDeum, regenerated unto God, was famil- 
iar to Irenaeus, and to the fathers generally, as denoting baptism. 
Irenaeus himself, in referring to our Lord's commission to his dis- 
ciples, says : " When he gave his disciples this commission of regen- 
erating unto God, he said unto them, c Go and teach all nations, bap- 
tizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the 
Holy Ghost," Lib. 3. c. 19. Here the commission of regenerating 
unto God, is supposed to relate to the act of baptizing. Baptism, 
according to the usus loquendi of the age, was regeneration. This 
Neander himself admits in commenting on the above passage from 
Irenaeus, which he receives as valid and incontrovertible proof of 
the practice of infant baptism at this early age. Rheinwald also con- 
curs with him in opinion. Neander's opinion, as already stated, is, 
that the ordinance was not instituted by Christ; neither can it be proved 
to have been instituted by the apostles. Not proved indeed by pos- 
itive testimony. And yet, within the space of one century, it is, for 
aught that appears to the contrary, in general practice as an author- 
ized usage of the church. When was it introduced if not by the apos- 
tles ? And by whose authority, if not by theirs ? To these impor- 
tant inquiries all history is silent, assigning no time for its first intro- 
duction, nor revealing the least excitement, controversy, or opposi- 
tion to an innovation so remarkable as this must have been if it was 
obtruded upon the churches without the authority of the apostles. 
How, especially, could this have been effected in that age which ad- 
hered so strictly, even in the smallest things, to ancient usage, (see 
p. 230, § 2), and which was so near to the apostles that their usa- 
ges and instructions must have been distinctly known by tradition ? 
Or how could the change have been effected in so short a space of 
time ? Hath a nation changed their gods in a day ? Have they in 
a day changed any cherished institution ? Far from it. Their tra- 
ditionary usages are a fair record of their former institutions. We 
have received by tradition and usage, aside from all historical re- 
cords, the sentiments and practice of our pilgrim forefathers, in re- 
lation to baptism ; whilst the dissent of Roger Williams is recorded 
in the institutions of another church, in lineaments more lasting than 
the perishable records of the historian, and yet Tertullian, Origen, 
and Irenaeus were removed from the apostolic age but about half the 
distance at which we stand from that of our forefathers. 
34 



266 OF BAPTISM. 

There is yet one argument that is strictly historical, and may, 
with propriety, be mentioned in this place. It is drawn from the 
practice of household-baptism, as related in the Scriptures. This 
argument rests not merely upon the inquiry whether, in the instan- 
ces recorded in the New Testament, there were children belonging 
to those particular households. But upon these examples which evi- 
dently authorize the administration of the ordinance to families col- 
lectively. The repeated and familiar mention of household-baptism, 
implies that it was a common usage to administer the ordinance to 
whole families, or households collectively. Now if this is an usage 
authorized by the example of the apostle, it is a valid argument for 
infant baptism. Children usually constitute a part of a household ; 
and baptism by households, of necessity, implies infant baptism. 

The authority of Justin Martyr is relied on by many. In his se- 
cond apology, written about A. D. 160, he says, " There are many 
persons of both sexes, some sixty, some seventy, and some eighty 
years old, who were made disciples to Christ in their childhood, 
■al, tx Tialdwv ifj.a&^Tsv&rjaav tw xqkjtoj. 3 Some, or all of these, were 
baptized in the age of the apostles, and several considerations are 
urged from this author himself, to show that the phrase ix naldav re- 
lates strictly to children in their infancy. It would, indeed, be the 
appropriate and natural expression if such were his meaning, but it 
is also applicable to children and youth of a greater age. 

Other authorities are sometimes drawn from the Shepherd of Her- 
mas, 4 and Clemens Eomanus ; 5 but these are too equivocal, and in- 
volved in too much uncertainty, to be relied on in an argument of 
this kind. Tenebris nigrescunt omnia circum. 

The foregoing are the most important historical authorities in fa- 
vor of infant baptism, as an usage of the primitive church. They 
have long been before the public. They have been a thousand times 
summoned and marshalled for the onset, and a thousand times contest- 
ed, and still the conflict continues as undecided as ever. There they 
are, however, on the records of history, unchallenged, unimpeached, 
and there they will be forever — the unhappy subject of controversy 
and division to kindred in Christ who, else, had been one in sentiment 
and in name, as they still are in all other essential points of faith and 
practice. 

From a very early period, extravagant notions were entertained 
of the supernatural power and efficacy of baptism. It was supposed 



LIMITATIONS AMD EXCEPTIONS. 267 

to be a virtual regeneration — -the death of sin, and the imprinting of 
an indelible character upon the soul. Still its moral tendency was not 
forgotten ; but it was regarded by the church as an important means of 
moral discipline. Accordingly the general rule of baptizing all ap- 
plicants was practically subject to certain limitations and exceptions. 
Such as the following : 

1. It was enacted that none but the living should be baptized— a 
law which intimates that this ordinance was sometimes administered 
to the dead. Such indeed was the custom of the church in Africa 
in the fourth century, as appears from the decrees of their councils 
in which it is forbidden. 6 It appears also to have been the practice 
of some of the Cataphrygiaus or Montanists. 7 

2. The vicarious baptism of the living for the dead may also be 
mentioned in this place. Several religious sects, particularly the 
Marcionites, practised this rite, alleging for their authority a mis- 
construction of the apostle's language in 1 Cor. 15: 29. But the cus- 
tom is severely censured by Tertullian, 8 and by Chrysostom, 9 who 
describes the ceremony as a ridiculous theatrical farce. Epipha- 
nius, 10 Theodoret, and others understand the passage in question 
from 1 Cor. 15: 29, to relate to the practice of baptizing catechumens 
who might be near to death, before the completion of their term of 
probation and preparation. 

3. The offspring of untimely and monstrous births appear not to 
have been the subjects of baptism in the ancient church. Such bap- 
tisms began in the thirteenth century to be the subject of discussion in 
ecclesiastical councils. 11 

4. It was a disputed point in the ancient church, whether or not 
demoniacs and maniacs were proper subjects of baptism. The rule 
in these cases seems to have been that such persons should not re- 
ceive baptism until they were healed of their malady, although they 
were permitted, in the meantime, to attend at the preaching of the 
word, and at public prayers under the superintendence of the exor- 
cists ; and were ranked in the first class of catechumens. Cyprian 
supposed that evil spirits were expelled by baptism ; 12 but he ap- 
pears not to have authorized the administration of the ordinance to 
such, except in case of sickness,, or of great bodily weakness. Per- 
sons in the near approach of death were, in almost all cases, per- 
mitted to receive this ordinance. 13 These energumens were, how- 
ever, in some instances permitted to partake of the Lord's supper. 



268 OF BAPTISM. 

And this circumstance affords the strongest proof that they were 
sometimes baptized. 14 

5. Baptism administered in cases of extreme sickness, without the 
consent or consciousness of the patient, was considered valid ; and 
yet such persons, as a rebuke to them for delaying their duty in this 
respect, if they recovered, were not usually eligible to the highest 
offices of the church. 15 

6. The deaf and dumb were received to this ordinance, provided 
they gave credible evidence of their faith. 16 

7. In the sixth and seventh centuries it became customary to com- 
pel many Jews and pagans to receive baptism ; and some instances 
occur of compulsory baptism of a date still earlier; but such in- 
stances of violence were not authorized by the church. 17 In gen- 
eral, the free will and consent of the individual was required as a 
condition of his baptism. In the case of infants the request of their 
parents was regarded as their own until they arrived to years of dis- 
cretion, when they were expected to acknowledge it as their own by 
confirmation. 

8. Baptism was administered whenever a reasonable doubt exist- 
ed as to its having been administered. 18 

9. Not only were the openly immoral excluded from baptism, but 
generally all who were engaged in any immoral and unlawful pur- 
suits, such as those who ministered to idolatry by manufacturing 
images or other articles for purposes of superstition, 19 stage-players, 20 
gladiators, wrestlers, and all who were addicted to theatrical exhi- 
bitions ; 21 astrologers, diviners, conjurers, fortune-tellers, dancing- 
masters, strolling minstrels, etc 22 

The reason for all these prohibitions lay in the immoral and idol- 
atrous tendency of the practices to which these persons were addic- 
ted. Many of these practices were immoral and scandalous even 
among the heathen. Tertullian observes, " that they who professed 
these arts were noted with infamy, degraded and denied many pri- 
vileges, driven from court, from pleading, from the senate, from the 
order of knighthood, and all other honors in the Roman city and 
commonwealth. (De Spectac. c. 22.) Which is also confirmed by 
St. Austin, who says, that no actor was ever allowed to enjoy the 
freedom, or any other honorable privilege of a citizen of Rome. (De 
Civ. Dei. lib. ii. c. 14.) Therefore since this was so infamous and 
scandalous a trade even among the heathen, it is no wonder that the 



MINISTERS OF BAPTISM. 269 

church would admit none of this calling to baptism, without obliging 
them first to bid adieu to so ignominious a profession. To have 
done otherwise, would have been to expose herself to reproach, and 
to have given occasion to the adversary to blaspheme ; if men of 
such lewd and profligate practices had been admitted to the privile- 
ges of the church, who were excluded from the liberties of the city 
and the honors of the commonwealth. The learned Hieronymus 
Mercurialis, in his discourse Be Arte Gymnastica, (lib. i. cap. 3. p. 
12,) observes, that ; the several sorts of heathen games and plays 
were instituted upon a religious account, in honor of the gods ; and 
men thought they were doing a grateful thing to them, whilst they 
were engaged in such exercises.' " 

With good reason, therefore, the church refused to admit any of 
this calling to baptism, unless they first bade adieu to their ignomini- 
ous pursuits. To have done otherwise would have exposed her to 
reproach, and given occasion to the adversary to blaspheme. The 
ancient fathers were particularly severe in their invectives against 
theatrical exhibitions. They declared it incompatible with the piety 
and the purity of christian life, either to engage in them as an actor, 
or to attend them as a spectator. Tertullian in speaking of a chris- 
tian woman who returned from the theatre possessed with a devil, 
makes the unclean spirit, on being asked how he dared presume to 
make such an attempt upon a believer, reply — " that he had a good 
right to her, because he found her upon his own ground." 23 

The profane custom of baptizing bells, etc. is a superstition that 
was unknown to the primitive church. It is first mentioned with 
censure in the Capitulars of Charlemagne in the eighth century, and 
became prevalent in the latter centuries. 

§ 4. Ministers of Baptism. 

Great importance has ever been attached to this ordinance as the 
initiatory rite of admission to the church. But the duty of adminis- 
tering the ordinance does not appear to have been restricted to any 
officer of the church. John the Baptist himself baptized them that 
came to him. But our Lord baptized none but his disciples. John 
4: 2. There is indeed a tradition that our Saviour baptized St. Pe- 
ter, — that Peter baptized Andrew, James and John ; and that these 
disciples administered the rite to others. 1 To this tradition Roman 



270 OF BAPTISM. 

Catholic writers attach much importance, but it rests on no good 
foundation. 

In some instances recorded in the New Testament, baptism was 
administered under the sanction, and by the immediate order of the 
apostles. But it is remarkable that the apostles themselves are in 
no instance related to have administered baptism. No intimation is 
given that Peter assisted in baptizing the three thousand, nor is it 
probable that the ordinance could have been administered to them by 
himself alone. Acts 2: 41. He only commanded Cornelius and his 
family to be baptized. Acts 10: 48. Paul in 1 Cor. 1: 12—17, and 
Peter in Acts 10: 36 — 48, evidently describes the administration of 
baptism as a subordinate office, compared with that of preaching 
peace by Jesus Christ. 

On the whole, we learn from the New Testament the following 
particulars: — 1. Our Lord himself did not baptize, but he intrusted 
his apostles and disciples with the administration of this rite. 2. The 
apostles, though they sometimes administered baptism themselves, 
usually committed this office to others. 3. It cannot be determined 
whether other persons, either ministers or laymen, were allowed to 
baptize without a special commission. 4. Phillip, the deacon, bap- 
tized in Samaria men and women, Simon Magus, and the Ethiopian 
eunuch, although no mention is made of any peculiar commission for 
this purpose. This he appears to have received at his consecration 
to his office as related Acts 6: 3 — 7. 

Justin Martyr, in his description of this ordinance, says nothing of 
the person by whom it was administered. But in speaking of the 
Lord's supper in the same connection, he ascribes both the adminis- 
tration of that ordinance and the exposition of the Scriptures to the 
president of the brethren ; from which the supposition would seem 
not altogether improbable that baptism was not administered by the 
presiding officer of the church. 

We have, however, good evidence that after the second century 
the bishop was regarded as the regular minister of baptism. Even 
Ignatius declares that it is not lawful either to baptize or to adminis- 
ter the Lord's supper without the bishop, xwqlq xov sttkjxotiov, an ex- 
pression which implies the necessity of the bishop's authority. 2 Ter- 
tullian says expressly that " the bishop has the power of administer- 
ing baptism ; and next in order the presbyters and deacons, though 
not without the sanction of the bishop, that thus the order and peace 



TIMES OF BAPTISM. 271 

of the church may be preserved."* He adds, that under other cir- 
cumstances the laity may exercise this right ; but advises that it 
should be done with reverence and modesty, and only in cases of 
necessity. Women are utterly forbidden by him to exercise this 
right. The Apostolical Constitutions accords this right to bishops 
and presbyters, the deacons assisting them ; but denies the right to 
readers and singers, and other inferior officers of the church. 4 It is 
worthy of remark that here bishops and presbyters are placed on 
an equality, whilst deacons are made subordinate. 

The sentiments of the Eastern church were coincident with those 
of the Western in relation to the ministers of baptism. 

The officiating minister, as well as the candidate, was expected to 
prepare himself for performing this service by fasting, prayer, and, 
sometimes, washing of the hands ; 5 and to be clothed in white. 6 

Lay-baptism was undoubtedly treated as valid, by the laws and 
usages of the ancient church. It is equally certain, however, that it 
was never authorized as a general rule, but only admitted as an ex- 
ception, in cases of emergency. 

§ 5. Times of Baptism. 

The time of administering the rite was subject to various changes 
from age to age, of which the most important are given below, in 
their chronological order. 

1. In the apostolic age the administration of this ordinance was 
subject to no limitations either of time or place. Acts 2: 4. 8: 38. 
9: 18. 10: 47. 16: 33. 

2. The account of Justin Martyr gives no definite information on 
this point ; but it would seem from this author that baptism was re- 
garded as a public and solemn act, suitable to be performed in any- 
assembly convened for religious worship. Tertullian, however, 
speaks of Easter and Whitsuntide as the most appropriate seasons 
for administering this rite, and appeals, not to tradition, but to argu- 
ments of his own, in confirmation of his opinion. 2 Other writers re- 
fer to apostolical tradition, and an ancient rule of the church. 3 

3. In the sixth century, the whole period between the Passover 

* Baptismum dandi habet jus summus sacerdos, qui est episcopus ; de- 
hinc' presbyteri et deaconi ; non tamen sine episcopi auctoritate propter ec- 
clesiae honorum ; quo salvo, salva pax est. 3 



272 OF BAPTISM. 

and Pentecost, and Easter and Whitsuntide above mentioned, were 
established by several councils as the regular times for baptism, 
cases of necessity only being excepted. 4 The ordinance, however, 
was usually administered, by common consent, not by any authority 
of the church, during the night preceding these great festivals. 
Easter-eve, or the night preceding the great sabbath, was considered 
the most sacred of all seasons. And this period, while our Lord lay 
entombed in his grave, and just before his resurrection, was re- 
garded as most appropriate for this solemn ordinance, which was 
supposed to be deliverance from the power of sin and consecration to 
newness of life. 5 Comp. Rom. 6: 3. 

The illuminations on this night, which are mentioned by several 
writers, had special reference to the spiritual illumination supposed 
to be imparted by this ordinance, which was denominated qp&moyja, 
cpcoiHjpog, qxtiTKTTrjQiov, illumination, as has been already mentioned 
in § 1. For similar reasons baptism, which was considered pecu- 
liarly the sacrament of the Holy Ghost, was regarded as appropriate 
on the day of Pentecost, Whitsuntide, commemorative of the descent 
of the Holy Spirit. 

4. To the festivals above mentioned, that of Epiphany was early 
added as a third baptismal season ; the day on which our Lord received 
baptism being regarded as peculiarly suited to the celebration of this 
ordinance. It appears probable, however, from a sermon of Chrysostom 
on this festival, 6 that this was not observed as a baptismal season by the 
churches of Antioch and Constantinople. Gregory Nazianzen, on 
the other hand, appears to have been acquainted with the custom of 
baptizing on this day. It was also observed in the churches of Je- 
rusalem and of Africa. In Italy and France it was discountenanced. 

The churches of France and Spain were accustomed to baptize 
at Christmas, and on the festivals of the apostles and martyrs. 

The observance of these days was not considered by the churches 
as essential to the validity of baptism, or as an institution of Christ 
or his apostles, but as a becoming and useful regulation. " Every 
day is the Lord's," says Tertullian, " every hour, every season, is 
proper for baptism." 7 

From the tenth century the observance of stated seasons for bap- 
tism fell into disuse, though a preference still remained for the an- 
cient seasons. Children were required to be baptized within a 
month from their birth, at eight days of age, or as soon as possible. 



PLACE OF BAPTISM. 273 

The church at different times manifested a superstitious regard for 
different hours of the day, choosing sometimes the hours of our Sa- 
viour's agony on the cross ; at another, the hours from six to twelve ; 
and at another, from three until six in the afternoon. These in times 
fell into disuse. In protestant churches, no particular hour or day 
is observed for the celebration of baptism. It is, for the most part, 
administered on the sabbath, during divine worship, and in the pres- 
ence of the congregation. If upon another day of the week, it is to 
be attended with appropriate religious solemnities. 

§ 6. Place of Baptism. 

All the requisite information in regard to the appropriate place for 
administering this ordinance, may be arranged under three distinct 
periods of history. 1. The first ages of Christianity. 2. The 
space of time during which baptisteries detached from the churches 
were provided for this purpose. 3. The period after the disuse of 
baptisteries, and of stated seasons for baptism. 

First period. No intimation is given in the New Testament that 
any place was set apart for the administration of baptism. John and 
the disciples of Jesus baptized in Jordan, John 3: 22. Baptism was 
also administered in other streams of water, Acts 7: 36, 37. 16: 1 — 
16, and in private houses, Acts 9: 18. 10: 47, 48. 16: 30—34. 
Where the three thousand on the day of Pentecost were baptized is 
uncertain. 

The same freedom of choice was also allowed in the age immedi- 
ately succeeding that of the apostles. Justin Martyr says that the 
candidates were led out to some place where there was water, 2 
and Clement of Rome speaks of a river, a fountain, or the sea, as a 
suitable place, according to circumstances, for the performance of 
this rite. 3 Tertullian says that " it was immaterial where a person 
was baptized, whether in the sea, or in standing or running water, 
in fountain, lake, or river." 4 

Second period. The first baptistery, or place appropriated for 
baptism, of which any mention is made, occurs in the history of the 
fourth century, and this was prepared in a private house. 5 Euse- 
bius probably speaks of similar baptisteries, though under another 
name. 6 Cyril of Jerusalem speaks of the baptisteries in his day as 
divided into two parts, outer and inner. 7 In the former part, prepa- 

35 



274 OF BAPTISM. 

ration was made for baptism ; in the latter, it was administered. 
Ambrose speaks of a similar division; 8 and Augustine of a pari 
appropriated to women. 9 These baptisteries became general in the 
fifth and sixth centuries. They were sometimes so spacious that 
ecclesiastical councils were held in them. Some idea of their size 
may be formed, when we recollect that in some places, as Antioch, 
no less than three thousand persons of both sexes received baptism 
in a single night. The laws both of church and state required that 
baptism should be administered only in these places. 

The common name of these edifices was (SamiaTTjgiov. It is also 
called cpwiicmiQiov, aula baptismatis, y.oli'ij^ij&gcc, or piscina, the font, 
etc. 

Each diocese had, usually, but one baptistery. The number, 
however, was sometimes increased. But a preference was uniformly 
given to the cathedral baptistery. This was styled the mother church, 
inasmuch as the children were there born by baptism. 10 

Third period. In process of time these baptisteries became 
greatly multiplied and were united to parish churches, or rather, 
were themselves constituted such. The precise period of time when 
this change took place cannot be determined. In general, it was 
after the prevalence of infant-baptism, when baptismal fonts only 
were necessary, when stated seasons of baptism were discontinued, 
and the right of administering the ordinance was conceded to the 
clergy indiscriminately. 

§ 7. Element for baptism. 

The church with great uniformity has maintained that water is the 
only appropriate element for baptism. But several of the fathers 
very early advanced notions respecting the actual presence of the 
Spirit in the water, strikingly analogous to the modern doctrine of 
transubstantiation, and sought out many fanciful reasons, why water 
should be used as the emblem of the Spirit. This water acquired 
in their opinion, as it would seem, a spiritual virtue, derived from 
the real presence of the Spirit residing in the water. 1 In case of 
necessity, baptism with wine was allowed, but not in the earliest 
ages of the church. The schoolmen wearied themselves with vain 
discussions respecting the validity of baptism with wine, and milk, 
and brandy, and almost every conceivable element. 



MODE AND FORM OF BAPTISM. 275 

The baptismal water was exorcised, and consecrated by religious 
rites, and by prayer, before it was used in baptism. 9 

§ 8. Mode and Form of Baptism. 1 

To this head belong, 1. The manner in which the candidate for 
baptism received the appointed element, water. 2. The ceremonies 
observed by the officiating persons in administering the ordinance. 
In regard to both of these points, considerable difference of opinion 
and usage prevailed in the ancient church, from a very early period ; 
nor are the Eastern and Western churches, to this day, agreed in 
this matter. This difference, however, has uniformly been treated 
as of less importance by the latter, than by the former church. 

1. Immersion or dipping, la the primitive church, this was un- 
deniably the common mode of baptism. The utmost that can be 
said of sprinkling in that early period is that it was, in case of neces- 
sity, permitted as an exception to a general rule. This fact is so 
well established that it were needless to adduce authorities in proof 
of it. The reader will be directed to them by reference to the in- 
dex of authorities ; 2 but there are some points in connection with 
this rite which require particular attention. 

It is a great mistake to suppose that baptism by immersion was 
discontinued when infant baptism became prevalent. This was as 
early as the sixth century ; but the practice of immersion continued 
until the thirteenth or fourteenth century. Indeed it has never been 
formally abandoned ; but is still the mode of administering infant 
baptism in the Greek church. 

Trine immersion was early practised in the church. The sacra- 
mentary of Gregory the Great directs that the person to be baptized 
should be immersed at the mention of each of the persons of the 
Trinity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. 3 Tertullian says, 
" We receive the water of baptism not merely once, but three times, 
at the mention of each of the persons of the Holy Trinity ;" 4 and 
again, " We are plunged thrice in the water of baptism." Basil the 
Great, 5 Jerome, 6 and Ambrose, 7 believed this custom to have been 
introduced by the apostles, though no authority for this supposition is 
found in the New Testament. Other of the fathers supposed the 
practice of trine immersion to refer not to the three persons in the 
Godhead, but to the three great events, which completed the work 
of our redemption, — the death, resurrection, and ascension of Christ. 8 



276 or baptism. 

Single immersion was at times considered valid. This decision 
was given by Gregory the Great, in a controversy with the Arians 
in Spain, who maintained that trine immersion denoted three grada- 
tions in the Godhead. Gregory, on the contrary, declared baptism 
by single immersion to be valid, and aptly significant of the unity of 
the Deity. 9 This division was afterwards confirmed by the council 
of Toledo. 10 

In the early centuries, all persons who received baptism were com- 
pletely undressed, without distinction of age or sex ; n this circum- 
stance was thought to be emblematical of the putting off of the old 
man, and the putting on of the new, — the putting away of the defile- 
ments of the flesh, etc. A sense of decency at length prevailed 
against this unaccountable superstition, and it was by degrees dis- 
continued. 

2. Aspersion or Sprinkling. After the lapse of several centuries 
this form of baptism gradually took the place of immersion without 
any established rule of the church, or formal renunciation of the 
rile of immersion. The form was not esteemed essential to the va- 
lidity of the ordinance. 

The Eastern church however, in direct opposition to these views, 
has uniformly retained the form of immersion as indispensable to the 
validity of the ordinance, and repeated the rite whenever they have 
received to their communion persons who had been previously bap- 
tized in another manner. 12 

In defence of the usage of the Western church, the following con- 
siderations are offered. 

1 . The primary signification of the word cannot be of great im- 
portance, inasmuch as the rite itself is typical, and therefore derives 
its importance, not from the literal import of the phrase, but from 
the significancy and design of the ordinance. 

2. Though no instance of baptism by sprinkling is mentioned in 
the New Testament, yet there are several cases in which it is hardly 
possible that it could have been administered by immersion, Acts 
10: 47, 48. 16: 32, 33. 2: 41. 

3. In cases of emergency, baptism by aspersion was allowed at a 
period of high antiquity. Cyprian especially says, that this was 
legitimate baptism when thus administered to the sick. When per- 
formed in faith on the part of the minister and the subject, he main- 



DIODE AND FORM OF BAPTISM. 277 

tains that the whole is done with due fidelity, and agreeably to the 
majesty of the divine character.* 

This form was also admitted when the baptismal font was too 
small for the administration of the rite by immersion ; 14 and, gen- 
erally, considerations of convenience, and of health and climate are 
mentioned as having influence in regard to the form of administer- 
ing the ordinance.f 

Aspersion did not become general in the West until the thirteenth 
century, though it appears to have been introduced some time before 
that period. Thomas Aquinas says : it is safer to baptize by im- 
mersion, because this is the general practice. Tutius est baptizare 
per modum immersionis, quia hoc habet communis usus. 17 

Form of Words used at Baptism. 

From the time of Justin Martyr and the Apostolical Constitutions 
the liturgical books of all religious denominations have retained one 
and the same form of words ; though they may have disagreed in their 
explanation of the form, they have still retained it unaltered. Even 
those who deny the doctrine of the Trinity, retain the same form ; 
so that Augustine says : it were easier to find heretics who do not 
baptize at all, than any who do not use this form of words in their 
baptism ; 18 namely, ' I baptize thee, in the name of the Father, the 
Son, and the Holy Ghost.' 

It is remarkable that the earliest fathers, with respect to this bap- 
tismal formulary, do not appeal to tradition as in many other things 
relating to baptism ; but to the words prescribed by Christ himself. 
To them Justin Martyr evidently refers, though he does not mention 

* Unde apparet adspersionem quoque aquae instar salutaris lavacri ob- 
tinere, et quando haec in ecclesia fierent ubi sit et accipientis et dantis, fides 
integra, stare omnia; et consummari ac perfici posse magistate Domini et 
fidei veritate. 13 

t Notandum non solum, mergendo virumetiam desuper fundendo, multos 
baptizatos fuisse, et adhuc posse ita baptizari si necessitas sit. Sicut in pas- 
sione S. Laurentii quendam, urceo allato, legimus baptizatum. Hoc etiam 
solet venire quum prorectiorum granditas corporum in minoribus vasis hom- 
inem tingi non patitur. 15 Quare cum in ecclesia, praesertim locis septen- 
tionalibus propter aeris frigiditatem teneris infantibus aqua lotis facile noci- 
turam, adspersio, vel potius adfusio aquae usitata sit; ideo haec baptismi 
forma retinenda nee propter vitium adiaphoriae lites cum ecclesiae scandalo 
movendae. 16 



278 OF BAPTISM. 

them as a prescribed form. 19 Tertullian represents it as a definite 
and prescribed formulary : Lex tingendi imposita et forma prae- 
scripta. 120 ; so also Cyprian. 21 The Apostolical Constitutions and 
canons require the use of this form, under severe penalties. 22 

Instead of tig to ovo[xw, into the name, the phrase in Acts 2: 38, 
is sjcl to ovofxa, and in Acts 10: 48, iv to ovofxa in the name. The 
same phraseology is familiar with the earliest of the fathers, as Ter- 
tullian, and Ambrose, and Cyprian. 23 It is also the rendering of the 
vulgate ; but it is uncertain whether the original gave occasion for 
this latter usage, or whether it was designed to be an interpretation 
of the original slgjo ovofia. 

It was an ancient practice to omit the word ovofxa ; but the omis- 
sion was not supposed to vary the significancy of the formulary, 
both being used indiscriminately by Jerome and Tertullian. 

Baptism in the name of Christ alone, was regarded as valid, but 
was discountenanced as an irregularity. 24 

In the Greek church baptism is administered in the third person 
instead of the first, that is to say, the officiating minister, instead of 
saying " I baptize thee," uses the form " This person is baptized," 
etc. 

§ 9. Rites connected with Baptism. 

a) Ceremonies before Baptism. 

1. Catechetical instruction. A solemn preparation was always 
required before the baptism of adults in the ancient church. This 
preparation consisted, in part, in a course of instruction in the lead- 
ing doctrines and mysterious rights of their religion ; and partly in 
certain prescribed exercises immediately preceding the administra- 
tion of the sacred rite. The religious instructions were the same 
that have been already detailed in treating of catechumens, and need 
not be repeated in this place. They are given at length in the Apos- 
tolical Constitutions, the Catechism of Cyril of Jerusalem, the Ec- 
clesiastical Hierarchy of the Pseudo-Dionysius, and the works of 
Chrysostom, Ambrose, and Augustine. 

2. Covenant or vow. A subscription to the creed was required at 
baptism, accompanied with a seal. The whole transaction was re- 
garded as a most solemn covenant on the part of the person baptized, 
by which he publicly, and with many impressive formalities, re- 



RITES CONNECTED WITH BAPTISM. 279 

nounced the world, the flesh, and the devil, and gave himself up to 
Christ, to be his forever, covenanting henceforth to live in conform- 
ity with these obligations. To this covenant they thus set their hand 
and seal. By the Greeks this was styled crcpQuylg, and the like ; by 
the Latins, foedus, pactum, votum, etc., a seal, a promise, a covenant, 
a vow. St. Ambrose calls it a promise, a caution, an hand-writing, 
or bond, given to God, and registered in the court of heaven, be- 
cause it is made before his ministers, and the angels who are witnes- 
ses to it. Many others speak of it in terms of similar import. 

3. Exorcism. 2 This was another preliminary of baptism, derived, 
as it would seem, from the miraculous powers exercised by the apos- 
tles in healing demoniacs, and from the words of Paul in delivering 
over to Satan offending members of the Church, 1 Cor. 5: 3 — 5, and 
1 Tim. 1: 20. The notions which the Jews entertained of them- 
selves as a peculiar people, holy and consecrated unto God, togeth- 
er with the similar ideas of the putting away of sin and Satan by 
Christians on their conversion to God, had apparently much influ- 
ence in giving rise to the superstitious exorcisms of the ancient 
church. 

The historical facts in relation to baptismal exorcisms appear to 
be as folllows : 1. In the first century there appears no trace of 
any renunciation of the Devil in baptism. 2. In the second and 
third centuries, this practice was in use, as appears from the testimo- 
nies of Tertullian and Cyprian, as well as from later writers who ap- 
peal to tradition. 3. In the fourth century the fathers speak of ex- 
orcism, not as being absolutely necessary, nor as being enjoined in 
the Scriptures, but highly beneficial, inasmuch as without it children 
born of christian parents would not be free from the influence of evil 
spirits. 3 

Cyril of Jerusalem is the first writer who makes mention of the 
form of exorcism. By him it is detailed somewhat at length. The 
ceremonies connected with it, were, with the exception of circum- 
stantial variations, the following : 

1. Preliminary fasting, prayers and genuflections. These, how- 
ever, may be regarded as general preliminaries to baptism. 

2. Imposition of hands upon the head of the candidate who stood 
with his head bowed down in a submissive posture. 4 

3. Putting off the shoes and clothing, with the exception of an un- 
der garment. 5 



280 OF BAPTISM. 

4. Facing the candidate to the west, which was the symbol of 
darkness, as the east was of light. 6 In the Eastern church he was 
required to thrust out his hand towards the west, as if in the act of 
pushing away an object in that direction. This was a token of his ab- 
horrence of Satan and his works, and his determination to resist 
and repel them. 

5. A renunciation of Satan and his works thus, " I renounce Sa- 
tan and his works, and his pomps and his services, and all things that 
are his." 7 This or a similar form was thrice repeated. 

6. The exorcist then breathed upon the candidate either once, or 
three times, and adjured the unclean spirit in the name of the Fa- 
ther, Son and Holy Ghost, to come out of him. 8 

This form of adjuration seems not to have been in use until the 
fourth century ; and these several formalities were apparently in- 
troduced gradually and at different times. The whole ceremony was 
at first confined to the renunciation of " the Devil and his works" on 
the part of the person about to be baptized. 

4. Signing with the sign of the cross. To this the ancients at- 
tached great importance and ascribed to it a wonderful efficacy. It 
was, moreover, the sign and seal of faith, the surrendry of the can- 
didate up to Christ, and the solemn indication that he had passed 
from a state of sin to a state of grace. It was given after the cere- 
mony of exorcism, and immediately before baptism, the officiating 
person saying, " Receive thou the sign of the cross upon thy fore- 
head and on thy heart." 9 

5. Unction or anointing with oil. There were two anointings, 
one before and one after baptism. The latter was called by way of 
distinction, chrism. The former immediately followed the signing of 
the cross. Nothing was known of this ceremony until the third or 
fourth century ; neither are writers agreed respecting the significan- 
cy of the rite. Cyril of Jerusalem says, " Men were anointed from 
head to foot with this consecrated oil, and this made them partakers 
of the true olive tree — Jesus Christ." Others refer it to the ancient 
custom of anointing wrestlers for the combat. Others suppose that 
it assimilated to Christ the anointed of the Lord ; others again, that 
it symbolized the anointing of the Spirit. 10 

6. Use of salt, and milk, and honey. These were generally ad- 
ministered to the candidate, as emblems, as it would seem, of spirit- 
ual things, with reference to the frequent mention of these things in 



RITES CONNECTED WITH BAPTISM. 281 

the Scriptures. T,he explanations, however, are somewhat confused 
and unsatisfactory. The emblems of milk and honey were used 
as early as the third and fourth centuries — that of salt was introduc- 
ed at a later period. 

(b) Ceremonies after Baptism. 

1. The kiss of peace. This is mentioned as being usual on this 
occasion as late as the fifth century. 11 But there is no evidence of 
the custom at a later period. It was given both to infants and adults. 
It appears to have been surperseded by the simple salutation, Pax 
tecum ! Peace be with you ! but at what time is unknown. 

2. Chrism. This anointing is still in use in the East. In the 
Western church it has been transferred to the rites of confirmation 
at a later period after baptism. 12 

3. Clotlmig in white apparel. These garments were worn as 
emblems of purity, the putting away of former defilements, etc. 
Thus the young disciple was arrayed in the white robes, in which 
saints and angels appear in heaven. This practice was in common 
use in the fourth century. The dress was worn by the newly bap- 
tized from Easter-eve until the Sunday after, which was from this 
circumstance called Dominica in albis — the Sunday in white, Whit- 
sunday, Whitsuntide. These garments were made usually of white 
linen, but sometimes of more costly materials, and were worn by the 
person who baptized, as well as by the subjects of baptism. 13 

4. The burning of lighted tapers. These were placed in the 
hands of the baptized, if adults ; if they were infants, in the hands of 
the sponsors. These tapers were emblematical of the illuminating 
power of this ordinance. 14 

5. The washing of the feet. This was a favorite ceremony in 
some countries, at various times. 15 

6. The giving of presents, the wearing of garlands and wreaths of 
flowers, public t hanks givi?igs, singing of hymns, and baptismalfestivals, 
are all mentioned as festivities and rites connected with this ordinance. 

The following extract may be interesting to the reader, as pre- 
senting a popular view of the attending rites of baptism which have 
been detailed above. 

" The rite of baptism was originally administered in a very simple 
manner — the apostles and their contemporaries contenting them- 
selves with an appropriate prayer, and the subsequent application of 

36 



282 OF BAPTISM. 

the element of water. At an early period, however, a variety of 
ceremonies was introduced, with the pious, though mistaken view, of 
conveying a deeper and more solemn impression of the ordinance, 
and affording, by each of them, a sensible representation of the 
grand truths and spiritual blessings of which it is significant. The 
baptismal season having arrived, those catechumens who were ripe 
for baptism, and who were then called competentes, or elect, were 
brought to the baptistery, at the entrance of which they stopped, and 
then mounting an elevated platform, where they could be seen and 
heard by the whole congregation of the faithful, each, with an audi- 
ble voice, renounced the devil and all his works. The manner in 
which he did this, was by standing with his face towards the west, 
and with some bodily gesture, expressive of the greatest abhorrence, 
declaring his resolution to abandon the service of Satan, and all the 
sinful works and pleasures of which he is the patron and author. 
This renunciation being thrice repeated, the candidate elect turned 
towards the east — the region of natural light, and therefore fit em- 
blem of the Sun of Righteousness, — made three times a solemn 
promise and engagement to become the servant of Christ, and sub- 
mit to all his laws. After this he repeated the Creed deliberately, 
clause by clause, in answer to appropriate questions of the minister, 
as the profession of his faith. It was deemed an indispensable part 
of the ceremony, that this confession should be made audibly, and 
before many witnesses ; and in those rare and unfortunate instances, 
where the applicants for baptism possessed not the power of oral 
communication, this duty was performed through the kind offices of 
a friend, who, testifying their desire to receive the ordinance, acted 
as their substitute. In ancient history, an anecdote is told of an Af- 
rican negro slave, who, after having passed satisfactorily through 
the state of catechumen, and been entered on the lists for baptism, 
suddenly fell into a violent fever, which deprived him of the faculty 
of speech. Having recovered his health, but not the use of his 
tongue, on the approach of the baptismal season, his master bore 
public testimony to his principles, and the christian consistency of 
his conduct, in consequence of which he was baptized, along with the 
class of catechumens to which he belonged. The profession of faith 
being ended, and a prayer being offered, that as much of the element 
as should be employed might be sanctified, and that all who were 
about to be baptized might receive, along with the outward sign, the 



RITES CONNECTED WITH BAPTISM. 283 

inward invisible grace, the minister breathed on them, symbolically 
conveying to them the influences of the Holy Spirit, — an act which, 
in later times, was followed by anointing them with oil, to indicate 
that they were ready, like the wrestlers in the ancient games, to 
fight the fight of faith. The preliminary ceremonies were brought 
to a close by his tracing on the foreheads of all the sign of the cross 
— an observance which, as was formerly remarked, was frequently 
used on the most common as well as sacred occasions by the primi- 
tive Christians,; — and to which they attached a purely christian 
meaning;, that of living by faith on the Son of God. All things be- 
ing prepared, and the person about to be baptized having stripped 
off his garments, the minister took each by the hand, and plunged 
him thrice under the water, pronouncing each time the name of the 
three persons in the Godhead. The newly baptized having come 
out of the water, was immediately dressed by some attendants in a 
pure white garment, which signified, that having put off his old cor- 
rupt nature, and his former bad principles and practices, he had be- 
come a new man. A very remarkable example of this ceremony 
occurs in the history of the celebrated Chrysostom. The conspira- 
tors who had combined to ruin that great and good man in. Constan- 
tinople, resolved on striking the first blow on the eve of an annual 
festival, at the hour when they knew he would be alone in his vestry, 
preparing for his duty to the candidates for baptism. By mistake, 
they did not arrive till he had begun the service in the church. 
Heated with wine, and goaded on by their malignant passions, they 
burst into the midst of the assembly, most of whom were young 
persons, in the act of making the usual profession of their faith, and 
some of whom had already entered the waters of the baptistery. 
The whole congregation were struck with consternation. The cate- 
chumens fled away naked and wounded to the neighbouring woods, 
fields, or any places that promised them shelter from the massacre 
that was perpetrating in the city. And next morning, as soon as it 
had dawned, an immense meadow was seen covered all over with 
white, — on examining which, it was found to be filled with catechu- 
mens who had been baptized the night before, and who were then, 
according to custom, dressed in their white garments, amounting in 
number to three thousand. Those white garments, after being worn 
a week, were thrown aside, and deposited in the antechamber of the 
church, where, with the name of the owner inscribed on each, thev 



284 . OF BAPTISM. 

were carefully preserved as memorials of baptism, ready to be pro- 
duced against them in the event of their violating its vows. A memo- 
rable instance of this use of them occurs in the history of the primi- 
tive age. A Carthaginian, who had long been connected with the 
christian church of his native city, at length apostatized, and joining 
the ranks of its enemies, became one of the most violent persecutors 
of all who named the name of Christ. Through the influence of 
friends, he was elevated to a high civil station, the powers of which 
he prostituted to the cruel and bloody purpose of persecuting his for- 
mer friends. Among those who were dragged to his tribunal, was a 
deacon, once an intimate friend of his own, and who had been pres- 
ent at his baptism. On being put to the rack, he produced the white 
garments of the apostate, and in words that went to the heart of all 
the by-standers, solemnly declared that these would testify against 
his unrighteousness at the last day. 

Immediately after the baptism, the new-made members, in their 
snow-white dress, took their place among the body of the faithful, 
each of whom that was near, welcomed them as brethren with the 
kiss of peace ; and, as being admitted into the family of God, whose 
adopted children alone are entitled to address Him as " Our Father,'' 
they were permitted, for the first time, publicly to use the Lord's 
Prayer and to partake of the communion."— Jamieson, p. 142. 

§ 10. Of Sponsors — Witnesses and Sureties. 

Certain persons were required to be present at the baptism both 
of children and adults, as witnesses to the transaction, and as sureties 
for the fulfilment of the promises and engagements then made by 
those who received baptism. 

1. Their names or appellations. These persons were first known 
by the name of sponsors. Tertullian uses this term ; but he uses it 
only with reference to infant baptism, and supposes it to refer both 
to the reply, responsum, which they gave in behalf of the subject who 
was unable to speak for himself; and to a promise and obligation, 
on their part, which they assumed in behalf of the baptized for his ful- 
filment of the duties implied in this ordinance. 1 Augustine seems 
to limit the duty of sponsors to the response or answer. 2 They were 
called fidejussor es,fidedictores, sureties ; names found in Augustine 
and borrowed from Roman law. 3 3 Avadozoi, corresponding to the 



OF SP0NS0KS. 



285 



Latin offerentes and susceptores, so called with reference to the as- 
sistance rendered to the candidates at their baptism. This service 
is described by Dionysius the Areopagite. 4 Chrysostom uses the 
word in the sense of sureties, 3 which is authorized by classical au- 
thority. 6 

Muqtvqsq, testes, witnesses, a term unknown to the ancients, but 
familiar in later times. 

JlarsQsg, [xrjTEQsg, or naisgsg, [irjTSQsg inl rov aylov qxmlafxaTog, com- 
patres, cornmatres ,propatres, promatres, pafrini, matrini, godfathers, 
and godmothers; patres spirituales, or lustrici, spiritual fathers, etc. 

2. Origin of this office. It has no foundation either in example 
or precept drawn from the Scriptures. No mention is made of the 
presence of any as ivitnesses in performing the rite of circumcision, 
nor in administering household baptism. Neither do the sacred wri- 
ters ever draw a parallel between circumcision and baptism. 

It was probably derived from the customs of Roman law, by 
which a covenant or contract was witnessed and ratified with great 
care. Many of the early Christians previous to their conversion had 
been conversant with Roman jurisprudence ; and it may, very natu- 
rally, be supposed that, in ratifying the solemn covenant of baptism, 
they would require witnesses ; and adopt, as far as practicable, the 
same formalities with which they had been conversant in civil trans- 
actions. 

The common tradition is that sponsors were first appointed by 
Hyginus or Iginus, a Roman bishop, about the year 154. The office 
was in full operation in the fourth and fifth centuries. A time of op- 
pression and persecution is likely to have given rise to an institution 
the design of which was to give additional security and attestation to 
the profession of the christian religion. Men who made their baptis- 
mal vows in the presence of witnesses would not be so likely to deny 
their relations to the church as the3^ would if no proof of their pro- 
fession could be adduced. On the other hand, such sponsors might 
be equally useful in preventing the introduction of unworthy mem- 
bers into the church, when the profession of religion began to be 
desired as the means of preferment and emolument. 

Another probable supposition is, that the office in question took its 
rise from the necessity of having some one to respond in the behalf 
of infants, the sick, the deaf, and all who were incapable of replying 
to the interrogatories which were made at baptism. Slaves were 



286 OF BAPTISM. 

not received to baptism without the the consent of their masters, 
who in such cases became their sponsors or godfathers. 

Two or three of these witnesses were probably required, and their 
names, as we learn from Dionysius, were entered in the baptismal 
register with that of the baptized person. 7 

3. Duties of the Sponsors. Their duties were, to serve as wit- 
nesses of the transaction, and to act as sureties for the baptized per- 
sons by exercising a religious supervision over them. The precise 
nature and extent of this supervision is involved in much uncertainty, 
and appears to have varied at different times. Augustine requires 
the godfathers and godmothers to hold in remembrance their spiritual 
children, and affectionately to watch over them ; to preserve their 
morals uncorrupted ; to guard them from licentiousness ; to restrain 
them from profane and wanton speech, from pride, envy and hatred, 
and from indulging in any magical arts ; to preserve them from 
adopting heretical opinions ; to secure their habitual attendance upon 
religious worship, and a profitable hearing of the word ; to accustom 
them to acts of hospitality, to live peaceably with all men, and to 
render due honor to their parents, and to the priesthood. 8 

The sponsors did not become chargeable with the maintenance 
and education of such persons, by assuming this guardianship of their 
christian character. 

4. Persons who are allowed to act as sponsors. On this head a 
diversity of opinion prevails ; but it will be sufficient for the present 
purpose to mention the principal rules and customs which prevailed 
in the church in relation to this subject. 

1. The sponsor must himself be a baptised person in regular com- 
munion with the church. 2. He must be of adult age, and of sound 
mind. 3. He must be acquainted with the fundamental truths of 
Christianity. He must know the creed, the ten commandments, the 
Lord's prayer, and the leading doctrines of faith and practice, and 
must duly qualify himself for his duties. 11 4. Monks and nuns were, 
in the early periods of the church, thought to be peculiarly qualified, 
by their sanctity of character, for this office ; 12 but they were exclu- 
ded from it in the sixth century. 13 5. Parents were disqualified for 
the office of sponsor to their own children in the ninth century ; 14 
but this order has never been generally enforced. 

The number of sponsors was at first one. This number was af- 
terwards increased to two, three and four ; and then again, dimin- 



NAMES GIVEN AT BAPTISM. 287 

ished to one, or two at the most. They were usually required to be 
of the same sex as those whose guardianship they assumed. If there 
were three sponsors, two were of the same sex as their spiritual 
ward, and one of the other. And this is the prevailing custom at 
the present day. 

§11. Of Names given at Baptism. 1 

The naming of a child has been esteemed a transaction of pecu- 
liar interest by all people, and under every form of religion. The 
onomatology of different nations opens an important field of investi- 
gation to the philologist, the historian, and the theological inquirer, 
for the illustration of national peculiarities. Jews, Mohammedans 
and Christians, all indicate the common origin of their religion by 
the similarity of their names, drawn from the Scriptures of the Old 
Testament, such as Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Joseph, Moses, Joshua, 
Samuel, Daniel, Job, Tobias, Sarah, Miriam, Rebecca, Hannah, Su- 
sanna, etc. 

The Jews derive many names from those who have been distin- 
guished among the Levites and Pharisees, as Levi, Aaron, Phineas, 
Ezra, Nehemiah, etc. 

Christian nations, on the contrary, derive their names from the 
christian virtues, Grace, Faith, Temperance, etc. ; also from the 
martyrs and apostles — Stephen, Peter, Paul, Polycarp, Matthew, 
Ursula, Clara, etc. Again, they compound names expressive of 
reverence and affection for God and for Christ, as Gottlieb, Gottlob, 
Theophilus, Christlieb, etc., Beloved of God, God-loving, etc. 

The modern practice of giving the names at baptism probably 
originated with infant baptism. It may have been derived from the 
rites of circumcision. No mention, however, is made of this prac- 
tice either in the New Testament or in the early ecclesiastical wri- 
ters. Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Origen, Cyprian, Constantine, Am- 
brose, Augustine, Gregory, etc. retained the same names after bap- 
tism which they had previously borne. But there are not wanting 
instances of a change of name at baptism, about the same period of 
time. Stephanus the bishop in baptizing two young people, Adria 
and Paulina, changed their names, giving the former the name of 
Neo, and the latter that of Maria. 2 Nemesius, after baptism by the 
same person, retained his original name, whilst his daughter was 



288 OF CONFIRMATION. 

called by a new name, Lucilla. Eudokia, wife of Theodosius the 
emperor, received that name at her baptism. 3 Balsamus, on being 
asked his name, said, " My surname is Balsamus, but my spiritual 
name, which I received at baptism, is Peter." 

Whilst the system of catechetical instruction preliminary to bap- 
tism continued, the name seemed to have been designated some time 
before the administration of that rite ; as appears from the custom, 
often mentioned by writers of that period, of entering the names of 
candidates in the baptismal register. 4 

The name was assumed by the individual himself, if of adult age. 
Either the parents, or sponsors conferred the names upon a child at 
his baptism. The right belonged, appropriately, to the parents. 
The minister by whom the rite was administered had, also, the right 
of refusing the names proposed, if it appeared to him to be objec- 
tionable. 



CHAPTER XV. 



OF CONFIRMATION.' 1 



§ 1. Whether derived from apostolic usage. 

The controversy between the Catholics and Protestants relating to 
the rites of confirmation, has turned on the inquiry, whether they 
are authorizd by the example of the apostles. On this subject it is 
worthy of remark, that the apostles generally conferred imposition 
of hands only upon baptized persons, as in the case of the converted 
Samaritans, Acts 8: 12 — 17, and the disciples of Ephesus, Acts 19: 
5, 6. These instances, however, have reference to the miraculous 
gifts of the Holy Ghost, Acts 8: 18, 19. Nothing is said of the lay- 
ing on of hands in the baptism of the three thousand, or of Lydia, 
and the jailor, with their households. The doctrine of the laying on 
of hands is mentioned in Hebrews 6: 2, immediately after that of 
baptism ; but there is no intimation that the two transactions were 
connected. This imposition of hands, on the contrary, is supposed 
to relate to that practised in healing the sick, or in ordination. 



CONNECTION WITH BAPTISM. 289 

Neither can the unction, ^'o^cx, of which we read, 1 John 2:27. 
2 Cor. 1: 21, be referred to the rite of confirmation. It might have 
related, either to a spiritual anointing, or to the royal and priestly- 
dignity of Christians, 1 Pet. 2: 9, or to the communication of mira- 
culous gifts. 

The sealing of Christians mentioned in Eph. 1: 13. 4: 30. 2 Cor. 
1: 22, denotes, not their confirmation, but their conscious assurance 
of divine favor. 

No authentic reference to confirmation is recorded in the earliest 
ecclesiastical writers. The authority of Dionysius is unworthy of 
confidence, and the imparting of the seal of the Lord, as quoted by 
Eusebius, 2 evidently relates to baptism. 

§ 2. Confirmation in connection with Baptism. 

Tertullian informs us, that the ceremonies of unction, and the im- 
position of hands, followed in immediate succession after baptism, 
together with the sacrament of the Lord's supper. 3 The imposition 
of hands in immediate connection with baptism, is also implied in 
several passages in Cyprian ; 4 in one of which he speaks of it as 
a sacrament, sacramentum, but he evidently uses the term with ref- 
erence to the rite, or ceremony. 

To cite passages from later writers in proof of the connection be- 
tween baptism and confirmation would be quite superfluous. 5 The 
baptism of adults being regarded as a solemn compact or covenant, 
confirmation might very naturally be expected to follow as the seal 
by which the covenant was ratified. For this reason, perhaps, it 
was administered, not by the baptizing priest or deacon, but by the 
bishop. 

At the stated baptismal seasons the bishop was chiefly occupied 
with the rites of confirmation ; but he sometimes administered also 
the rites of baptism and unction. When this ordinance was admin- 
istered in the absence of the bishop, confirmation was solemnized at 
some convenient season afterward, either by the bishop, or by his 
representative. Accordingly confirmation was, at times, delayed 
for several years after baptism, especially in large dioceses ; which 
were seldom visited, either on account of their great extent, or of the 
indolence and negligence of the bishop. 

Even after the general introduction of infant baptism, confirma- 
37 



290 OF CONFIRMATION. 

tion immediately succeeded baptism. In the Oriental churches, bap- 
tism, confirmation, and the Lord's supper, are administered in im- 
mediate succession ; which is strong evidence that such was the 
ancient custom. 

The permanent separation of the rites of confirmation from those 
of baptism cannot probably be assigned to an earlier date than the 
thirteenth century. 

§ 3. Ministers of Confirmation, etc. 

Agreeably to the example of the ancient church, and of general 
usage, the bishop is the appropriate minister of confirmation. In de- 
fence of this custom, Chrysostom and Augustine refer to the case of 
the Samaritan converts, who were iaptized by Phillip, but received 
the imposition of hands from an apostle, 7 Acts 8: 12 — 17. Several 
canons deny to the other orders of the clergy, the right of consecra- 
ting ; 8 but presbyters were, in certain cases, authorized to adminis- 
ter the rite ; such as the absence of the bishop, or, in his presence 
by express permission, — on the conversion of a heretic, if he was 
nigh unto death and the bishop were absent. Deacons exercised the 
same prerogatives until absolutely forbidden by the council of Tole- 
do, A. D. 400. 

In the Latin church, after the separation of baptism from con- 
firmation, a series of preliminary religious exercises was requisite 
for this rite, similar to those which had been previously required for 
baptism. 

Names given in baptism were sometimes changed at confirma- 
tion. This, however, was merely an occasional practice of the later 
centuries. 

Sponsors, or god-fathers, or god-mothers, were also required as in 
baptism formerly. These might be the same as the baptismal spon- 
sors, or others might be substituted in their place. 

A separate edifice for solemnizing this rite was in some instances 
provided, called consignatorium, albatorum, and chrismarium. Af- 
ter the disuse of baptisteries, both baptism and confirmation were ad- 
ministered in the church, and usually at the altar. 



ADMINISTRATION OF THE RITE. 291 



§ 4. Administration of the Rite of Confirmation. 

Four principal ceremonies were employed in the rites of confirma- 
tion, namely ; imposition of hands, unction, with the chrism, sign of 
the cross, and prayer. 

1. Imposition of hands. This rite is derived from the New Tes- 
tament : it was used in various religious solemnities, and is still re- 
tained in the christian church. For an account of the different 
opinions which were entertained respecting this rite ; and of the 
mode of administering it, see references in the index. 9 

2. Unction. This, as has been already remarked, was denomi- 
nated chrism, in distinction from, the unction which was administered 
before baptism. Origen and Tertullian speak expressly of this rite. 
In the Apostolical Constitutions it is styled the confirmation of our 
confession, and the seal of the covenants. A prayer is also given, 
which was offered on the occasion. 10 Cyril of Jerusalem gives full 
instructions respecting the administration of chrism. 11 From his 
time it came into general use in the church. 

The material used for this chrism was usually olive-oil. Some- 
times perfumed ointment, compounded of various ingredients, was 
used. The chrism was consecrated by prayer, exorcism, and insuf- 
flation. It was applied, in the Eastern church, to various parts 
of the body, to the forehead, ears, nose, eyes, breast, etc. In the 
Western church it appears to have been applied only to the fore- 
head. 

3. Sign of the cross. This was affixed by applying the chrism in 
such a manner as to represent a cross. This was thought to be a 
very important and expressive emblem, the sealing rite, which gave 
to confirmation the name of acpga/lc, a seal 12 

4. Prayer and mode of confirmation. In the Greek church one 
uniform mode of confirmation has been observed from the beginning, 
as follows : " The seal of the gift of the Holy Ghost. Amen." 
Besides this implied prayer, one more at length is supposed to have 
been offered. In the Latin church, the form has varied at different 
times. The most ancient form ran thus : " The seal of Christ to 
eternal life." The modern form, in the Roman Catholic church, is 
as follows. " Signo te signo crucis, et confirmo te chrismate salutis 
in nomine Pa f tris et Fi f Hi, et Spiritus f Sancti. Amen." 



292 OF the lord's supper. 

Other formalities were : the salutation, " Peace be with you ;" 
a slight blow upon the cheek, to admonish the candidate of the duty 
of patience under injuries ; unbinding of the band upon the forehead ; 
prayer and singing ; the benediction of the bishop, together with a 
short exhortation from him. 



CHAPTER XVI. 



§ 1. Names or Appellations of this Sacrament. 

Men of all religious denominations have, generally, concurred in 
regarding the sacrament of the Lord's supper as the most solemn 
rite of christian worship, the grand characteristic of the religion of 
Christ. For a full understanding of the doctrines and usages con- 
nected with this institution, a knowledge of the various names by 
which it has been distinguished is indispensable. A full knowledge 
of these, with all their relations to the times and places in which 
they were used, would almost furnish a history of the sacrament it- 
self. These names are exceedingly numerous ; and, allhough re- 
taining a general similarity of meaning, yet each has been chosen 
out of regard to some peculiar views relating to the doctrine of the 
sacrament, or from a preference for some peculiar mode of adminis- 
tration. 

1. The term, the Lord's supper, Sunvov xvqmxxov, sacra coena, 
coena Domini, has an historical reference to the institution of the rite 
by our Lord, on the night in which he was betrayed, Matt. 26: 20, 
31. 1 Cor. 11: 23. Some have erroneously maintained that the pas- 
sage in 1 Cor. 11: 23 relates, not strictly to the participation of the 
sacramental elements, but to the feast which accompanied the dis- 
tribution of these elements. But it has been abundantly shown that 
the early christian writers understood and used the term according 
to the explanation given above. 1 

2. The table of the Lord, iQant^a y.vqIov, mensa Dei, denotes 
much the same as the Lord's supper, a festival instituted by the 
Lord. Tertullian styles it convivium Domi?iicum. 2 The context of 



NAMES OF THE SACRAMENT. 293 

1 Cor. 10: 21 forbids the supposition that a common table was used 
for this purpose. The apostle uses the term zQomi-la xvgtov as sy- 
nonymous with ■d-vdiadTt'iQiov, an altar. We are constrained, there- 
fore, to believe that a table was set apart for this sacred purpose, 
like that of the shew-bread, a mensa mystica, a table sacred to the 
purpose of celebrating the Lord's supper. 

3. The following scriptural expressions are also employed in a 
sense partly literal and partly figurative, to denote the sacrament : 
bread, — the breaking of bread, Acts 2: 42. 20: 7 comp. 27: 35. 
Luke 24: [35 — the eating of bread, John 6: 23 — the Lord's body, or 
his flesh, John 6: 53 — the cup of the Lord, 1 Cor. 10: 21 — the cup 
of the New Testament, Luke 22: 20. 1 Cor. 10: 21 — blood. The 
custom of breaking the bread, and of administering but one element, 
has been derived from the foregoing passages. 

4. The new testament in my blood, Luke 22: 20. 1 Cor. 11: 25. 
It has, however, been disputed whether this phrase can, with propri- 
ety, be applied to the sacrament of the Lord's supper. 

5. Communion, xoivcavla, communio. This is by far the most 
common appellation of the solemnity in question. It has been cur- 
rent in all ages, and among all parties. It has been used, both in a 
doctrinal and mystical sense ; and in an historical and ecclesiastical 
signification. 

In a doctrinal sense, it has been supposed to represent our recon- 
ciliation to God, and our union with him. Others have supposed it 
to represent our union and fellowship with Christ. This participa- 
tion with him, according to some, is through his presence in the ele- 
ments. Others understand by it the union of believers in spirit, 
with their spiritual head ; and others, again, the union of believers 
among themselves in the bonds of christian love. 

In an historical and ecclesiastical sense, communion denotes a 
participation in all the mysteries of the christian religion, and, of 
course, church-fellowship, with all its rites and privileges. Hence 
the term excommunication^ 

In a liturgical, sense it denotes, sometimes the partaking of the sa- 
crament, and sometimes the administration of it. 

6. Agapae, ayajiai, or a/dnv, love-feast, feast of heaven. The 
expression in Jude 12. 2 Pet. 2: 13, may refer either to the Lord's 
supper, or to the festival accompanying it. 

7. Eucharist, sixaQiaila, a very ancient and general appellation, 



294 OF the lord's supper. 

founded on the scriptural expression svyaQiaTr/crag, Matt. 26: 27. 
Mark 14: 23. Luke 22: 19. 1 Cor. 11: 24. The name eucharist, 
thanks-giving, was applied to this ordinance, because gratitude for 
the divine mercy and grace is the chief requisite in those who par- 
take of it. 4 

8. EvXoyia, celebratio laudis, benedictio, thanksgiving, synony- 
mous with the preceding, Matt. 26: 26. Mark 14: 22. 1 Cor. 10: 16. 
After the fifth century, this- became the name for the consecrated 
bread which was set apart for the poor, and for the ministers of the 
church. 

9. Jlgocrcpoga, ablatio, oblation. The literal signification of this 
word is, a sacrificial offering, corresponding to the Hebrew 7"in:?3 , 
and the Syriac corban. It finally became synonymous with rDT , 
■&voiu, a sacrifice. It is applied to the elements used in celebrating 
the Lord's supper. The later Greek writers used the word avacpoQa, 
in a moral, rather than a literal sense, in allusion to the customary 
exhortation, sursum corda! " Lift up your hearts." The leading 
idea of the Latin, offertorium, is a voluntary offering ; but it appears 
to have been applied especially to the consecrated bread. 5 

10. Ovaia, sacrifice. This term is, with great propriety, used by 
early christian writers to denote the sacrifice of the body and blood 
of Christ, once offered for the sins of the world. 6 Other epithets of 
a similar import are sacrificium spirituale, sanctum, mysticum, ra- 
tionale, etc, but more frequently, -d-vata avaUuarog, the bloodless sa- 
crifice. After the seventh century, it began to be used to designate 
the mass, which was offered in the Roman Catholic church for the 
dead, and accordingly fell into disuse with the evangelical church. 

11. Mvanigiov, mysterium, mystery. This, coupled with the ad- 
jectives, cpQiv.iov cpgixwdec, qiQixcodscnaTov, etc., awful, tremendous, is 
familiar phraseology with Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzen ; but 
they seem to use it with reference to the ritual, rather than to any 
implied doctrine. The Lord's supper, as the last and most sol- 
emn rite of the secret discipline, was styled by Pseudo-Dionysius, 
t£\ett,v teXstwv, 1 perfection of perfections. The name hvuv)}qiov, which 
this ordinance received from its connection with the secret discipline, 
became the favorite phrase for setting forth the wonderful presence 
of the body and blood of Christ, which finally ended in the doctrine 
of transubstantiation. 8 

12. MvoiaywyLa, used by Cyril of Jerusalem and Theodoret, with 



NAMES OF THE SACRAMENT. 295 

special reference JLo the secret discipline. After the termination of 
that system, it appears not to have been used by evangelical writers. 

13. Svva^ig, i. e. avvayayrj, congregation coetus, conventus sacer, a 
solemn assembly. This phrase is of similar import with that of 
communion, with the additional idea of a solemn and public transac- 
tion. It indicates that this, in the primitive church, was the most 
important and solemn act of public worship. 

14. 'isgovgyia, operatio sacra, sacred ministration. Supposed to 
have been derived from the expression, ministering the gospel of 
God, Rom. 15: 16 ; and used in the same general and figurative 
sense. 

15. Auxovqyia, public service, liturgy. This, and its kindred 
terms, as used in the New Testament, relates to the service of the 
priesthood ; and was, probably, used in the same sense by Chrysos- 
tom and Theodoret, etc. It became, however, the practice, both in 
the Eastern and Western churches, to apply this epithet to the sacra- 
ment of the Lord's supper. But in the Roman Catholic church, it 
finally gave place to the name mass. 

16. Mass. This word has undergone a change from its simple 
origin and meaning, to another, more entirely different in use and 
signification than any other. Passing by various theories respecting 
the origin of this word which have been advanced and refuted, it will 
be sufficient briefly to set forth its true etymology. 

The word is undoubtedly derived from the Latin missa, which 
stands for missio, or dimissio populi, with direct reference to the an- 
cient mode of dismissing the people at the close of religious worship. 
From being a participle, it has become a noun substantive, for missio 
like remissa, ae, for remissio, or offensa, ae, for offensio. 

By the secret discipline of the ancient church, none but believers 
were permitted to be present at the celebration of the Lord's supper. 
During a certain portion of religious worship all were allowed, in- 
discriminately, to attend. At the close of this part of the service, 
the catechumens and unbelievers of every description, were dismis- 
sed by the deacon who said, Ite ! missa est sc. ecclesia, Depart ! the 
assembly is dismissed. From this custom the religious service, 
which had just been concluded, was called missa catechumenorum. 
the service of the catechumens. Then followed the missa jidelium, 
the service of the faithful, or of believers. Hence the change from 
missa to mass, the latter being only a slight modification of the form- 
er word. 



296 OF the lord's supper. 

Protestants have uniformly rejected this term with abhorrence, be- 
cause of the abuses which, under this name, have been connected 
with the sacrament, both in ancient and modern times, whilst they 
have protested against the charge of a want of regard for the real 
missa or mass of the primitive church. 

The above is a brief summary of the author's remarks on the sub- 
ject of mass. The reader is referred to various authorities in the 
index. 9 

17. Sacramentum altaris, sacrament of the altar. This phrase is 
used in common by the Greek, Roman, and Lutheran churches. Bui 
the reformed church reject the phrase, because of their aversion to 
the word altar. 

But, without the addition of the word altar, that of sacrament alone 
has, very generally, been used to denote the ordinance in question, 
this being the principal rite of religious worship; and, by way of 
emphasis, denominated the sacrament. 

18. Besides .the foregoing appellations in common use, and having 
a peculiar signification, there are many others of less frequent oc- 
currence, and more general character, the knowledge of which may 
be of importance as conveying ideas respecting the nature, signifi- 
cancy, dignity, and efficacy of the ordinance which they describe. 

The most of these are derived from relations of the bread and the 
wine ; the body and blood of Christ. .In this point of view the holy 
sacrament is represented as spiritual nourishment, the life and 
strength of the soul, etc. The terms body and blood, food and drink, 
bread and wine, were at first used in the same sense. Afterwards, 
in consequence of the prevailing custom of administering only one 
element, these terms were separated, and the ordinance was denoted 
by the appellations of body, food, bread, or blood, drink, wine, etc. 
The following are some of the expressions in question. 

1. Corpus Christi, body of Christ. 

2. Cibus Dei, s. Domini, food of God or the Lord. 

3. Cibus coelestis, heavenly food. 

4. Cibus angelorum, angels' food. 

5. Cibus viatorum, mortalium, aegrotorum, food of travellers, 
mortals, the sick, etc. 

6. Manna coelestis, heavenly manna. 

7. Panis super subs tantialis, equivalent to living bread or bread in- 
deed. The expression " our daily bread," in our Lord's prayer^ 
was applied to the consecrated bread. Hence the expression above. 



NAMES OF THE SACRAMENT. 297 

3. Pants Dei, s. Domini, bread of God. 

9. Panis vitae, bread of life. 

10. Panis coelestis, heavenly bread. 

11. Ecpodiov, viaticum, provisions for a journey. It was an ancient 
custom to administer the sacrament to the sick in the last stages of 
life, and also to put the sacred elements in the coffin of the deceased. 
Hence the appellation above. Death was, to the ancient Christian, 
a journey from this to the eternal" world, and the sacrament fur- 
nished the needful provisions for that journey. But the custom of 
administering the sacrament to the dying, was finally abandoned. 

12. Mtxiklrpiaig, participation, communion, i. e. with saints or with 
Christ, etc. 

13. ^AgQttfiwv, uggafiwv jijg [isXXowrjg ^oai\g, pledge, pledge of eter- 
nal life, 2 Cor. 1: 22. 5: 6, and Eph. 1: 14. 

14. <PaQiiay.ov a&avacrlag, upildoiog tov firj ano&avuv, medicamen- 
turn, medicina corporis et mentis, purgatorium, amuletum, and other 
phrases, expressive of medicinal properties for the soul. 

15. Sacramentum pads, the reconciling ordinance, a favorite ex- 
pression of Chrysostom. 

16. The terms applied to baptism were often transferred to the 
Lord's supper, such as hgovgyla, (ivairjQtov, already mentioned ; to 
qxag, i) £co?), r/o-WT^om, rj shrug, 6 xa&ugiviibg, r\ vno&mig ttj? Ttaggrjcrlotg, 
light, life, salvation, hope, purification, access to the Father by Christ, 
with assurance of adoption* 

* The following sentence in Costeri Institut. Chr. lib. i. c. 6, consists of 
extracts from various writers, chiefly from JBernhard of Clairvaux : — Eucha- 
ristia est medicina aegrotis, perigrinantibus via ; debiles confortat, valentes 
delectat, languorem sanat, sanitatem servat ; fit homo mansuetior ad correc- 
tionem, potentior ad laborem, ardentior ad amorera, sagacior ad cautelam, 
ad obedientiam promptior, ad gratiarum cautiones devotior; hie dimittuntur 
peccata quotidiana, expelluntur potestates Satanae, dantur vires ad ipsum eti- 
am martyrium subeundum ; minuitur in minimis peccatis sensus, in gravio- 
ribus tollitur omnino consensus, denique afferuntur omnia bona ; quia homo 
communicans in id transit, quod sumit. — The following expressions are from 
the language of the Council of Trent (Cone. Trident, Sess. xiii. p. 77 — 86, ed. 
Lugd. 1677 — 8) : — Eucharistia est symbolum unitatis et caritatis, qua Chris- 
tus omnes Christianos inter se conjunctos et copulat.os esse voluit. — Symbo-. 
lum rei sacrae, et invisibilis gratiae forma visibilis. — Spirituals animarum 
cibus. — Panis angelorum.— Animae vita, perpetua sanitas mentis. — Antido- 
tum liberans a culpis et peccatis. — Fignus futurae gloriae. 

38 



298 OF the lord's supper. 

The holy sacrament, from the eleventh century, became the ordeal 
for proving the guilt or innocence of persons suspected, or accused 
of crimes ; and, throughout the nations of Europe, was also em- 
ployed as the means of ratifying an oath, asseveration, or execration. 
The names of the holy sacrament are familiar in the dialect of the 
profane in every language. Even a celebrated christian queen, in 
her paroxisms of rage, was accustomed to swear by the blood of 
God! 

§ 2. Scriptural Account of the Lord's Supper. 1 

The evangelists who record the institution of the Lord's supper 
give it no peculiar name or title. St. Paul, in his first epistle to the 
Corinthians styles it the Lord's supper, the table of the Lord, and the 
communion, 11: 20. 10: 21. 10: 16. No other distinctive appella- 
tion appears to have been given to it in the Scriptures. 

Our Saviour instituted this ordinance in connection with the passo- 
ver, and authorized his disciples to celebrate it in this connection. 
But it was evidently observed as a separate and independent ordi- 
nance in the times of the apostles and with their sanction. The 
apostle Paul in 1 Cor. xi. makes no mention of the passover, but 
speaks of the communion as a customary rite : " As often as ye eat 
this bread and drink this cup ye do show the Lord's death until he 
come. 

This sacrament, however, was probably celebrated annually in 
connection with the passover by the converts from the Jews, who, 
as Epiphanius has shown, 2 continued for many years to observe this 
Jewish festival ; and, even in the christian church generally, it was 
celebrated with peculiar solemnity, at the festival of Easter, which 
corresponded to this passover. 

From the circumstance that it was instituted in connection with 
the passover, appears to have been derived the custom of celebrat- 
ing it, not as a separate and independent religious ordinance, but as 
one of the common rites of public worship, and as the conclusion of 
the service. 

It may appear, at first thought, singular that John, the beloved 
disciple, the bosom friend of our Lord, who with Peter made ready 
the passover, entirely omits to mention the Lord's supper. It 
should, however, be recollected that John's gospel was evidently in- 



SCRIPTURAL ACCOUNT. 299 

tended to be supplementary to the others, and that his own narrative 
clearly shows that it was intentionally omitted. 

The account given by St. Paul is of special importance to us ; for 
it not only harmonizes with the narrations of the apostles and con- 
firms them, but it shows that the Lord's supper is an established or- 
dinance in the church, and designed for perpetual observance. He 
severely rebukes the disorders and abuses which the Corinthians had 
introduced, relates the original institution in conformity with the nar- 
rative given by Luke, and assures them that he shall set the whole 
in order when he comes. 

The question has been raised whether Christ himself partook of 
the sacrament ? To this the narrative offers no satisfactory reply. 
The opinions of the Church have been greatly divided on this point. 
Chrysostom 3 and Augustine 4 maintain the affirmative. This opinion 
is rendered highly probable from the circumstance that he carefully 
observed all the Mosaic ordinances, and received baptism at the 
hands of John, because thus it became him to fulfil all righteousness. 
In conformity with the same spirit it is hardly credible that he would 
have omitted a rite so significant as the one under consideration. 
The advocates of the doctrine of transubstantiation strenuously main- 
tain the contrary opinion. 

Another inquiry, which has divided the opinions of ecclesiastical 
writers, has been raised respecting the presence of Judas the traitor. 
Did he partake of the sacrament ? The Apostolical Constitutions 
affirm that he was not present at the celebration of the Lord's sup- 
per. The advocates of this opinion rely chiefly on John 13: 30 — 
He then having received the sop, went immediately out. They of 
the contrary opinion appeal to Luke 22: 11 — And when the hour 
was come he sat down and the twelve apostles with him. In deliver- 
ing the cup our Lord said also, Drink ye all of it. The prevailing 
sentiment in the church has been that the traitor did partake of the 
sacred elements in company with the other disciples. 5 

The bread used on this occasion was doubtless the unleavened 
bread which was provided for the passover. No stress, however, is 
laid on the nature or kind of bread ; but on the breaking of the bread 
in token of the body of Christ broken for us. 

The wine was, with equal probability, the common wine of the 
country, of a dark red color, and was received without mixture with 
water. The significancy of the distribution of the cup, however, 



300 OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. 

consisted not in the quality or color of the wine, but in its being 
poured out in token of the Mood of Christ shed for the remission of 
sins. 

The eucharist appears to have been celebrated at first in the eve- 
ning, with reference, no doubt, to the time of its original institution. 
But no directions are given on this head. See 1 Cor. 10: 23. Acts 
20:7. 

§ 3. Testimony of pagan Writers. 

Notwithstanding all the care of the primitive Christians to conceal 
this sacred ordinance from their enemies, it was known, and the cel- 
ebration of it was prohibited 1 by Roman magistrates, as appears from 
Pliny's Letter. Lucian of Samosata speaks of our Lord as the great 
magician who instituted new mysteries. Celsus, with reference to 
this sacred festival, as appears from Origen, also severely censures 
the Christians against whom he wrote, 2 for holding certain secret as- 
semblies, and celebrating unauthorized rites. The frequent charges 
alleged against them of sensuality, and incest, of offering human 
sacrifices, and of celebrating horrible orgies in secret, evidently re- 
late to the same ordinance. See references 3 for a fuller view of this 
subject. 

§ 4. Testimony of the Apostolical Fathers. 

Neither Barnabas, nor Polycarp, nor Clement of Rome make any 
mention of the Lord's supper. This omission is the more remarka- 
ble in the latter, inasmuch as he wrote a long epistle to the Corin- 
thians, whom the apostle so severely censures for their abuse of this 
ordinance. Ignatius is the only one of the apostolical fathers whose 
writings have any reference to the subject before us, and these pas- 
sages from his epistles, even if their genuineness be admitted, are of 
little importance. In his epistle to the Ephesians,c. 4, he speaks of 
the breaking of one bread, the medicine of immortality. In his epis- 
tle to the Philadelphians, c. 5, with evident allusion to Eph. 4: 2—7, 
he speaks of one faith, one preaching, one eucharist — one loaf or 
bread broken for all. There is another passage in his epistle to the 
Smyrniotes, c. 8, which is of a more doubtful authority than either 
of the foregoing. 



TESTIMONY OF THE FATHERS. 301 

It is even more remarkable that most of the early apologists for 
Christianity, such as Minucius Felix, Athenagoras, Tatian, Theophi- 
ius of Antioch, and Arnobius do not make any mention of the sacra- 
ment, the most sacred ordinance of the christian religion. Justin 
Martyr, happily for us, has given two descriptions of this ordinance 
in nearly the same words, Apol. I. c. 61 — 67, the one probably re- 
lating to the celebration immediately after baptism — the other, to the 
ordinary administration of the sacrament, on the Lord's day, in con- 
nection with the agapae. " On Sunday we all assemble in one 
place," he says again, " both those who live in the city and they who 
dwell in the country, and the writings of apostles and prophets are 
read so long as the time permits. When the reader stops, the presi- 
dent of the assembly makes an address in which he recapitulates 
the glorious things that have been read, and exhorts the people to 
follow them. Then we all stand up together and pray. After 
prayer, bread, wine and water are brought in. The president of 
the meeting again prays according to his ability, and gives thanks, to 
which the people respond, Amen. After this, the bread, wine and 
water are distributed to those present, and the deacons carry por- 
tions to such as are necessarily detained from the meeting. Those 
who are able and willing, contribute what they please in money, 
which is given to the president of the meeting, and is appropriated 
to the support of widows and orphans, the sick, the poor, and whom- 
soever is necessitous." 

It appears from an examination of both passages, that the conse- 
cration of the elements was made in the name of the three persons 
of the Godhead. He speaks of a " thanksgiving to the Father of 
the universe, through or in the name of his Son, and the Holy 
Ghost." 

The dialogue with Trypho the Jew, usually ascribed to Justin, 
speaks of the " offering of the bread of thanksgiving, and of the cup 
of thanksgiving;" and of the " eucharistic meal of bread and wine ;" 
of the " dry and liquid food with which Christians commemorate the 
sufferings once endured by the Son of God ;" but gives no additional 
information respecting the celebration of the ordinance. 

Irenaeus, in his controversial writings, brought into use the words 
nqovyoQu, and d-valu, which Justin Martyr had introduced ; his wri- 
tings, however, are chiefly of a controversial character, and accord- 
ingly have little reference to the ritual of the church ; he contends 



302 OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. 

that the eucharist should be regarded as a sacrifice, in opposition to 
the Gnostics, who contended that all sacrifices had ceased. Ire- 
naeus however distinguished this from the Jewish sacrifices, as of a 
higher and nobler character ; x he appears to have been acquainted 
with the doctrine of the symbolical presence of Christ in the ele- 
ments, and with the mixing of wine with water. 2 

Clement of Alexandria, and Origen, offer much important matter 
in regard to the doctrine of the eucharist, but very little relating to 
the rites of its celebration. The former speaks of the two-fold na- 
ture of the blood of Christ, bodily and spiritual, and of the mixing 
the wine with water. 3 The latter is the first to commend the reve- 
rential custom of the church in guarding every particle of the conse- 
crated bread from falling to the ground. " You who frequent our 
sacred mysteries know that when you receive the body of the Lord, 
you take care with all due caution and veneration that not even the 
smallest particle of the consecrated gift should fall to the ground and 
be wasted. If, through inattention, any part thus fall, you justly ac- 
count yourselves guilty. If then, with good reason you use so much 
caution in preserving his body, how can you esteem it a lighter sin 
to slight the word of God than to neglect his body." 4 

From Tertullian we learn, that this ordinance was celebrated be- 
fore daylight in the morning, " antelucanis coetitibus" and received 
only at the hands of the presiding minister, " nee de aliorum manu 
quam praesidentium sumimus." He also intimates that the sacred 
elements were strictly guarded from waste and accident ; but ex- 
pressly declares that all these usages are observed from tradition, 
and the force of custom, without any scriptural authority whatever. 5 

Cyprian treats at length of the types of the Lord's supper in the 
Old Testament, and of the elements ; and censures severely the 
practice of administering water instead of wine. Certain sects at 
that time maintained that the use of wine, even at the sacrament, 
was sinful. It further appears from his writings, that the eucharist 
was administered daily, — that it was offered to children and on one 
occasion, was administered by a female enthusiast,— that the sacred 
elements were sent to the absent communicants, — and that the con- 
secrated bread was carried by the communicants from the table of 
the Lord. According to the same author, they also received the 
sacred elements in communion from the officiating minister into 
their own hands. 6 



TESTIMONY OF THE FATHERS. Si)S 

But the most important information in our possession respecting 
the point under consideration, is derived from the Apostolical Con- 
stitutions. This is the oldest liturgical document now extant in the 
church, and is evidently the basis of the formularies and liturgies 
both of the Eastern and Western churches. 7 Brief descriptions of 
the eucharist, and of the agapae, are found in different parts of this 
work ; 8 and full descriptions of the liturgies and formularies connec- 
ted with this service ; 9 from which the following particulars are 
collected. 

a) The agapae are distinguished from the eucharist 

b) The ordinance was celebrated with profound secresy as a sa- 
cred mystery ; catechumens, penitents, and unbelievers of every de- 
scription, being excluded with the greatest caution, and the doors 
carefully guarded. 

All believers in good and regular standing were expected to par- 
take of the elements. 

c) The sexes were separated. 

d) The ordinance was administered in the usual time of public 
worship, in the morning, and in the ordinary place of assembly. No 
intimation is given of a celebration by night. 

e) The consecration of the elements was performed by the chief- 
priest, aQxtsosvg, this term is sometimes used as synonymous with 
that of bishop ; but even if we do not admit the identity of presbyters 
and bishops, and of teaching and ruling bishops, we must still admit 
that the presbyter was permitted, at times, to consecrate the ele- 
ments, especially in the absence of the bishop. 

f) The consecrating minister offered a prayer in his own behalf, 
as well as more general petitions ; and then distributed the bread 
himself. The cup was distributed by the deacons. 

g) Mention is made of a splendid robe for the minister, and of his 
making the sign of the cross upon his forehead. 

h) The elements were presented simply in these words : " The 
body of Christ ; the blood of Christ, the cup of life ;" to which the 
communicant simply responded, "Amen !" The brevity of this form 
is strikingly contrasted with the prolonged prayers, and formalities 
of the other parts of this service. 

i) During the service, the 34th Psalm was sung. The 42d and 
139th came into use at a later period. The attention of the assem- 



304 OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. 

bly was called for with the usual form, Svco xov vow, — fyofitv nqoq 
xov xvqlov, — sursum corda, hdbemus ad Dominum. 

k) The three elements, bread, wine, and water, are mentioned ; 
the two last being mixed in the same vessel. The bread was broken 
for distribution, and the fragments carefully preserved. 

1) The communicants were required sometimes to stand erect ; 
and sometimes to kneel, and with the head inclining forward to re- 
ceive the blessing. 

§ 5. Times of Celebration. 

Under this head two points of inquiry arise. 1. At what hour or 
part of the day. 2. How often, and on what particular occasions, 
was the Lord's supper celebrated ? In regard to these particulars, 
there appears to have been no uniformity of practice or harmony of 
views in the primitive church. A brief summary of the usages of 
the church at different times is however given below. 

1. The time of day. This solemnity was originally instituted in 
the evening or at night, Matt. 26: 20. 1 Cor. 11: 23, and on some 
occasions was celebrated by night by the apostles ; and probably at 
other times of the day also, Acts 2: 46. 1 Cor. 16: 2. 

Nothing definite can be determined from Justin Martyr respecting 
the time of celebrating the sacrament. 

At a later period mention is made by Ambrose, 1 and Augustine, 2 
of the celebration of it by night on certain occasions, and as an ex- 
ception to the general rule. It was afterwards administered in the 
morning even on the occasions mentioned by them. 

Tertullian speaks of the celebration of it on Easter eve. 3 This, in 
the fourth and fifth centuries, was the most solemn period for the 
celebration, both of baptism, and of the Lord's supper ; and was ob- 
served as such even in the ninth century. 4 In the eleventh and 
twelfth centuries it was transferred to the evening, and then to the af- 
ternoon of the day before Easter, and afterwards, to the morning of 
the same day. 

The celebration on Christmas eve continued until a late period. 
To this ancient custom of celebrating the eucharist by night is to be 
traced the modern custom of burning lighted tapers on such occa- 
sions. 5 

The Roman laws forbade assemblies by night, even for religious 



TIMES OF CELEBRATION. 305 

worship. For this reason, probably, the early Christians selected 
the last hours of the night, towards morning, for holding their reli- 
gious meetings. This was neither a forbidden nor a suspicious hour, 
and yet it was sufficient to satisfy their views of the necessity of 
celebrating the eucharist by night. Other reasons were afterwards 
sought out, drawn from scriptural representations of Christ, as the Sun 
of righteousness, Dayspring from on high, Light of the world, etc. 
Nine o'clock in the morning became the canonical hour as early as 
the fifth century. And it was settled that the sacrament should be 
celebrated on Sundays and high festivals at this hour, and at twelve 
o'clock on other occasions. 

2. Times and Seasons. In the primitive church, it was an univer- 
sal custom to administer this ordinance on Thursday in Easter week, 
that being the day of its original institution. In commemoration of 
this, some contended that the ordinance ought to be restricted to 
an annual celebration on this day ; but the prevailing sentiment 
of the church was in favor of frequent communion, as a means of 
quickening them in the christian life ; and in conformity with what 
they believed to be the injunction of St. Paul, 1 Cor. 11: 26. 

Whatever theories may exist respecting the original institution of 
the christian sabbath, it is an established historical truth that it was 
observed very early in the second century ; and that the sacrament 
was usually celebrated on that day. This was doubtless the status 
dies, the fixed, appointed day of Pliny. 6 It is distinctly mentioned 
in the epistle of Ignatius to the Magnesians, p. 57. The genuineness 
of the passage has indeed been called in question, and the controver- 
sy is still unsettled. The observance of the day may be clearly 
shown from Tertullian. 7 Justin Martyr says, " We all meet together 
on Sunday ;" and the reason assigned is, that this is the first day of 
the week, when in the beginning light was created, and when also our 
Lord Jesus Christ, arose from the dead. 8 It was called also dies pa- 
nts — the day of bread, with evident allusion to the celebration of the 
sacrament on that day. The weekly celebration of the sacrament 
was strongly recommended at the reformation, but no positive enact- 
ment was made to that effect. 

But we must not suppose that the celebration of this ordinance 
in the ancient church was restricted to any particular or appointed 
season. On the contrary, it was observed to a considerable extent 
daily in the primitive church, and probably by the apostles them- 

39 



306 OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. 

selves, Acts 2: 42, 46. Trenaeus says, " It is the will of the Lord 
that we should make our offering at his altar frequently, and without 
intermission, sic et ideo nos quoque offerre Dominus vult munus ad 
altare frequenter sine inter missioned Express testimonies to this 
effect, of a date somewhat later, are cited in the index. 10 

The celebration of this rite immediately after the baptism of adults, 
on the eve of Easter, and of Whitsuntide, has been already mentioned. 
And also on Christmas eve. It was after the discontinuance of the 
stated times for baptism and of the festive vigils preceding, that the 
communion was transferred to the morning, as has been already 
mentioned. 



§ 6. Place of Celebration. 1 

The sacrament was instituted in a private house, and the " break- 
ing of bread" by the apostles, Acts 2: 46. 20: 7, 8, was in the private 
houses of believers. But the Corinthians, it appears, had a place 
distinct from their own houses, set apart for the celebration of this 
rite and of public worship, 1 Cor. 11: 20. 

In times of persecution, the Lord's supper was administered wher- 
ever it could be done with secrecy and safety, in secret places, in 
dens and caves of the earth, in the wilderness, and desert fields, etc. 
But it was a rule from the beginning that, as far as practicable, this 
ordinance should be solemnized in the public assembly, and in the 
customary place of public worship. The consecration of the ele- 
ments, especially, was at times regarded as an act to be perform- 
ed only in public ; as appears from the custom of sending the con- 
secrated elements to the sick, and to the poor or infirm who might 
be absent. The consecration in private houses was expressly forbid- 
den by the council of Laodicea, c. 58. 

The communion table, or altar ^ was common as early as the sec- 
ond century. This, styled dvaiaaTriQiov, was at first made of wood, 
hence the expression r t amygla tov $ilov. Altars wrought from 
stone became common in the time of Constantine, and in the West- 
ern church were required by ecclesiastical authority in the begin- 
ning of the sixth century. 2 

The custom of covering the altar with white linen was very ancient. 
Optatus is the first writer who expressly mentions this practice. 3 Al- 
lusions are also made to it by several other authors. 4 



MINISTERS OF THE LORD'S SUTFER. 307 



§ 7. Ministers of the Lord's Supper. 1 

As in baptism, so in the administration of this ordinance, a devia- 
tion from the general rule in cases of necessity was authorized by 
common consent. The following remarks must be regarded as ex- 
hibiting only the prevailing principles and usages in relation to this 
subject, without regard to the occasional exceptions and minor points 
of controversy. 

Nothing is said in the 'New Testament respecting the person 
whose prerogative it is to administer this sacrament. Our Lord 
himself administered it at the time of its institution ; and the prob- 
ability is that the apostles, afterwards, performed the same office, 
Acts 20: 7. 2: 42, 46. 1 Cor. 10: 14 seq. 11: 23 seq. 

According to the earliest documents of the second and third cen- 
turies, it was the appropriate office of the bishop or president of the 
assembly to administer the eucharist. Justin Martyr's account of 
this rite is, that the president, 6 nqomjag tmv adslcpoiv, pronounced 
the form of prayer and praise over the elements, and the deacons 
distributed them among the communicants who were present, and 
conveyed them to such as were absent. 2 According to Ignatius, the 
ordinance could not be administered without the presence of the 
bishop. 3 In the Apostolical Constitutions, the administration of this 
ordinance is ascribed, at one time, to the chief priest, wqxisqevq ; at 
another, to the bishop, inicrxoTtog. 4 He is directed to stand before 
the altar with the presbyters and deacons, and to perform the office 
of consecration. The same is required by Cyril of Jerusalem, and 
by Dionysius. 5 

It was a rule, of long continuance; that a presbyter should not 
consecrate the elements in the presence of the bishop. In the pres- 
ence of several bishops this service devolved upon the senior officer, 
or upon some one specially designated for this purpose. 

It was also the duty of the bishop during the seventh and 
eighth centuries. But in the middle ages the bishops seldom offi- 
ciated at this service. Their neglect of this duty is ascribable, per- 
haps, to their increasing cares and duties, and the extent of their 
dioceses ; but especially to the pride of office ; which did not com- 
port with the discharge of the ordinary duties of religion, an opinion 
that presents a striking contrast to the pious zeal of the bishops of 



308 

the first centuries, in presiding and officiating at the table of the 
Lord. 6 

In general it was a rule of the primitive church that the bishop 
consecrated the elements, assisted sometimes by the presbyter. 7 
The presbyter distributed the bread, and the deacon presented the 
cup. 8 In the absence of the bishop, the service of the consecration 
was performed by the presbyter, and both elements were distributed 
by the deacons. In the performance of this service the deacons 
acted simply as the assistants of the bishop or presbyter. They not 
unfrequently assumed the prerogative of consecrating the elements ; 
but this practice was expressly forbidden by repeated acts of eccle- 
siastical councils. 9 

It early became a custom, in the primitive church, for the minis- 
ter to prepare himself for his solemn office at the table of the Lord 
by appropriate religious duties. Confession and private prayer 
were afterwards required. Fasting and abstinence from sensual in- 
dulgences were likewise enjoined.* It was also an ancient custom for 
the clergy to wash their hands before administering the elements. 11 



§ 8. Of the Communicants. 1 

Under this head three things require particular notice. 1. The 
persons who were admitted to the communion of the Lord's supper. 
2. Their preparation for this ordinance. 3. Their deportment in the 
participation of it. 

1. Persons admitted to the holy communion. It appears from the 
Apostolical Constitutions, 2 that, after the doors had been carefully 
closed and a guard set, the deacon made a public proclamation of 
the different classes of persons who were not permitted to be present 
on the occasion. These were the first and second classes of cate- 
chumens, the y.ati]xov(xivoi and axQowfc&voi — the unbelievers, Jews 
and pagans, and reputed heretics and separatists of every descrip- 

* Sacerdos Syrus earn noctem, quae liturgiani praecedet, vigilando in ec- 
clesia, aut secretario ducit insomnem, orationibus et sacrae lectioni vacans, 
ne per somnium ludibrio aliquo contaminetur. Si uxorem habet, abstinere 
abilla debet per dies aliquot; jejunasse etiam praecedente vespera,et saltern 
vino et omni liquore, quo caput tentari, potest abstinuisse. Similem consue- 
tudinem in ecclesia per noctandi antequam liturgia celebritur vigere apud 
Nestorianos. Mesipotamanos testati sunt, qui Bagdado saepe hue venerunt 
sacerdotes. — Rcuaudot. Lit. Orient. T. p. 49. 



OF THE COMMUNICANTS. 309 

tion. The penitents and energumens are not here mentioned, but it 
appears from other sources that they were not permitted to be pres- 
ent at the Lord's table. None indeed but believers in full commu- 
nion with the church were permitted to be present. All such, origi- 
nally, partook of the sacrament. Neither in the New Testament, 
nor by Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, or any of the earliest christian 
writers, is any intimation given of a selection of communicants. 
All persons present communicated ; and, according to Justin, the 
sacred elements were even sent by the hands of the deacons to ab- 
sent members of the church, who might be sick, or otherwise pre- 
vented from coming to the table of the Lord. According to the 
rule of St. Ambrose, omnes christiani, omni dominica, debent offerre, 
"all Christians ought, on every Lord's day, to partake of the Lord's 
supper." Such as came to church without receiving the sacrament, 
are repeatedly threatened with excommunication for this irregulari- 
ty. 3 But such cases of absence must have become customary in the 
fourth and fifth centuries, as appears from the severity with which 
this delinquency is rebuked by Chrysostom and others. 4 

In the sixth century, persons of this description, who did not wish 
to receive the sacrament, withdrew before the solemnity began, but 
not until they had received the blessing of the minister. 5 This was 
virtually sanctioning the custom of absenting one's self from the 
communion, and gave rise to the distinction, among the members of 
the church, of communicants and non- communicants, a distinction un- 
known in the primitive church. 

From this it afterwards became customary for the presbyters to 
keep consecrated bread, called eulogia, to offer to such persons as 
chose to partake of it instead of uniting in regular communion with 
the church. To this substitute for full communion it is easy to refer 
the origin of private masses, and of communion in one kind. This per- 
version of the ordinance became common in the thirteenth century. 
To the same origin, no doubt, is to be traced the idea of a half-way 
covenant, which has at times prevailed in the church. They that 
received the eulogia in the place of the sacrament, were called half- 
way communicants. 

Agreeably to all the laws and customs of the church, baptism con- 
stituted membership with the church. All baptized persons were 
legitimately numbered among the communicants, as members of the 
church. Accordingly the sacrament immediately followed the ordi- 



310 OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. 

nance of baptism, that the members thus received might come at 
once into the enjoyment of all the rights and privileges of christian 
fellowship. But in all these instances the baptized person is of ne- 
cessity supposed to have been of adult age, capable of exercising 
faith, according to the injunction, " Believe and be baptized." 

After the general introduction of infant baptism, the sacrament 
continued to be administered to all who had been baptized, whether 
infants or adults. The reason assigned by Cyprian and others for 
this practice was, " that age was no impediment ; that the grace of 
God, bestowed upon the subjects of baptism, was given without 
measure and without any limitation as to age." 6 Augustine strongly 
advocates this practice, 7 and for authority appeals to John 6: 53, 
Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink Ms blood, you 
have no life in you. 

The custom of infant communion continued for several centuries. 
It is mentioned in the third council of Tours, A. D. 813, and even 
the council of Trent, A. D. 1545, only decreed that it should not be 
considered essential to salvation. It is still scrupulously observed by 
the Greek church. 8 

The African church were accustomed to administer the eucharist 
to the dead, as has been already mentioned ; and, in some instan- 
ces, even to bury with them some of the consecrated elements. 
But the latter custom seems not to have prevailed to any considera- 
ble degree, and the former was severely condemned. 9 The conse- 
crated elements were frequently conveyed to such as w T ere sick or 
in prison ; but they were seldom consecrated in a private house. 10 

2. Preparation of the Communicants. The several preliminary 
rites of baptism which have been already detailed, were regarded as 
a due preparation both for that ordinance, and for the sacrament 
which immediately followed. But, for every subsequent return to 
the table of the Lord, a special and solemn preparation was required 
of each communicant. The ordinance was regarded with the deep- 
est religious awe, which none could duly approach without self-ex- 
amination, and a tender christian spirit, coupled with a holy life. 

The following rites especially, were observed preparatory to the 
communion of the Lord's supper. 

1. Self examination, and confession of sin before God, as taught 
in ICor. 11:28. 

2. Absolution, or a removal of ecclesiastical censures and penal- 



OF THE COMMUNICANTS. 311 

ties. No one who was the subject of discipline could come to the 
Lord's supper until he had first been restored to full and regular 
standing with the church. 

3. Fasting, humiliation, and abstinence, from sensual pleasures, in 
much the same manner as was required of the officiating minister. 11 
See page 308. 

4. The communicants wore a peculiar apparel suited to the occa- 
sion. This was probably white raiment similar to that which was 
put on after baptism, though no specific law was given on this sub- 
ject. The women wore veils, usually white, called Dominicalia. 12 

5. Communicants of both sexes were accustomed to wash their 
hands, previously to receiving the sacred elements. This was not a 
ceremonial purification, but a rite dictated by a sense of propriety, 
quiddam secundum se conveniens. 13 

The following extracts from Chrysostom are given to exhibit the 
elevated sentiments of piety which according to that venerable father 
should pervade our breasts at the table of the Lord. 

" When thou sittest down to a common table, remember that 
spiritual table, and call to mind that supper of the Lord. Con- 
sider what words thy mouth hath spoken, words worthy of such a 
table, what things thy mouth hath touched or tasted, what meat it 
has fed upon. Dost thou think it no harm with that mouth to speak 
evil of and revile thy brother ? How canst thou call him brother ? 
If he is not thy brother, how couldst thou say ' Our Father?' — for 
that implies more persons than one. Consider with whom thou 
stoodest in the time of the holy mysteries ; with cherubim and sera- 
phim. But the cherubim use no reviling. Their mouth is filled 
with one office, glorifying and praising God. How then canst thou 
say with them, c Holy, Holy, Holy,' who usest thy mouth to reviling ? 
Tell me, if there was a royal vessel, always filled with royal dain- 
ties, and set apart only for this use, and one of the servants should 
use it for mean purposes, would he afterwards dare to place it, filled 
with that which is vile and refuse, among the other vessels appointed 
for royal use ? No, certainly. Yet this is the very case of railing 
and reviling. You say at the holy table, ' Our Father,' and then 
immediately add, ' which art in heaven.' This word raises you up, 
and gives wings to your soul, and shows that you have a Father in 
heaven. Therefore do nothing, speak nothing, of earthly things. 
He hath placed you in the order of spirits above, and appointed you 



312 OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. 

a station in that choir. Why then do you draw yourself downward ? 
You stand by the royal throne, and do you revile your brother ? 
How are you not afraid lest the king should take it as an affront of- 
fered to himself? If a servant beats or reviles another in our pre- 
sence, who are but his fellow-servants, though he does it justly, we 
rebuke him for it. And dare you stand before the royal throne, and 
revile your brother ? See you not these holy vessels ? Are they 
not always appropriated to one peculiar use ? Dares any one put 
them to any other ? But you are more holy than these vessels, yea, 
much more holy. Why then do you pollute and defile yourself ? 
You stand in heaven, and do you still use railing ? You converse 
with angels, and do you yet revile ? You are admitted to the Lord's 
holy kiss, and do you yet revile ? God hath honored and adorned 
your mouth so many ways, by angelical hymns, by food, not angeli- 
cal, but super-angelical, by his own kisses, and by his own embra- 
ces, and do you after all these revile ? Do not, I beseech you. Let 
that which is the cause of so many evils be far from the soul of a 
Christian. " (Horn. 14 in Ep. ad Ephes.) — " Be grateful to thy bene- 
factor by an excellent conversation ; consider the greatness of the 
sacrifice, and let that engage thee to adorn every member of thy body. 
Consider what thou takest in thy hand, and never after endure to 
strike any man ; do not disgrace that hand by the sin of fighting and 
quarrelling, which has been honored with the reception of so great a 
gift. Consider what thou takest in thy hand, and keep thy hand 
free from all robbery and injustice. Think again, how thou not only 
receivest it in thy hand, but puttest it to thy mouth ; and keep thy 
tongue pure from all filthy and contumelious speech, from blas- 
phemy and perjury, and all words of the like nature. For it is a 
most pernicious thing that the tongue, which ministers in such tre- 
mendous mysteries, and is dyed with the purple of such precious 
blood, and made a golden sword, should be put to the vile practice 
of railing and reviling, and scurrilous and abusive language. Re- 
gard with veneration the honor wherewith God has honored it ; and 
do not debase it to such mean offices of sin. Consider again, that, 
after thy hand and thy tongue, thy heart receives that tremendous 
mystery : — then never devise any fraud or deceit against thy neigh- 
bor, but keep thy mind pure from all malicious designs. And after 
the same manner guard thy eyes and thy ears." (Horn. 21 ad Pop, 
Antioch.) 



OF THE COMMUNICANTS. 313 

3. Acts and deportment of the communicants at the Lord's table. 

1. They were required to bring certain oblations or presents of 
bread and wine. The bread was enveloped in a white linen cloth 
called fano, and the wine was contained in a vessel called ama or 
amula. These offerings were brought to the altar after the deacon 
had said, ' Let us pray,' and while the assembly were engaged in 
singing a charity-hymn appropriate to the occasion. 14 The whole 
ceremony is minutely related in the note below.* The custom was 
abolished in the twelfth century. 

2. The communicants stood during the administration of the sa- 
crament, with their faces towards the East. 15 " Stantes oramus, quod 
est sicnum resurrectionis. Unde etiam omnibus diebus Dominicis 

o 

id ad altare observatur, et Hallelujah canitur, quod signiflcat action- 
em nostram futuram non esse nisi laudare Deum." — Augustine, Ep. 
191. ad Jan. c. 15. 

3. The clergy, according to their ranks respectively, first received 
the elements ; then the men, and lastly the women. 16 They advan- 
ced to the table two by two. After the fourth century, none but the 
clergy were usually permitted to come within the railing and to ap- 
proach the altar. 17 

4. The communicants received the elements sometimes standing, 
sometimes kneeling ; but never sitting. They took the bread and 
cup in their hands, and repeated after the minister the sacramental 
formulary, concluding with a loud ' Amen,' to signify that they be- 
lieved themselves to be partakers of the body and blood of Christ. 18 
The men received the elements with uncovered hands, previously 
washed ; the women used a part of the dominical as a napkin, with 
which to handle them. From the ninth century, the bread, instead 
of being delivered into the hands of the communicants, was placed 
in their mouths, to prevent its being sacrilegiously carried home. 
Their scrupulous care to prevent the least morsel from being wasted 

* " Egregium sane remotae antiquitatis pignus ac vestigium ad haec us- 
que tempora servatum. Nimirura alit eadem Ecclesia decern senes laicos, 
totidemque anus, quorum munus est, quibusdam solemnibus sacris interesse. 
Honesto ac antiquo vestium gcnere utuntur, et cum tempus Offertorii poscit, 
ex iis duo mares fanonibus, hoc est, mappis candidis involuti accedunt ad 
graclus Presbyterii, et dextra oblutas, sinistra amulas cum vino tenent, quae 
sacerdos illuc ab altari una cum ministris descendens, et duo argentea vasa 
deaurata deferens suscipit. idem subinde perngunt et foeminae duae anili 
aetate venerandae," — Murat.orii Antiq. Ital. T. IV. 
40 



314 OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. 

has been already mentioned. It is worthy of notice, that the Nesto- 
rians still exercise the same caution to prevent the waste of any 
particle of the sacred elements. 

At the close of the communion the people all knelt down and re- 
ceived the blessing of the priest, 19 after which he dismissed them, 
saying, ' Depart in peace.' 

The practice of kneeling during the consecration and distribution 
of the elements, was introduced in the twelfth and thirteenth cen- 
turies, and became general at a period still later. 20 

§ 9. Of the Elements. 1 

a) Of the Bread. 

1. Quality of the bread. The question whether leavened or un- 
leavened bread should be used in the sacrament, has been the sub- 
ject of a spirited dispute between the Greek and Latin churches. The 
former contended for the use of leavened, the latter of unleavened 
bread. Without attempting to follow our author through his pro- 
tracted discussion of this question ; suffice it to say, as the result of 
his investigation, that no rule was given by our Lord on this subject. 
It is even uncertain whether he used the unleavened bread of the 
passover or common bread at the institution of the supper. 

The early christian writers make no mention of the use of unlea- 
vened bread in celebrating the Lord's supper. 

The bread for the sacrament was supplied from the oblations 
which the communicants presented at the commencement of the so- 
lemnity, and was, probably, the same as that which was in common 
use. 

From the seventh century, the church at Rome used unleavened 
bread ; and the church at Constantinople continued the use of com- 
mon fermented bread, but the controversy between the two churches 
on the subject originated with Michael Cerularius, patriarch of Con- 
stantinople, in the year 1053. 

Protestants regard the quality of the bread as of no importance. 
For the most part they discontinued, at the reformation, the use of 
unleavened bread. But the Lutherans still continue it.* 

* Panis sit fermentatus, an azymus ; vinum rubrum, an album, nihil refert. 
Fermentatum et vulgarem panem fuisse ante temp us Alexandri Romani 



OF THE ELEMENTS. 315 

2. Form of the bread. The eucharistic bread in the church of 
Rome is styled the host, hostia. It consists of cakes of meal and 
water, made small, circular, and thin like wafers, by which name it 
is frequently called. These wafers have been known by various 
names, as panes eucharistici, sacramentales, orbiculares, tesselati, 
reticulati, placentae or biculares, nebula, and spuma panis, crustula 
farracea, coronae, panes numularii, denaria sacramentorum, etc. 
By the enemies of religion it has also been stigmatized with various 
opprobrious epithets. 

The host seems to have been used in the form above mentioned 
since the rise of the controversy with the Greek church in 1053. 

The use of these thin cakes is discarded by most of the reformed 
churches ; but retained by the Lutherans. 

b) Of the Wine. 1 
1. Color of the wine. The common wine of Palestine is of a red 
or dark color. Such was the wine which our Saviour used at the 
sacrament, as it would seem both from the nature of the case and 

Episcopi, narrant historiae : qui primus azymo pane delectatus est ; qua id 
ratione,non video, nisi ut plebis oculos novo spectaculo in admirationem tra- 
heret magis, quam ut animos proba religione institueret. Omnes objuro, qui 
vel levi aliquo pietatis studio tanguntur, annon evidenter perspiciant, et quan- 
to praeclarius Dei gloria hie resplendeat,et quanto affluentior spirituals con- 
solationis suavitas ad fideles transeat, quam in istisfrigidis et histrionicis nu- 
gis, quae nullum alium usum afferunt, nisi ut stupentis populi sensum fal- 
lunt. Calvin. Inst. Chr. Rel. lib. iv. c. 17, § 43. — Panis azymus ne sit an 
fermentatus, non magnopere putamus laborandum. Beza. Ep. 12, ad JInglic. 
EccL. Patres. — Odiosa excitata est contentio super materia coenae dominicae, 
contendentibus his, pane azymo, aliis vero fermentato esse utendum. Atqui 
apud veteres quandam de his nullae movebantur rixae. Nam ecclesiae pro 
libertate sua utebantur utroque. Videtur quidem Dominus in prima ilia coe- 
na usus esse pane azymo, in mensa ex veteri more celebrandi Paschatis re- 
licto, unde non paucae ecclesiae infermentato pane usae sunt, quae tamen 
fermentato pane utentes, non damnabant haereseos. Bullinger. ap. Gerhard. 
Loc. Theol. x. — Fermentati aeque ac azymi panis in Eucharistia liber usus 
est, dum modo ne alteruter ceu necessarius et nullo casu mutabilis praescri- 
batur. Uterque analogiam quandam fundit : ille nutritionis plenioris; hie 
sinceritatis et sanctitatis, ad quam Eucharistia obligat, majoris. Nostrae ec- 
clesiae usum azymi a Zuinglio, externorum ejusmodi plane incurioso et in- 
teriorum atque spiritualium tenacissimo, retentum, ceu fractioni et distribu- 
tion opportuniorem, ut mutarent, hactenus induci non potuerunt, novandi 
periculum metuentes. Heidegger. Corp. Theol. Christ. Loc. xxv. § 78. 



316 OF THE LORD'S SUFFER. 

from the declaration this is my blood, as well as from the scriptural 
expression, the blood of the grape, etc. The color of the wine was 
not considered as essential, but the red wines were generally prefer- 
red to the white. 2 

Of the mixture of wine with water. The ancient churches uni- 
versally mixed water with the sacramental wine. This mixture was 
called ygSfiu, from xeQavvvpi, misceo. By the Latin authors it was 
styled mixtum, temperatum. Some speak of this mixing of wine 
with water as an express precept of Christ. 3 Others rely upon pre- 
cedent, and early usage for authority. 4 But whatever may have 
been the origin of this custom it was abundantly authorized by the 
canons of the church. 5 

The Armenians used wine alone ; others used only water ; but 
both were condemned as heretics. 

Protestants, at the reformation, abandoned this ancient rite of the 
church, not as being unlawful or injurious, but because it was main- 
tained by the Catholics merely on the ground of ecclesiastical au- 
thority. 

The proportion of water mixed with the wine varied at different 
times. Sometimes it was one fourth ; at others, one third. The 
Western church mixed cold water only. The Greek church first 
mixed cold water, and afterwards added warm water, just before the 
distribution. This was said to be emblematical, at once of the fire 
of the Holy Spirit, and of the water which flowed from our Savior's 
side. 6 

Various other idle questions relating to the sacred elements at 
times agitated the church ; and various superstitious ceremonies 
were observed by different branches of the church, which it were 
superfluous to mention in detail. With some it was a question of 
what material the bread should be made — whether of the flour of 
wheat, or barley, or of that of some other grain. Others mingled 
salt and oil with the bread. Some substituted water for wine. Oth- 
ers used mingled wine. Indeed, this sacred ordinance of the Lord's 
supper, in itself so simple and so impressive, has been dishonored, 
at times, by casuistical discussions too ridiculous to be gravely rela- 
ted ; and desecrated by rites too horrible to be mentioned. 



DISTRIBUTION OF THE ELEMENTS. 317 



§ 10. Consecration of the Elements. 

The consecration of the elements was at a very early period per- 
formed with great formality, and with a set form of words and prayer, 
which were the subject of frequent discussion in different churches. It 
would be foreign to the design of this work to enumerate the various con- 
troversies that have prevailed on this subject. In general, the church 
has agreed that the elements should be set apart to a sacramental 
use by prayer. The words given in the original institution were 
uniformly included in the consecrating prayer. Some contended 
that a personal invocation of the Holy Spirit was essential to a due 
consecration of the elements. But all agreed in supplicating the 
graces of the Spirit to sanctify these gifts to them, and to make them 
partakers of the body and blood of Christ, i. e. of the benefits of his 
death. Several of the authors who have treated of this general sub- 
ject are enumerated in the index. 1 

Elevation of the host. As early, perhaps, as the third or fourth 
century, it became customary in the Eastern church to exhibit the 
consecrated elements to the people, to excite their veneration for the 
sacred mysteries of the sacrament. In the middle ages the host be- 
came the subject of adoration, under the notion that the elements, by 
transubstantiation, became the body and blood of Christ. This theo- 
logical dogma was introduced into Gaul in the twelfth century, and 
into Germany in the thirteenth. 2 

§11. Distribution of the Elements. 1 

Both the bread and the wine were universally administered to the 
clergy and laity alike until about the twelfth century, when the cup 
began, in the Western church, gradually to be withdrawn from the 
laity, on account of the disorders to which the use of it had given 
rise.* The Greek retains substantially the ancient custom. Protes- 
tants universally concur in administering both elements. 

Certum est, omnes passim clericos et laicos viros et mulieres, sub utra- 
que specie sacra mysteria antiquitus sumsisse, cum soleinni eorum celebra- 
tioni aderant et offerebant et de oblatis participabant. Extra sacrificium 
vero et extra ecclesiam semper et ubique communio sub una specie in usu 
fuit. Primae parti assertionis consentiunt omnes, tarn catholici quam secta- 



318 OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. 

The strictest order was observed in distributing the elements to 
the different ranks of people. The clergy first received them, and 
the others in a regular succession.* This rule is disregarded by 
protestants, with the exception of the English episcopal church. 

The communicants received the elements at the altar. The 
council of Laodicea, however, admitted only the clergy to the altar. 2 
The laity, and communicants of the other sex, from this time, usu- 
ally received the elements from without the chancel. 

xii ; nee earn negare potest, qui vel levissima rerum ecclesiasticarum notitia 
imbutus sit. Semper enim et ubique ab ecclesiae primordiis usque ad saecu- 
lum XIJ sub specie panis et vini communicarunt fideles ; coepitque paulatim 
ejus saeculi initio usus calicis obsolescere, plerisque episcopis eum populo 
intercidentibus ob periculum irreverentiae et effusionis, quod inevitable erat 
auctafidelium multitudine, in qua deesse non poterant minus cauti et attenti 
et parum religiosi. . . Paulatim introducta est communio sub sola specie pa- 
nis, posteaquam intolerandi abusus religiosos antistites ad abrogandum com- 
munem calicis usum induxerunt. Moribus enim immutatis leges quoque 
mutandae sunt, quae aliquando utiles atque optimae fuerunt. Haec autem 
mutatio facta est primum a diversis episcopis in suis ecclesiis, deinde aSyno- 
do Constantiensi c.monica sanctione pro omnibus stabilita. Bona Rer.Liturg. 
lib. ii. c. 18, § 1 . — Ab ecclesiae exordio ad saeculum usque XII eucharistiam 
etiam laicis sub utraque specie in publico solemnique eucbaristiae ministerio 
fuisse ministratam (etsi non semper et necessario), nullus est inter catholi- 
cos qui ignorat, si vel levissima rerum ecclesiasticarum notitia sit imbutus. 
Verum crescente indies fidelium numero, cum sanguis non raro a populo 
minus cauto et parum religtaso fuerit effusus, primum introducta fuit con- 
suetudo, ut ope tubuli vel fistulae cujusdam sumeretur, qu,ae fundo calicis, 
teste Lindano, quandoque fuit ferruminata, ne ob incultioris populi rustici- 
tatem tam facile effundi posset. Ast cum et haec praxis sua haberet incom- 
moda, coeperunt sacerdotes populo panem eucharisticam pretioso sanguine 
intinctum distribuere : qui mos saeculo XI et XII multis ecclesiis fuit fa- 
miliaris. Verum cum ilium reprobarint ecclesiae aliae, nee inconvenientiis 
satis iretur obviam, calicis usus saec. XIII semper semperque minui, et tan- 
dem saec. XIV fere generaliter obsolescere coepit, donee saec. XV post ex- 
ortam Hussitarum haeresin calix publico ecclesiae decreto Laicis omnibus 
fuerit sublatus. Krazer de Liturg. p. 567. 

* Ordo communionis hie erat, ut primo quidem Celebrans seipsum com- 
municaret, deinde Episcopos, si qui aderant, vel Presbyteros simul cum eo 
synaxin agentes : turn Diaconos, Subdiaconos et Clericos, Monachos, Dia- 
conissas et sacras Virgines ; novissime populum adjuvantibus Presbyteris, 
primum viros, postea mulieres. Idem in calicis distributione servabatur, ni- 
si quod Presbyteri per se ilium sumebant, Diaconi a Presbyteris, reliqui a 
Diaconis, ut ex Ordine Romano et ex Graecorum Euchologio constat. Bona 
Rer. Liturg. lib. ii. c. 17, p. 858. 



DISTRIBUTION OF THE ELEMENTS. 319 

It is remarkable that the primitive Christians used no established 
form in presenting the elements. This is the more remarkable, in- 
asmuch as they were so careful in regard to their baptismal formu- 
lary ; and is to be accounted for only from the fact, that the form of 
the original institution was introduced into the consecrating prayer. 
The earliest form of which we have any record was also the most 
simple and concise. In presenting the elements respectively, the 
presiding elder said : " The body of Christ ; the blood of Christ ; 
the cup of life." To which the communicant replied, "Amen." 3 
This response was, in time, omitted by the laity, and only repeated 
by the clergy ; but it is not known at what time this change took 
place. 

Under Gregory the Great, and subsequently, the forms following 
were in use : " The body of our Lord Jesus Christ preserve you 
unto eternal life." " The body and the blood of the Lamb of God, 
which is given to you for the remission of sins." " May the body 
and the blood of the Lamb of God be to you the salvation of soul 
and body." " May the body and the blood of the Lamb of God 
avail you to the remission of sins, and to life eternal." 4 

When the bread was dipped in the wine, the form of distribution 
ran thus : " The body of our Lord Jesus Christ, dipped in his blood, 
preserve your soul unto everlasting life." 5 

The Syriac and Greek churches had also each their own pecu- 
liar forms. But the protestant churches have, with great propriety, 
restored the original and significant form : " Take, eat : this is my 
body, which is broken for you," etc. 

Abuses connected with the celebration of this ordinance very early 
crept into the church. 6 To correct these the bread and wine were, 
at one time, mingled together ; at another, the wine was withheld, 
and the bread only administered ; and again, the elements were 
presented to the lips, instead of being delivered into the hands. 
The protestant churches, generally, have returned to the ancient 
mode of presenting the bread and wine singly into the hands of each 
communicant. 

The custom of the Greek church was to receive the sacrament 
standing, and such at first was probably the usage of the Western 
church. 

The most important rites connected with the celebration of this 
ordinance, as detailed above, are brought together in the following 
extract. 



320 OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. 

" However much they altered in different places, and at different 
periods, the times of celebrating this sacred ordinance, they never 
varied except, perhaps, in some trifling circumstances, in the mode 
of observance. The peculiar service of the faithful was commonly 
introduced by a private and silent prayer, which was followed by a 
general supplication for the church and the whole family of man- 
kind, and then each of the brethren came forward to contribute a 
free-will offering, according to his ability, to the treasury of the 
church, — the wealthy always being careful to bring part of theirs in 
articles of bread and wine. Out of this collection both the sacra- 
mental elements were furnished, — the one consisting, from the first, 
of the common bread that was in use in the country, and the other 
of wine diluted with water, according to the universal practice of the 
ancients. Preliminary to the distribution of these, two ceremonies 
were always observed with the greatest punctuality, — the one em- 
blematical of the purity that became the ordinance, the other of the 
love that should reign among all the disciples of Christ. The dea- 
cons brought a basin of water, in which the presiding ministers 
washed their hands in presence, and on behalf, of the whole congre- 
gation, — a practice founded on the words of the Psalmist, — "I will 
wash my hands in innocence, and so I will compass thine altar;" 
and then on a given signal, the assembled brethren, in token of their 
mutual amity and good will, proceeded to give each other a holy 
kiss, ministers saluting ministers, the men their fellow-men, and the 
women the female disciples that stood beside them. At this stage 
of the service, another prayer of a general nature was offered, at the 
conclusion of which the minister, addressing the people, said, 
" Peace be unto you," to which they responded in one voice, " and 
with thy spirit." Pausing a little, he said, " Lift up your hearts to 
God," to which they replied, " We lift them up unto God ;" and 
then, after another brief interval of silence, he proceeded, " Let us 
give thanks to God," to which they returned the ready answer, " It 
is meet and just so to do." These preliminary exhortations being 
completed, the minister offered up what was called the great thanks- 
giving for all blessings, both temporal and spiritual, especially for 
the unspeakable love of God as manifested in the death, resurrec- 
tion, and ascension of Christ, and for that holy ordinance in which, 
in gracious adaptation to the nature of man, He is evidently set forth 
as crucified and slain ; concluding with an earnest desire, that in- 



DISTRIBUTION OF THE ELEMENTS. 321 

tending communicants might participate in all the benefits it was de- 
signed to impart, to which all the people said aloud, " Amen." As 
the communicants were about to advance to the place appropriated 
for communion, — for up to that time it was unoccupied, — the minis- 
ter exclaimed, " Holy things to holy persons,"-— a form of expression 
equivalent to a practical prohibition of all who were unholy ; and the 
invitation to communicants was given by the singing of some appro- 
priate Psalms, such as the passage in the 34th, — " O taste and see 
that God is good," and the 133d, beginning, " Behold ! how good 
and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity !" The 
elements having been consecrated by a prayer, which consisted 
chiefly of the words of the institution, the minister took up the bread, 
and breaking it, in memorial of Christ's body being broken, distrib- 
uted it to his assisting brethren beside him, and in like manner the 
cup, both of which were carried round by the deacons to the com- 
municants in order ; and while they presented them in this simple 
form, " the body of Christ," " the blood of Christ," each communi- 
cant, on receiving them, devoutly said, " Amen." The manner in 
which they received the element, was by taking it in the right hand, 
and placing the left underneath to prevent any of it from falling. 
The act of communion being finished, a thanksgiving hymn was 
sung, and an appropriate prayer offered, after which the brethren 
again gave each other-the salutation of a holy kiss, and having re- 
ceived the blessing of their pastor, were exhorted to " Go in peace." 
" Such was the manner in which the holy rite of the supper was 
usually celebrated among the primitive Christians. But we shall 
have exhibited a very imperfect view of their manners in this re- 
spect, unless we take into consideration some peculiarities, which, 
while they were professedly founded on a literal interpretation of the 
words of Scripture, gave rise to customs that have been almost uni- 
versally exploded by every succeeding age of the Church. Accord- 
ing to their ideas, the feast of communion, implying a fellowship in 
spirit and feeling, might be celebrated by persons who were absent, 
as well as those who were present at the solemnity ; and according- 
ly, they were in the habit of sending, by the hands of the deacons, 
portions of the sacred elements to their brethren, who, from sickness 
or imprisonment, were unable to attend. Such causes of absence as 
these, which arose from the unavoidable dispensations of Providence, 
ought not, in their opinion, to deprive any of the comfort and privi- 

41 



322 OF the lord's supper. 

]ege of communicating; and as numbers of those who were ranked 
in this class, were martyrs, confessors of the truth, and devoted fol- 
lowers of the Saviour, they considered it would have been the height 
of cruelty to withhold from such honored characters the means of 
participating with their brethren in an act of communion that was 
essentially spiritual. Frequently did they transmit, therefore, to the 
sick-beds or the dungeons of their brethren, fragments of the bread 
that had been consecrated in the church ; or, where that could not 
be procured, the minister consecrated it on the spot: — nay, so far 
were they carried by their benevolent desire to extend the benefits 
of this sacred ordinance to all who were anxious to partake of it, that 
they scrupled not to send it to penitents when in a dying state, though 
they would not, in other circumstances, have been deemed qualified, 
according to the established rules of the Church. A memorable ex- 
ample of this is furnished in the case of Serapion, a Christian of 
whose faith and sincerity no doubt was entertained, till, on the out- 
break of a violent persecution, he fell from his profession. Returning 
to his first love, belong and importunately solicited in vain a restora- 
tion to the privilege of communion. Being overtaken, at length, by 
a severe indisposition, which brought him in four days to the verge 
of the grave, he despatched a messenger to one of the neighboring 
ministers, with an earnest request that he would come and give him 
the consolations of the sacrament. The minister was prevented by 
sickness from going in person, but perceiving the urgency of the 
case, he sent a portion of the consecrated bread by the hands of the 
messenger, who administered it to ihe dying penitent. 

"Another peculiarity of theirs — arising from an impression of the 
absolute necessity of this ordinance to salvation, — was their admis- 
sion of persons to partake of it of all ages, and in every variety of 
circumstance. Provided only that they had received the initiatory 
rite of baptism, the primitive Christians scrupled not to administer 
the other christian sacrament to all, without exception, even though 
they might be altogether unconscious of the service in which they 
were made to engage. Hence the custom of giving the communion 
to infants — a custom which, for many ages, prevailed in the ancient 
Church ; and as persons of that tender age were unable to eat the 
bread, the practise early came into use of dipping it in wine, and 
pressing a drop or two from the moistened sop into the mouth of the 
babe. Hence, also, the custom of administering it to the sick in the 



ACCOMPANYING RITES. 323 

delirium of a fever,. or in such circumstances of bodily weakness that 
they were incapable of communicating their own wishes, — which, 
however, if the attendant nurse testified had been previously and 
anxiously expressed, were gratified by a participation of the sacred 
rite, just as if they had been in the full possession of bodily and 
mental health. Hence, also, the custom of many religious persons 
carrying home a portion of the consecrated bread from the church 
to their own homes, and reserving it for future use among their most 
precious and valuable treasures. In a chest appropriated to the pur- 
pose this sacred deposit was laid, and when no opportunity was af- 
forded of attending the morning service, every time they rose from 
bed, and before engaging in any worldly business, they were accus- 
tomed to consecrate the day by the solemn act of participating of the 
sacrament ; or, when a christian stranger came to their houses for 
their hospitality, ere ever he tasted of the viands that were produced 
for their refreshment, the morsel of the consecrated bread was broken 
between them, and their social intercourse hallowed by the prelimi- 
nary rite of communion. Customs like these, which savored so 
strongly of superstition, could have originated only in a profound 
feeling of reverence for the ordinance, and in an impression of its 
supposed indispensable necessity to the well-being of the soul in a 
future world." — Jamieson, pp. 125—130. 

§ 12. Accompanying Rites. 

1. Psalmody in connection with the Sacrament. The Apostolical 
Constitutions prescribe the 34th Psalm to be sung on this occasion ; 
certain parts being supposed peculiarly appropriate. 1 ; I will bless 
the Lord at all times.' ' O taste and see that the Lord is good.* 
Certain other psalms were also in use in different churches, particu- 
larly the 42d, 43d, 45th, 133d, 139th, and 145th Psalms. 2 These 
were sung during the distribution. Besides these, it was customary 
to begin and to conclude the whole ceremony with some solemn 
form of praise and thanksgiving, in which the whole body of the 
communicants joined. These were selected, for the most part, from 
the book of Psalms ; but they varied in different times and places. 

2. Of the kiss of charity? This form of salutation, as a token of 
christian affection, appears to have been an apostolic custom, Rom. 
16: 16. 1 Cor. 16: 20. 2 Cor. 13: 12. 1 Thess. 5: 26. 1 Pet. 5: 14, 



324 OF the lord's supper. 

and was perpetuated for many centuries. It was appropriately one 
of the rites of the sacramenlal service. But was observed on com- 
mon occasions of public worship. It was omitted on Good Friday, 
in remembrance of the traitorous kiss of Judas Isca riot. 

The different sexes, however, were not permitted to interchange 
this salutation one with another. Many other precautions were also 
used to prevent abuses which might be expected to arise out of this 
practice. 4 It was for the enemies of Christianity the occasion of 
abundant reproach ; but it was still continued through the eighth 
and ninth centuries, even to the thirteenth, when it appears to have 
ceased. 

The following passage from the nineteenth canon of the Council 
of Laodicea is worthy of remark on other accounts, as well as for 
its prescription concerning this token of christian charity and con- 
cord. " After the bishops' sermons ( ( uti« lug ofuMag iwv inta- 
xonctiv), let a prayer for the catechumens be first pronounced. 
When the catechumens have left the church, let the prayer for the 
penitents (zojv iv fietavola) be said. After these have received im- 
position of hands (Trgoasl&ovTav vno %uqu), and have retired, let the 
three prayers of the faithful (twv tuvtwv t«c d/ug xoug) be offered ; 
the first in silence (dia a-twjr?js), but the second and third aloud (dia 
7ZQo<j<pm'i](jE(ag.) Then let the kiss be given, (t},v siQrjvrjV, i. e. the 
kiss of peace.) When the presbyters have given this kiss to the 
bishop, let the laity exchange it among themselves. Hereupon let 
the holy sacrifice be accomplished. But it is permitted to the cler- 
gy (jolg IsQaTixoig) alone, to approach the altar, and communicate 
there." All this proceeds upon the system of secret instruction. 

3. Incense and the sign of the cross. The use of incense in con- 
nection with the sacrament was unknown in the church until the 
time of Gregory the Great, in the latter part of the sixth century. 
After this period it became prevalent in the churches. 

The signing of the cross has a higher antiquity. It is spoken of 
by Basil, 5 Chrysostom, 6 and Augustine, 7 and is distinctly mentioned 
in the Apostolical Constitutions 8 as a part of the sacramental service. 

This superstition is abolished in the Protestant churches. 



AGAPAE, OR FEASTS OF CHARITY. 325 



§ 13. Agapae, or Feasts of Charity. 

These feasts were usually celebrated in connection with the Lord's 
supper ; but not as a necessary part of it. From their connection 
with this ordinance, the following account of them is inserted as com- 
piled by Riddle from Augusti and Siegel. 

The history of the common meals or feasts in the church, called 
agapae (a/anai, more frequently than in the singular 1) aytlnri), is in 
many respects obscure. It appears that they were not independent 
rites, but always connected with some act or office of public worship. 
When they were celebrated in connection with the Lord's supper, 
they seem to have taken place before the administration of that sa- 
crament, in conformity with the circumstances of the original insti- 
tution, which took place " after supper," 1 Cor. 11: 25. This ar- 
rangement is supposed to have led to the disorders which St. Paul so 
sharply reproved in the Corinthian church ; and the inconvenience 
of it becoming generally manifest, it was soon made the practice of 
the church to celebrate the Lord's supper first, and even to dispense 
with attendence at the feast which followed, although all Christians 
were required to contribute provisions for it, according to their 
ability. 1 

But, even under these altered circumstances, the love-feasts were 
frequently attended with intemperance, and other serious disorders, 
which form subjects of grave complaint in the writings of the Fa- 
thers. 2 This may perhaps be reckoned among the causes of the 
change in the time of celebrating the Lord's supper, already men- 
tioned, from the evening to the early part of the morning. And 
hence it was, that afterwards the holding of agapae within the church- 
es was forbidden. 3 And by this regulation the agapae became en- 
tirely distinct from the eucharist, which continued to be publicly cele- 
brated in the church. 

It cannot be exactly determined at what period the agapae were 
entirely abolished. 

1. Origin of the Name and of the custom. The Greek word 
agape, a/am], which signifies love or charity, is used in ecclesiasti- 
cal antiquities to denote a certain feast, of which all members of the 
church of whatever rank or condition, partook together; intended 
to denote and cherish those dispositions of brotherly love and aflec- 



326 OF the lord's supper. 

lion which the gospel prescribes to the disciples of Jesus. In the 
New Testament the word occurs only once in this sense of feast of 
charity or love-feast, namely in the Epistle of St. Jude, verse 12, 
and there it is found in the plural number; but the observance itself 
is alluded to in the sacred records, under other names, as meat, ta- 
bles, Acts 2: 46. 6: 2. The word was retained by ecclesiastical 
writers, but not to the exclusion of other significant appellations ; 
e. g. avftnccna, banquets ; v.oival Tgans^ai, public tables ; y.oivcu fxsxi- 
dasig, public feasts ; dunva v.oiva, public suppers. This use of the 
term 'Aydnt] is not found in the writings of any profane authors be- 
fore the christian era ; but it occurs in the works of Plutarch and 
Celsus, who doubtless borrowed it from the Christians. 

It is certain that the feast of charity was celebrated in the earliest 
period of the christian church ; see Acts 2: 46. 6: 2. 1 Cor. 11: 16 
— 34. Some writers suppose that this custom had its remote origin 
in the practice of the heathen ; while others regard it as derived 
from the Jewish synagogue. But it is perhaps still more probable 
that it originated simply in the circumstances of our Lord's last sup- 
per with his disciples ; or that, at all events, it is to be attributed en- 
tirely to the genius of a religion which is eminently a bond of bro- 
therly union and concord among its sincere professors. 

2. Mode of Celebration. In the earliest accounts which have come 
down to us, we find that the bishop or presbyter presided at these 
feasts. 4 It does not appear whether the food was dressed in the 
place appointed for the celebration of the feast, or was previously 
prepared by individual members of the church at their own homes ; 
but perhaps either of these plans was adopted indifferently, according 
to circumstances. Before eating, the guests washed their hands ; 
and a public prayer was offered up. A portion of Scripture was 
then read, and the president proposed some questions upon it, which 
were answered by the persons present. After this, any accounts 
which had been received respecting the affairs of other churches 
were recited ; for, at that time, such accounts were regularly trans- 
mitted from one community to another, by means of which all 
Christians became acquainted with the history and condition of the 
whole body, and were thus enabled to sympathize with, and in many 
cases to assist, each other. Letters from bishops and other eminent 
members of the church, together with the Acts of the Martyrs, were 
also recited on this occasion. And hymns or psalms were sung. 5 



AGAPAE, OR FEASTS OF CHARITY. 327 

At the close of the, feast, money was also collected for the benefit of 
widows and orphans, the poor, prisoners, and persons who had suf- 
fered shipwreck. Before the meeting broke up, all the members of 
the church embraced each other, in token of mutual brotherly-love ; 
and the whole ceremony was concluded with a philanthropic prayer. 6 

As the number of Christians increased, various deviations from 
the original practice of celebration occurred ; which called for the 
censure of the governors of the Church. 7 In consequence of these 
irregularities, it was appointed that the president should deliver to 
each guest his portion separately, and that the larger portions should 
be distributed among the presbyters, deacons, and other officers of 
the church. 

While the church was exposed to persecution, these feasts were 
not only conducted with regularity and good order, but were made 
subservient to christian edification, and to the promotion of brotherly 
love and of that kind of concord and union which was specially de- 
manded by the circumstances of the times. 8 None but full members 
of the church were allowed to be present ; catechumens, penitents, 
Jews, and heathens, being carefully excluded. 9 A custom of ad- 
mitting baptized children, which was introduced at an early period, 
was afterwards abandoned as inconvenient. 10 

The following description of christian intercourse in their love- 
feasts is also from Tertullian, Apol. 39. " They sit not down at 
table till prayers have been offered to God. They eat as much 
as the hunger of each one requires, and drink only so much as is 
necessary to health and cheerfulness. Being thus satisfied, they are 
mindful that the evening is to be spent in prayer. They enter into 
conversation with the continued reflection that God is hearing them. 
After their hands are washed and lights are brought in, each one is 
invited to sing something before the company to the praise of God, 
whether it be borrowed from the holy Scripture, or as his own heart 
may dictate to him. Then it is seen how much he has drunken. 
With prayer the interview is closed." 

3. Time and place of Celebration. — Time of day. These feasts, 
as well as all Christian assemblies, were held, at first, whenever 
and wherever opportunity would permit, consistently with safety. 
The passages of the New Testament which refer to the agapae af- 
ford no intimation of the time of day in which they were celebrated, 
unless indeed we regard Acts 20: 7, as supplying some information 



328 OF the lord's supper. 

on this point. From Tertullian it would appear that they were held 
in the night; for he calls them coenae and coenidae, in contradistinc- 
tion to prandia ; and this writer gives us to understand that lights 
were required in the place in which the feast was made. But it is 
probable that this nocturnal celebration was more a matter of neces- 
sity than of choice. 

According to the account of Pliny in his letter to Trajan, it would 
seem that in his time (in Bithynia, at least) these feasts were held in 
the day-tirne. 11 

On the whole, it may be concluded that the nature of the case did 
not permit the uniform observance of any fixed hour or time of day 
in the celebration of this feast, during the earliest period of the 
church, while it was exposed to persecution. 

Day of the week. These feasts were ordinarily held on the first 
day of the week, or Sunday ; but the celebration does not appear to 
have been exclusively confined to that day. 12 

Place of meeting. At first, the agapae were celebrated in private 
houses, or in other retired places, in which the Christians met for the 
purpose of religious worship. After the erection of churches, these 
feasts were held within their walls ; until, abuses having occurred 
which rendered the observance inconsistent with the sanctity of such 
places, this practice was forbidden. In the middle of the fourth 
century, the Council of Laodicea enacted " that agapae should not 
be celebrated in churches ;" a prohibition which was repeated by 
the Council of Carthage, in the year 391 ; and was afterwards strict- 
ly enjoined during the sixth and seventh centuries. 13 By the efforts 
of Gregory of Neocaesarea, Chrysostom, and others, a custom was 
generally established of holding the agapae only under trees, or 
some other shelter, in the neighborhood of the churches ; and from 
that time the clergy and other principal members of the church were 
recommended to withdraw from them altogether. 

In the early church, it was usual to celebrate agapae on the festi- 
vals of martyrs, agapae nataliliae, at their tombs ; a practice to 
which reference is made in the epistle of the church of Smyrna, 
concerning the martyrdom of Polycarp. 14 

These feasts were sometimes celebrated on a smaller scale, at 
marriages, agapae connubiales, and funerals, agapae funerales. 

4. Abolition of the custom. The celebration of the agapae was 
frequently made a subject of calumny and misrepresentation by the 



SACRAMENTAL UTENSILS. 329 

enemies of the christian faith, even during the earliest and best ages 
of the church. In reply to these groundless attacks, the conduct of 
the Christians of those times was successfully vindicated by Terlul- 
lian, Minucius Felix, Origen, and others. But real disorders having 
afterwards arisen, and having proceeded to considerable lengths, it 
became necessary to abolish the practice altogether ; and this task 
was eventually effected, but not without the application of various 
means, and only after a considerable lapse of time. 

§ 14. Sacramental Utensils. 

Our Lord, at the institution of the sacrament, without doubt used 
the cup which was in common use among the Jews on festive occa- 
sions — simple and plain like the rude vessels of those days. A large 
silver goblet was in use at Jerusalem in the seventh century, which 
was said to be the identical cup that our Lord used on that occa- 
sion. At a period still later, the inhabitants of Valencia in Spain, 
also claimed, with equal probability, to be in possession of the iden- 
tical cup which was presented by Christ to his disciples at that time. 

The cup which was used by the primitive church was of no pre- 
scribed form, nor of any uniform material. It was made of wood, 
horn, glass, or marble, according to circumstances. But, at a very 
early period, it began to be wrought with great care, and to be made 
of the most costly materials, such as silver and gold, set with pre- 
cious stones. In the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries, the use of 
vessels made of horn, wood, glass, lead, tin, etc. was forbidden, and 
each church was required to have, at least, one cup and plate of 
silver. 

Two cups were generally used, one exclusively by the clergy, the 
other, of larger dimensions, by the laity. These had handles at- 
tached to their sides. The sacramental cup of the Armenian church 
is said to contain two separate apartments, in one of which the wine 
is contained, and in the other the bread. And similar vessels seem to 
have been in use in the christian church previous to the eighth cen- 
tury. They then began to be made with a pipe attached to them, 
like the spout of a tea-pot, and the wine was received from the ves- 
sel by suction. These spouts were called fistulae eucharistae, pagi- 
lares, arundines, cannae, canales, pipae. These pipes were used to 

42 



230 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

prevent the waste of any drop of the consecrated wine in the distri- 
bution of it. Such cups are still in use in some Lutheran churches. 

The cup was at an early period ornamented with inscriptions and 
pictorial representations. 

The platter for the distribution of the bread was, at first, a basket 
made of osier. Like the cup, it has from time to time been made 
of glass, marble, silver, and gold, varying in form, size, and style of 
execution, corresponding with that of the cup. 

The pomp and superstition of catholic worship have added many 
other articles to the sacramental vessels, which are enumerated by 
Siegel, from whom the above is extracted. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

OF THE DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

§ 1. Preliminary Remarks. 

The discipline of the ancient church, although derived from the 
Mosaic economy, was an original and peculiar institution, growing 
out of the peculiar circumstances of the early Christians ; and fully 
illustrates their views of the stern and awful sanctity of the christian 
character. It has an immediate relation to the rites of baptism, and 
the Lord's supper ; and should be studied in connection with them. 
In establishing this discipline, the church had respect only to the 
benefit of the offending member. Like an affectionate parent, she 
sought not simply to punish, but to correct. Like a good physician, 
her design was not the infliction of pain, but restoration to health. 
This system of discipline is distinguished especially for that protrac- 
ted and severe probation to which an offending member of the 
church was subjected, as the only condition of his re-admission to 
the communion and fellowship of the church. This disciplinary 
treatment, which was known by the general name of penance, ex- 
acted of the offender many acts of humiliation, self-denial, and per- 
sonal mortification, indicative of sincere repentance, and promising 
amendment and a consistent life in future. The institution of pen- 



PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 331 

ance may, therefore, be regarded as the most important part of the 
discipline of the church. 

The subject may, with propriety, be introduced by the follow- 
ing remarks. 

1. Penance was required only of actual members of the church, 
who had become such by receiving baptism and the Lord's supper. 
No Jew or pagan could do pencince ; nor even a catechumen, be- 
cause he was not strictly a member of the church. 

2. Penance was not a civil, but an ecclesiastical penalty. It af- 
fected, not his relations to the state, but to the church exclusively. 

3. Penance was entirely a voluntary duty ; instead of being an 
unwelcome requisition, it was granted as a favor, and cheerfully 
sought. In this, perhaps, it was distinguished from all other forms 
of punishment. 

4. In the ancient church, public penance was usually allowed but 
once. If, at any time, a repetition of the same was permitted to the 
same individual, it was an exception to the general rule. 

5. The nature and duration of the penance was varied accord- 
ing to the aggravations of the offence committed. Every general 
rule on this point was subject to many exceptions, according to cir- 
cumstances. 

6. In many Cases, the performance of penance was required 
through the whole term of the penitent's life ; but the severity of this 
sentence was frequently mitigated. 

7. The penitents were divided into several classes, differing ac- 
cording to time and place ; but in the primitive church, they were 
carefully distinguished from each other. 

8. The fulfilment of the prescribed penance, restored the offender 
to his former standing with the church ; except in the case of the 
clergy, whose restoration was not complete and full. 

9. The penance was often excessive, and injurious, in its tendency 
to the interests of the church ; and, as exercised in the earliest cen- 
turies, was open to censure ; but on the whole, it was productive of 
great good. In times of persecution and declension, especially, it 
was admirably instrumental in sustaining in the church, the spirit 
and power of religion. 

A careful examination of this subject will require us to consider 
separately, the following points. 

I. The origin and antiquity of penance. 

II. Its subjects ; or, the offences for which it was imposed. 



332 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

HI. The different classes of penitents. 

IV. The duties of penitents, and the discipline imposed upon them, 
or the different kinds and degrees of penance. 

V. The restoration or re-admission of penitents into the church. 

§ 2. The Origin of Penance. 

Penance in the christian church is an imitation of the discipline of 
the Jewish synagogue ; or rather, it is a continuation of the same in- 
stitution. Excommunication in the christian church is essentially 
the same as expulsion from the synagogue of the Jews, and the pen- 
ances of the offender, required for his restoration to his former con- 
dition, were not materially different in the Jewish and christian 
churches. The principal point of distinction consisted in this, that 
the sentence of excommunication affected the civil relations of the 
offender under the Jewish economy ; but in the christian church, it 
affected only his relations to that body. Neither the spirit of the 
primitive institutions of the church, nor its situation, or constitution 
in the first three centuries, was at all compatible with the interming- 
ling or confounding of civil and religious privileges or penalties. 

The act of excommunication was at first an exclusion of the of- 
fender from the Lord's supper, and from the agapae. The term it- 
self implies separation from the communion. The practice was de- 
rived from the injunction of the apostle, 1 Cor. 5: 11. c With such 
an one no not to eat.'' From the context, and from 1 Cor. 10: 16 — 
18. 11: 20 — 34., it clearly appears that the apostle refers, not to 
common meals, and the ordinary intercourse of life, but to these re- 
ligious festivals. 

Examples of penitence or repentance occur in the Old Testa- 
ment ; neither are there wanting instances, not merely of individuals 
but of a whole city or people, performing certain acts of penance, — 
fasting, mourning, etc., Nehem. ix. and Jonah iii. But these acts of 
humiliation were essentially different, in their relations to individuals, 
from christian penance* 

We have, however, in the New Testament, an instance of the ex- 
communication of an offending member, and of his restoration to the 
fellowship of the church by penance, agreeably to the authority of 
Paul, 1 Cor. 5: 1 — 8. 2 Cor. 2: 5 — 11. This sentence of exclusion 
from the church was pronounced by the assembled body, and in the 



ORIGIN OF PENANCE. 



333 



name of the Lord Jesus Christ. By this sentence, the offender was 
separated from the people of the Lord, with whom he had been 
joined by baptism, and was reduced to his former condition as a 
heathen man, subject to the power of Satan, and of evil spirits. 
This is perhaps the true import of delivering such an one up to 
Satan. 

A similar act of excommunication is described briefly in 1 Cor. 
16: 22. " If any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be an- 
athema maranatha." The [mxqocv a&a corresponds, in sense, with 
the Hebrew D*lt1, and denotes a thing devoted to utter destruction. 
It is only the Syro-Chaldaic nnN fiW ; iQ expressed in the Greek 
character, and means, " The Lord cometh." The whole sentence 
implies that the church leaves the subject of it to the Lord, who 
cometh to execute judgment upon him. All that the apostle requires 
of the Corinthians is, that they should exclude him from their com- 
munion and fellowship ; so that he should no longer be regarded as 
one of their body. He pronounces no further judgment upon the of- 
fender, but leaves him to the judgment of God. " What have I to 
do to judge them that are without ?" 5: 12, i. e. those who are not 
Christians, to which class the excommunicated person would belong. 
" Do not ye judge them that are within ?" i. e. full members of the 
church. But them that are without God judgeth ; or rather will 
judge, xqlvu, as the reading should be. It appears from 2 Cor. 2: 
1 — 11, that the church had not restored such to the privileges of 
communion, but were willing to do so ; and that the apostle very 
gladly authorized the measure. 

On these important passages it is worthy of remark : 

1. That the excommunication of the offender is, by the authority 
of the apostle, the act of the whole church. 

2. This exclusion is called a " punishment," imtipld, but it is 
carefully distinguished from a civil penalty, and from a judicial pun- 
ishment by God. 

3. No mention is made of any act of penance, either in kind or in 
duration, as the condition on which the excommunicated person was 
re-admitted to the church ; but the silence of the apostle on this sub- 
ject is not proof that such penance was not required. Especially is 
it worthy of remark that satisfactory evidence of sorrow, lvn% on 
the part of the transgressor, for the sin committed, was the condition 
of his restoration to the church. 



334 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

The history of the primitive church for the first three centuries, is 
more full on the subject of ecclesiastical discipline, than on any- 
other. The apostolical fathers very frequently treat of it, and not 
only speak of penitence as a moral quality, and as a religious duty, 
but they also treat of penance as a part of church discipline. Ter- 
tullian, especially, recognizes this distinction ; and says, that peni- 
tence ought not only to be felt in the mind, but to be manifested by 
some external act, non sola conscientia proferatur, sed aliquo eliam 
actu administretur. 2 

The Shepherd of Hermas treats expressly of this subject. This 
work, according to the most approved opinion of the learned, is not 
indeed the production of that Hermas who is mentioned by the apos- 
tle, Rom. 16: 14, but of some author of the second century. 3 And 
yet it was held in such consideration by the early fathers as to be 
entitled to respect. Tertullian describes it as almost divine, fere 
scriptura ; and as such, it was publicly read in connection with the 
Scriptures. The leading topic of this book is repentance and the 
forgiveness of sin. Mention is made of an angel of penitence, whose 
office it is to lead Christians, who have fallen into sin, to repentance, 
and to aid and strengthen them in this exercise. 4 This angel teaches 
Hermas that true penitence is appropriately found in baptism ; but 
that still opportunity for repentance is given to those who, after bap- 
tism, have been drawn into sin by the wiles of Satan, but this only 
once, TJnam poenitentiam habet. It is, however, declared, that this 
repentance remains not to bold and presumptuous sinners, but only 
to those whose future repentance and reformation God had foreseen. 5 * 

Tertullian wrote an entire treatise on the subject of penitence, Be 
Poenitentia, from which, and from many other passages in his writ- 
ings, the conclusion is fairly derived that there was, in the second 
century, a complete system of discipline and penance extant in 
the church. This discipline he describes as consisting in exhorta- 
tions, and censures, and tokens of divine displeasure. " For," he 
adds, " it is a consideration of great moment, that, if any one so of- 
fends as to be excluded from all intercourse, communion, and fellow- 
ship with the saints, it is seen and known of God, and deeply affects 
the offender in the future judgment." It is also worthy of consid- 

* Or if, as some suppose, these works were written by Tertullian after he 
became a Montanist, we must consider this as one of those points on which 
he was known to differ from the majority of that sect. 



ORIGIN OF PENANCE. 



335 



eration that the author guards against a thoughtless and presumptu- 
ous continuance in sin, by according to transgressors the grace of 
repentance but once after baptism, and even this, he in another place 
denies to fornicators and adulterers. 6 * 

Cyprian of Carthage defends the same general principles, against 
the Novatians, who denied to the fallen christian professor the grace 
of God and the hope of eternal salvation, and accordingly refused 
him the benefit of penance and readmission to the church. His sen- 
timents are fully developed in the note below, and in many of his 
writings. 7 ! 

* Ibidem etiam exhortationes, castigationes, et censura divina. Nam et 
judicatur magno cum pondere, ut apud certos de Dei conspectu, summumque 
futuri judicii praejudicium est, si quis ita deliquerit, ut a communicatione 
orationis et conventus, et omnis sancti commercii, relegetur. — Tertull. Apo- 
Loget. c.39. — Haec igitur venena ejus providens Deus, clausa licet ignoscen- 
tiae janua,et intinctionis seraobstructa, aliquid adhuc permisit patere. Collo- 
cavit in vestibulo poenitentiam secmidam, quae pulsantibus patefaciat: sed jam 
semel, quia jam secundo. Sed amplius nunquam, quia proxime frustra. Non 
enim et hoc semel satis est? De poenit. c. 7. — Hujus igitur Poenitentiae se- 
cundae et unius, quanto in arto negotium est, tanto operosior probatio, ut non 
sola conscientia proferatur, sed aliquo etiam actu administretur. Is actus, qui 
magis vocabulo Graeco exprimitur et frequentatur, exomologesis {e^ofioko- 
yrjoiq) est, qua delictum Domino nostrum confitemur : non quidem ut igna- 
ro, sed quatenus satisfactio confessione disponitur, confessione poenitentiae 
nascitur, poenitentia Deus mitigatur. Itaque exomologesis prosternandi et 
humilificandi hominis disciplina est, conversationem, injungens misericor- 
diae illicem ; de ipso quoque habitu atque victu mandat, sacco et cineri in- 
cubare, corpus sordibus obscurare, animum moeroribus dejicere, ilia, quae 
peccavit, tristi tractatione mutare. Ceterum pastum et potum pura nosse, 
non ventris scilicet, sed animae causa. Flerumque vero jejuniis preces alere, 
ingemiscere, lacrymari et mugire dies noctesque ad Dominum Deum tuum, 
presbyteris advolvi, et aris Dei adgeniculari, omnibus fratribus legationes 
deprecationis suae injungere. Haec omnia exomologesis, ut poenitentiam 
commendat, ut de periculi timore Dominum honoret, ut in peccatorem ipsa 
pronuntians pro Dei indignatione fungatur, et temporali afflictione aeterna 
supplicia, non dicam, frustetur, sed expungat. — Ibid. c. 9. 

t Ne igitur ore nostro, quo pacem negamus, quo duritiam magis humanae 
credulitatis, quam divinae et paternae pietatis opponimus, oves nobis com- 
missae a Domino reposcantur : placuit nobis, Sancto Spiritu suggerente, et 
Domino per visiones muitas et manifestos admonente, quia hostis imminere 
praenuntiatur et ostenditur, colligere intra castra milites Christi, examinatis 
singulorum causis, pacem lapsis dare, imo pugnaturis arma suggerere ; quod 
credimus vobis quoque paternae misericordiae contemplatione placiturum. 



836 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHUECH. 

This system of church discipline existed at an early period in the 
Eastern churches, as well as in the Western. Clement of Alexan- 
dria teaches, from the Shepherd of Hermas, that penitence can be 
experienced but once after baptism ; and that all subsequent appear- 
ance of repentance is not repentance. 8 Origen appears to have en- 
tertained the same sentiments. Semel tanlum,idque raro,penitentia 
concedebatur, was, according to Dupin, his doctrine. 9 

A prayer for penitents is given in the Apostolical Constitutions, 
which, together with the acts of several councils in the beginning of 
the fourth century, in connection with the foregoing testimonies, 
clearly prQve the existence of an established system of church disci- 
pline as early as the second and third centuries. The prayer for the 
penitents, in the Apostolical Constitutions, is given in the note be- 
low.* 

Quod si de collegis aliquis exstiterit, qui urgente certamine pacem fratribus 
et sororibus non putat dandum, reddet ille rationem in die judicii Domino, 
vel importunae censurae, vel inhumanae duritiae suae. — Cyprian, Ep.54 ad 
Cornelium, de pace Lapsis danda. 

* JEv^acr&s oi iv xy ^.Exavola. ixxEvwg ndvxtg vnsg xwv iv paxavola 
ddsXywv 7iaQCMttXea(x)[j,ev, bnwg 6 cpiloixxigfxoiv Osbg vnodsH-r) avxolg bdbv 
[isxavoiag, ngocrdH-rjxai avxwv xi]V naXivojdlav xal xip i^ofxoXoyrjcnv, aal 
Gvvxgliptj xbv 2axavdv vnb xovg nodag avxwv iv xa%si, v.ai Xvxgwo">]xac 
avxovg anb xrjg nayldog xov diafioXov aal xrjg inrjgslag xwv datfiovwv, 
ttccl i$iXr\xai avxovg anb navxbg adtpixov Xbyov, xal ndorjg axonov 
ngd&wg, not novrjgag evvolag ' ovy^wgr^j] de avxolg ndvxa xd naganxw— 
fiaxa avxwv, xa xs exovaia, v.a\ xa daovffia, xal i^aXsliprj xb xax avxwv 
%sig6yga(f,ov, xal iyygdipt^xai avxovg iv filfiXw £aMJjs ' xa&agfj di avxovg 
anb navxog {loXvcrfiov o~agxbg y.al nvsv^axog, xal evwaj] avxovg anoxaxa- 
axrjaag elg xi]V dylav avxov nolfj,vtjv, bxi avxbg ywwoxsi xb nXda^a 
rjfttov. " Oxi xlg xavyrjaexai ayvijv hysiv xagdlav ; rj xlg naggycndcrsxaL 
xa&agog tivat, anb apagxlag ; ndvxtq ydg icr^sv iv inixiplotg. sxi vnsg 
avxwv ixxsvecrxsgov dsrj&w^isv, bxi yaga ylvsxai iv ovgavw ini svl d(xag~ 
xwlw [isxavoovvxi, bnwg anoo-igacpivxsg ndv i'gyov a&efiixov, ngoaoixsiw- 
S-wai Ttdatj ngd&i aya&fj, iva b cpiXdv&gwnog Oebg f/ xdyog svfisvwg 
Txgoode^d^evog avxwv xdg Xixdg, anoxaxaaxtj(T7] avxolg dyaXXlaaiv xov 
ffWTfjgtov, aal nvsvfiaxi yyefiovixw crx7]gl^ avxovg, iva firjxixi aaXsvd^wm ' 
xoivwvol ysvicr&ai xwv dylwv avxov Ugwv, aal [isxoyoi xwv -&eiwv [xviTxr}- 
glwv ' Iva d^ioi anocpav&svxsg xijg vlodscrlag, xvywcri xijg alwviov £wr\g. 
*'£xi ixxsvwg ndvxsg vnsg avxwv slhwfxsv ' xvgis iXsqaov, awcrov avxovg 6 



SUBJECTS OF PENANCE. 337 



§ 3. Subjects of Penance, or the offences for which it was 

imposed. 

Penance related only to such as had been excluded from the com- 
munion of the church. Its immediate object was, not the forgive- 
ness of the offender by the Lord God, but his reconciliation with the 
church. It could, therefore, relate only to open and scandalous of- 
fences. De occultis non judical ecclesia— the church takes no cog- 
nizance of secret sins — was an ancient maxim of the church. The 
early Fathers say expressly, that the church offers pardon only for 
offences committed against her. The forgiveness of all sin she refers 
to God himself. Omnia autem, says Cyprian, Ep. 55, remissimus 
Deo omnipotent!, in cujus potestate sunt omnia reservata* Such are 

Osog, xotl ctvacrTrjaov roll eXsel arov. 'Avaatavttg tw Oem 8ia tov Xqigtov 
ccvtov, vXIvocte xal svXoysla&s. ^jEusv^sad-a) ovv o inlay.onog tomxSs. 
navxonQonoQ Oes alwvis, dwnoxat, twv bXcav, yrdisxa not tcqvtocvitwv nocv— 
7(oV o tov wv&Qomov y.ba^iov xoGfiov ocvotdEL^ag dux Xqiotov, xcu vc/aov 
dovg a^Tw e^vtov y.al ygambv, ngbg to 'Ctjv ccvtov iv&ifffitag^ cag Xoyi— 
kov' xal a^iagTOVTi vjio&i'jxrjv *6ovg ngog \xETavoiav tt\v aavTOV ayadS- 
TrjTa ' srtids inl Tovg xexXixoTag aot av%sva ipv%7\g xal craipaiog * on ov 
fiovXsL tov Savarov tov afiagTwXov, aXXot tijv {ismvoifxv, wctte anovTgs- 
ipat ccvtov ano Trig bdov ccvtov Tr^g novijgag, xal £j/v. c O Nivevltuv 
rcQocrde$(X[AEVog ti)v [isTavoiav ' 6 &eXojv navTag avd-gwriovg ato&ijvai, y.al 
slg inlyvwaiv ctXrjdslag eX&elv ' 6 tov vibv ngoads^a^tvog, tqv xuTacpay- 
ovTa tov filov amov aaojTOig, naTgixdig cmXay%voig, diet ti)v {ietvcvoiocv ' 
avTog xal vvv 7tgoo~dE%ai tmv Ixetoov o~ov ti\v [iSTayvowiv * oTt ovv. egtlv 
og ovx oifxaQTrjosTal aoi ' sav yag avdfiiag TtagaTrjgijo-j], y.vguE, xvqis, Tig 
V7ioaTi](78T0((, ; OTi nuga vol 6 iXaorfxog ectti ' y.al anoxaxoiO'TrjO'OV amovg 
jfl ayloc gov ixxXijo-la, ev ttj ttqotsqoc a$lct y.al Ttfij], dice tov XgioTOV tot 
Oeov amrjoog ?^&»v * di ov vol do$u y.al ngoay.vvrjo'ig, iv tw aylco tivev- 
^t«Ti, tig Tovg aibjvccg. otfiijv. 

* Nos, in quantum nobis et videre et judicare conceditur, faciem singulo- 
rura videmus, cor scrutari et mentem perspicere non possumus. De his ju- 
dicat occultorum scrutator et cognitor cito venturus, et de arcanis cordis at- 
que abdilis judicaturus. Obesse autem mali bonis non debent, sed magis 
mali a bonis adjuvari. Id Ep. 55. — Qua ex causa necessario apud nos fit, ut 
per singulos annos seniores et praepositi in unum conveniamus ad dis- 
ponen da ea, quae curae nostrae commissa sunt, ut si qua graviora sunt, 

43 



338 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

the concurring sentiments of most of the early writers on this sub- 
ject. It was reserved for a later age to confound these important 
distinctions, and to arrogate to the church the prerogative of forgiv- 
ing sins. 

Various synonymous expressions occur in the writings of Tertul- 
lian and Cyprian, to denote this mode of discipline, all of which are 
in accordance with the representations given above of penance, such 
as disciplina, orandi disciplina, fatientiae disciplina, deifica disci- 
pline*, satisfaction satisfacere, etc. The last mentioned terms imply 
a demand made by the church, on conditions imposed in order to a 
restoration to that body. Hence also the frequent expression, poe~ 
nitentia canonica, canones poenitentiales — penitential exercises re- 
quired by authority of councils and bishops. 

In the ancient phraseology of the church, the lapsed, who, after 
professing Christianity had abjured their faith, were included among 
the proper subjects of penance. The term was frequently applied 
in a wider sense, but in this restricted sense the lapsed were divided 
into several classes. 1. The Libellatici — those who received from 
a Roman magistrate a warrant for their security, libellum securitatis, 
or pads, certifying that they were not. Christians, or that they were 
not required to sacrifice to the gods. 1 2. The Sacrificati, including 
all those who had sacrificed to heathen gods, whether by constraint 
or voluntary. 2 3. Tradiiores. This term came into use about for- 
ty years after the death of Cyprian, and was employed to denote 
those who had delivered up copies of the sacred Scriptures, church 
records, or any other property of the church. 3 These were charge- 
able with different degrees of guilt according to the nature of their 
offence. They who had been guilty of murder and adultery weie 
sometimes included under this class. 

§ 4 Different classes of Penitents. 

Neither Tertullian nor Cyprian make any mention of different 
classes of penitents. It is therefore to be presumed that this dis~ 



communi consilio dirigantar, lapsis quoque fratribas,et post layacrum sals- 
iare a Diabolo vulneratis per poenitentiam medela qaaeratur : non quasi a 
nobis remissionem peceatoram eoasequantur, sed at per nos ad intelligen- 
tiam delictorum saoram eonvertantar, et Domino plenias satssfaeere cogan- 
tur. — Firmiliarij £>p. ad Cyprian., Ep. Cypy. 75, 



DIFFERENT CLASSES OF PENITENTS. 339 

tinction into several classes was made at a later period. They are 
first mentioned in the equivocal epistle of Gregory Thaumaturgus, 
bishop of Neocaesarea, from A. D. 244 to A. D. 270. This classi- 
fication was fully known in the fourth century, 1 and probably was 
first established in the latter part of the third century, or beginning 
of the fourth. 

The penitents were divided into four classes or degrees, as fol- 
lows : 

1. IlgoGitXaloviEg, Jlentes, mourners, or weepers. These were 
rather candidates for penance, than actual penitents. They were 
wont to lie prostrate in the porch of the church. Sometimes they 
knelt or stood, entreating the faithful and the clergy to intercede for 
them for their forgiveness and reconciliation. Tertullian says, 
" they were accustomed to fall down at the presbyter's feet, and 
kneel to the friends of God and entreat all the brethren to intercede 
for them." 2 These were probably called %£iiAu£ovisg, hiemantes, be- 
cause they remained in the open air, not being permitted, on any 
occasion, to enter within the sacred enclosure of the church. Others 
suppose that demoniacs were designated by this name, from the con- 
vulsions to which they were subject. 

2. 'AxqowiLivoi, audientes, hearers. These were permitted to en- 
ter within the doors, and to take their station in the narthex, or low- 
est part of the house, where they were allowed to hear the reading 
of the Scriptures and the exposition of them, but were denied the 
privilege of joining in the prayers of the church. Basil and others 
prescribe three years as the term of their continuance in this order. 3 
They were regarded as sustaining the same relations to the church 
as the first class of catechumens, and were known by the same name. 
They were distinguished however from the catechumens, by not be- 
ing permitted to receive the imposition of hands. 4 

3. TjtotiIjitovtei;, FovvxUvovTeg, substrali, or gemifleclentes, prostra- 
tors, kneelers. These were much the same as the third class of 
catechumens, who also bore the same name. They were permitted 
to remain at public prayer, but only in a kneeling posture. The 
catechumens took precedence of them in attendance upon prayers, 
and sooner passed into a higher grade. In this class of penitents 
they continued three, and sometimes even seven years. 5 

4. SwLVTaixzvoi) consistentes, by-standers. This class take their 
name from their being permitted to stand with believers, and to join 



340 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

with them in prayer, but not to partake of the communion with them. 9 
Whether they were permitted to remain as spectators of the sacra- 
mental service is uncertain. They continued in this class for the 
space of two years. 

Some have supposed, but without sufficient reason, that there was 
a fifth" class of penitents. The truth rather is that the distinction be- 
tween these classes was not uniformly observed. In the time of 
Cyprian, the bishop had not, indeed, authority officially to regulate 
the rules of penance ; still he exercised a controlling influence in 
these matters. But by later ecclesiastical rules, the bishop was au- 
thorized to abridge or extend the time allotted for penance. The coun- 
cil of Ancyra especially accorded to the bishop a discretionary pow- 
er in this respect, and particularly directs him charitably to consider 
the deportment of the offender, both before and after entering upon 
a course of penance, and grant him a dispensation accordingly.* 
This is the true origin of that practice which subsequently led to such 
enormous abuses — the granting indulgences. 

The Indulgentia paschalis, so called, has a special reference to 
the penitents, and to their stations in the early church. 

§ 5. Of the duties of Penitents, and the discipline imposed 
upon them ; or the different kinds and degrees of penance. 

Penance, as has been already observed, was wholly a voluntary 
act, on the part of those who were subject to it. The church not only 
would not enforce it, but they refused even to urge, or invite any to 
submit to this discipline. It was to be sought as a favor, not inflicted 
as a penalty. But the offending person had no authority, or permis- 
sion, to prescribe his own duties as a penitent. When once he had 
resolved to seek the forgiveness and reconciliation of the church, it 
was, exclusively, the prerogative of that body, to prescribe the con- 
ditions on which this was to be effected. No one could even be re- 
ceived as a candidate for penance, without permission first obtained 
of the bishop or presiding elder. 

* Tovg ds kTucry.onovg e^ovalav fysw, iov tqotzov xrjg imaTQOcprjg do- 
xifiaaaviag (pLlav&QOJTtsvsa&ai, rj nliiova ttqovti&svou %qovov ttqo nav- 
jcav ds xal 6 TiQodywv (3log, v.ul b ^isza Tama, i&Ta^ia&a' y.al ovzcog v 
ydav&Qbmla smiisTQsicr&oi. Cone. Ancyr. c. 5. This rule was estab- 
lished also by Constitut. Carolin. 1." vii. c. 294. 



DUTIES OF PENITENTS. 341 

The duties required of penitents, consisted essentially in the fol- 
lowing particulars : 

1. Penitents of the first three classes were required to kneel in 
worship, whilst the faithful were permitted to stand. 

2. All were required to make known iheir penitential sorrow by 
an open and public confession of their sin. This confession was 
to be made, not before the bishop or the priesthood, but in the pres- 
ence of the whole church, with sighs, and tears, and lamentations. 
These expressions of grief they were to renew and continue, so long 
as they remained in the first, or lowest class of penitents, entreating, 
at the same time, in their behalf, the prayers and intercessions of the 
faithful. Some idea of the nature of these demonstrations of peni- 
tence may be formed from a record of them contained in the works 
of Cyprian. 1 Almost all the canons lay much stress upon the sighs, 
and tears, accompanying these effusions. 

3. Throughout the whole term of penance, all expressions of joy 
were to be restrained, and all ornaments of dress to be laid aside. 
The penitents were required, literally, to wear sackcloth, and to 
cover their heads with ashes.* Nor were these acts of humiliation 
restricted to Ash Wednesday merely, when especially they were re- 
quired. 

4. The men were required to cut short their hair, and to shave 
their beards, in token of sorrow. The women were to appear with 
dishevelled hair, and wearing a peculiar kind of veil. 2 

5. During the whole term of penance, bathing, feasting, and sen- 

* "JIgts eco&ev avaai^vai, v.a.1 ivdvaafisvov acxxxov, y.al vnoSbv xcnana- 
odpbvov p.srd TiolXrjg orcovSrjg, not Say.qvojv nQOGTCtobtv . Euseb. Hist. Ecci. 
lib. v. c. 28. — Quis hoc crederet, ut saccum indueret, ut errorem publice fa- 
teretur, et tota urbe spectante Romana, ante diem paschae in Basilica Late- 
rani staret in ordine poenitentium ? Hieron. Ep. 30, Epit. Fab. — De ipso 
quoque habitu atque victu mandat, sacco et cineri incubare, corpus sordibus 
obscurare. Tertull. De Poenit. c. 9. — Totum corpus incuria maceretur, cinere 
adspersum, etopertum cilicia. Ambros. ad Virgin. Lap sam c. 8. — Agite poen- 
itentiam plenam, dolentis ac lamentantis animi probate moestitiam. . . 
Orare importet impensius, et rogare, diem luctu transigere, vigiliis noctes ac 
fletibus ducere, tempus omne lacrimosis lamentationibus occupare, stratos so- 
lo adhaerere, in cinere et cilicioet sordibus volutari, post indumentum Chris- 
ti perditum nullum jam velle vestitum, post diaboli cibum malie jejunium, 
justis operibus incumbere, quibus peccatapurgantur, eleemosynis frequenter 
insistere, quibus a morte animae liberantur. Cyprian. Dc Lapsis. 



342 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

sual gratifications, allowable at other times, were prohibited. In 
the spirit of these regulatious, marriage was also forbidden. 3 

6. Besides these restrictions and rules of a negative character, 
there were certain positive requirements with which the penitents 
were expected to comply. 

a) They were obliged to be present, and to perform their part at 
every religious assembly, whether public or private,— a regulation 
which neither believers nor catechumens were required to observe. 4 

b) They were expected to abound in deeds of charity and benevo- 
lence, particularly in alms-giving to the poor. 

c) Especially were they to perform the duties of the par abolani, 
in giving attendance upon the sick, and in taking care of them. 
These offices of kindness they were expected particularly to bestow 
upon such as were affected with contagious diseases. 

d) It was also their duty to assist at the burial of the dead. The 
regulations last mentioned are supposed to have been peculiar to the 
church of Africa. 5 

These duties and regulations collectively, were sometimes inclu- 
ded under the general term i$opol6yr)<jig, confession. By this, was 
understood not only words, but works ; both, in connection, being the 
appropriate means of manifesting sorrow for sin, and the purpose of 
amendment. 

§ 6. Re-admission of Penitents into the Church. 

The re-admission of penitents into the church was the subject of 
frequent controversy with the early fathers, and ancient religious 
sects. Some contended that those who had once been excluded 
from the church for their crimes, ought never again to be received 
again to her fellowship and communion. But the church generally, 
were disposed to exercise a more charitable and forgiving spirit. 

The following general principles prevailed in the ancient church, 
in regard to the restoration of excommunicated members to their for- 
mer standing. 

1. There was no established term of time for the continuance of 
penance. The several grades each extended through three, seven, 
and even ten years ; but the whole was varied according to circum- 
stances, or at the discretion of the bishop. 1 The abuse and perver- 
sion of this privilege led the way to the sale of indulgences in the 
Roman Catholic church. 



RE-ADMISSION INTO THE CHURCH. 343 

2. Sincere and unfeigned penitence was, alone, considered legiti- 
mate and satisfactory. It was called poenitentia legitima, plena, 
justa, when attended, both in public and in private, with lamenta- 
tions, and with tears, and every demonstration of sincere penitential 
sorrow for sin. This was regarded more than the amount of time 
spent, under the discipline of penance. 2 

3. In case of extreme sickness, and in prospect of death, the ex- 
communicated person might be forgiven and restored by ihe bishop, 
or by a presbyter or deacon, by virtue of authority delegated to him 
for this purpose. But in case of the recovery of the sick person, the 
whole prescribed course of penitence was usually required of him. 3 

4. When one of the clergy fell under ecclesiastical censure he 
was forever incapacitated from returning to the discharge of his offi- 
cial duties, even though restored to the communion of the church. 
A layman also, who had once been the subject of discipline in the 
church, was ineligible to any clerical office. 4 

In regard to the mode of receiving again the returning penitent, 
it may be remarked, 

1. That the restoration was not only a public act, but a part of 
public worship. For this public absolution the obvious reason was 
assigned, that the restitution made by the offender, was in this way 
made as public, as the act of excommunication ; and that the salu- 
tary influence of the discipline might be felt by the whole body of 
the church. 

2. The same bishop, under whom the penitent had been excluded 
from the church, or his successor, was the only appropriate organ 
of restoring him to the fellowship of the church. 5 This rule was so 
strictly enforced that the bishop, who should violate it, was liable to 
severe censure, or to be removed from office for the offence. 6 To 
prevent any mistake, the names of excommunicated persons were 
publicly enrolled, and a list of their names sent to the neighboring 
dioceses. 7 These regulations were severally observed in order that 
the church, who witnessed the offence, might also receive the full 
influence of the discipline with which it was visited. 

3. The restoration usually took place on passion week, which was 
from this circumstance denominated hebdomas indulgentiae ; or at 
some time appointed by the bishop. The transaction was perform- 
ed in the church, when the people were assembled for religious wor- 
ship ; and for the most part immediately before the administration 



344 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

of the Lord's supper. The individual, kneeling before the bishop in 
the attitude and garb of a penitent, and before the altar, or the read- 
ing desk, (the ambo,) was re-admitted by him with prayer and the 
imposition of hands. 8 The latter rite, especially, was regarded as 
the significant and principal token of admission to the communion 
of the church. The chrism was also administered to heretics, but 
no other class of offenders. 

4. No established form of absolution is recorded, but from anal- 
ogy it might be presumed that some such was in use. Nothing like 
the modern method of absolving in the name of the Father, Son, and 
Holy Ghost, was known to the ancient church. 9 The whole rite 
was frequently denominated " dare pacem," from which it is fairly 
presumed, that some such phraseology was included in the form of 
absolution. 

5. The fifty-first Psalm was usually sung on this occasion, but not 
as a necessary part of the service. 10 

6. The sacrament was immediately administered as a token that 
the penitent was re-instated in all his former privileges, the disquali- 
fication for the clerical office only excepted. 

§ 6. Private Penance. 1 

" Properly speaking, public penance is such as relates to notorious 
offences, and is performed only before the church ; private penance 
relates to sins confessed only to a priest, for which satisfaction is pri- 
vately performed. It is private penance, thus closely connected 
with the practice of auricular confession, which has been exalted to 
the rank of a sacrament in the church of Rome. 

No precedent or other authority in favor of this practice can be 
found in the New Testament. James, (5: 16,) relates to a mutual 
confession of sins ; and demands no more confession of the people 
to a priest, than of a priest to the people. Roman Catholic writers, 
abandoning this passage, contend, however, that auricular confession 
is founded upon Scripture, inasmuch as it is a natural and necessary 
accompaniment of the power of forgiving sins, which they suppose 
to have been vested in the apostles, Matt. 18: 18. 16: 19. John 20: 23. 
Such is the position maintained by the council of Trent, (Sess. xiv. 
c. 3 — 6) ; the unsoundness of which has been, however, abundantly- 
proved. 



PRIVATE PENANCE. 345 

" The more acute and judicious controversialists on the Romish 
side betake themselves to the authority of the fathers in this matter ; 
claiming Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Tertullian, and 
others, as bearing witness to the existence of private confession in 
their days. But it is found, upon examination, that the i^oiAoXoyrjaig, 
or confessio, to which they allude, is quite another thing, — such, in 
fact, as has been already described ; a point which is fully conceded 
by a celebrated Roman Catholic antiquarian, Gabriel Albaspinaeus. 
(Observed. Eccl. lib. ii. c. 26.) The truth is, that the ancient wri- 
ters speak of i$o[iol6yq<TiQ only in the sense of confession of sin to 
Almighty God, or as denoting public penance ; the whole exercise, 
in the latter case, being denominated from its introductory part. 
Concerning the former kind of confession, the fathers teach express- 
ly that it is to be made only to God, and not by any means to man, 
whether the whole church or individual ministers, Basil. M. in Ps. 
37: 8. Chrysost. Horn. 31 in Ep. ad Hebr. It is wholly unconnec- 
ted with anything in the shape of satisfaction or penalty ; its only 
necessary accompaniment being repentance or contrition, with pur- 
pose of amendment. ' The other kind of confession related, as has 
been already explained, to those open or notorious offences, on ac- 
count of which a member of the church had been excluded from her 
communion ; and it was required as a preparatory step in order to a 
restoration to ecclesiastical privileges. And together with this, we 
may rank the public confession of previous sins which was required 
as one of the preliminaries of baptism ; allusion to which is made 
by some of the earliest ecclesiastical writers. 

" During the Decian persecution, the number of penitents being 
very large, the bishop deemed it expedient to appoint certain pres- 
byters to the especial office of receiving their confessions prepara- 
tory to public penance ; it having been already recommended, as a 
wholesome practice, that persons suffering under any perplexities of 
mind or troubles of conscience, should have recourse to some wise 
and skilful pastor for their guidance and satisfaction. The establish- 
ment of this office of penitentiary presbyters is related by Socrates, 
Hist. Eccl. lib. v. c. 19, and Sozomen Hist. Eccl. vii. 16 ; from 
whom we learn also that it was never admitted by the Novatians ; 
that it was abolished at Constantinople, by Nectorius the bishop, in 
the reign of Theodosius ; and that this example was followed by al- 
most all the bishops of the East, in whose churches the office was 
44 



346 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

accordingly discontinued ; but that it continued in use in the West- 
ern churches, and chiefly at Rome, to prepare men for the public 
penance of the church. The appointment of these penitentiary 
priests may be regarded as having led the way to the institution of 
confessors, in the modern acceptation of the term. But those offi- 
cers were by no means identical, and ought not to be confounded 
with each other. The office of the penitentiary priests l was not to 
receive private confessions in prejudice to the public discipline ; 
much less to grant absolution privately upon bare confession before 
any penance was performed ; which was a practice altogether un- 
known to the ancient church ; — but it was to facilitate and promote 
the exercise of public discipline, by acquainting men what sins the 
laws of the church required to be expiated by public penance, and 
how they were to behave themselves in the performance of it ; and 
only to appoint private penance for such private crimes as were not 
proper to be brought upon the public stage, either for fear of doing 
harm to the penitent himself, or giving scandal to the church.' 
Bingham, Antiq. b. xviii. c. 3, § 11- The confession of sins was 
indeed private ; but it was destined to be made public in order to 
the performance of penance. The private or auricular confession 
of later centuries is quite different from the confession made to those 
penitentiary presbyters. Confession was not made to them, with a 
view of obtaining forgiveness from God ; but in order to procure res- 
toration to the former privileges of the offended church. It was 
considered indeed useful and necessary to seek for both kinds of for- 
giveness at the same time ; but no christian minister claimed the 
power of pronouncing pardon in the name of God. See Schroeck, 
Kirchensgeschichte, iv. 318 — 321. 

" The regular establishment of the system of private confession 
and absolution is usually ascribed to Leo the Great, who represen- 
ted not merely any particular penitentiary priests, but every priest, 
as possessing the power and authority to receive confession, to act 
as an intercessor with God on behalf of the penitent, and to declare 
forgiveness of sins in the name of God. But even the system intro- 
duced by this pontiff* differed from that which has prevailed since the 
thirteenth century in the Roman church, inasmuch as the confes- 
sion of sins was left to every one's own conscience, and penance 
was still regarded as an entirely voluntary act, which no one could 
be compelled to perform ; nor was the priest supposed to possess in 



RECAPITULATION. 347 

himself any (delegated) power of forgiving sins. And subsequently 
to the age of Leo, it was considered as a matter quite at the option 
of an offender either to confess his sins to a priest, or to God alone. " 

§ 7. Recapitulation. 

For the purpose of illustrating to the common reader the views of 
the ancient church respecting this interesting and important subject, 
together with the motives which led to the observance of this system 
of discipline as detailed above, a recapitulation is inserted in the 
words of the popular author of whose labors we have taken occasion 
frequently to avail ourselves in the progress of this work.* 

1. Severity of discipline. Widely as society, among the primi- 
tive Christians, was pervaded with the leaven of a pure and exalted 
morality, and well adapted as were the means they took to preserve 
that high standard of piety and virtue, their history bears melancholy 
evidence, that no precautions are sufficient to protect the purest as- 
sociations of men from the intrusion of t'he unworthy. Even in the 
earliest age of the church, when the number of the disciples was 
small, and the apostles themselves presided over the interests of the 
infant body, the rules of christian propriety were frequently violated, 
and the most odious forms of hypocrisy and vice were found lurking 
under the cloak of a religious profession ; and it is not surprising, 
therefore, that as Christianity enlarged her boundaries, and saw mul- 
titudes flocking to her standard in every region of the world, the 
number of delinquents proportionally increased. While some who 
had embraced the cause of Jesus from low and selfish considerations, 
and others who had brought over to the new religion a lingering at- 
tachment to the habits of the old, were often found acting in a man- 
ner that disgraced the christian name, or betrayed a spirit at vari- 
ance with the requirements of the gospel, a more numerous class 
were driven, through weakness, or the fears of persecution, to apos- 
tatise from the faith, and defile themselves again with the profane 
rites of idolatry ; and no description of offenders — not even those 
who were guilty of the grossest immoralities, — appeared in the eyes 
of the primitive church to have more degraded themselves, and to be 
covered with a darker shade of guilt, than those who, from a cow- 
ardly apprehension of torture and death, relapsed into the abomina- 

* Jamieson, pp. 147 — l5iJ. 



348 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

tions of heathenism. From various causes, then, partly arising from 
the peculiar circumstances of the times, partly traceable to the gen- 
eral corruption of human nature, the primitive Christians were ever 
and anon distressed with the discovery of offences committed by 
some of their body against the name or the principles of Jesus ; and 
accordingly, one branch of their manners that presents itself pre- 
eminently to our notice, throughout the whole of their history, is the 
mode of treatment they observed towards their erring or fallen 
brethren. 

That treatment was characterised by a rigor and an impartiality 
to which the discipline of succeeding ages has seldom furnished a 
parallel ; and indeed it is not wonderful, that they who adopted such 
extraordinary means to prevent the introduction of vicious or un- 
worthy men into the church, should have been equally anxious for 
the stern and unsparing exclusion of all who were afterwards found 
wanting in the requisite qualities of faith and holiness. Whatever 
other faults the primitive Christians fell into at different periods, at 
no time did they lay themselves open to the imputation of laxity. 
On the contrary, so much did a severe and inflexible virtue regulate 
the terms of membership, during the whole period within which they 
flourished, that no sin, whether of that scandalous description that 
outrages every feeling of decency, or of that milder character that 
implies only an inconsistency with the spirit of the gospel, was al- 
lowed to pass, without receiving a due measure of censure or con- 
demnation. Each successive age, though it added in many other 
respects to the religious observances of the preceding, transmitted 
the ancient discipline of the church unimpaired to posterity, and en- 
deavored to preserve the christian society as a sacred enclosure, 
within whose precincts nothing unclean or unholy was permitted to 
enter or continue. 

2. Tenderness and sorrow for the offender. But however firm 
and vigorous the hand with which they wielded the reins of disci- 
pline, they always tempered the infliction with the affectionate spirit 
of christian love, and combined unqualified detestation of the sin with 
lively pity and concern for the sinner. While, in executing that 
painful duty, they knew no man after the flesh, — would have ad- 
dressed the language of reproof, — or passed the sentence of a long 
exile from the community of the faithful on their dearest earthly 
friend, if he deserved it, — they mourned over the fall of an erring 



RECAPITULATION. 349 

disciple as much as if they had been suffering a personal or family 
bereavement. The day on which such a doom was sealed, was a 
season of universal and bitter lamentation. The aged considered 
themselves as having lost a son or a daughter — the young, as having 
been severed from a brother or sister. Every one felt that a tie had 
been broken, and that an event had occurred which could be consid- 
ered in no other light than as a dire and wide-spread calamity. Be- 
fore, however, they allowed matters to reach that painful extremity, 
they never failed to resort to every means, in private, of reproving 
and admonishing the brother whom they saw to be in fault ; and it 
was not till after they had tried all the arts of persuasion, and their 
repeated efforts had proved unavailing, that they brought the case 
under the notice of the church, and subjected the offender to that 
severe and impartial ordeal which few but the most daring and incor- 
rigible had the hardihood to abide. It is scarcely possible for us, 
who live in a slate of society so different, to conceive the tremen- 
dous effect of a sentence which cut off an obstinate offender from all 
connection with the church, and which, being solemnly pronounced 
in the name of God, seemed to anticipate the award of the judgment 
day. Looking upon the fallen disciple from that moment as an en- 
emy of Christ and a servant of the devil, the brethren avoided his 
presence as they would have fled from plague or pestilence. They 
were forbid to admit him to their house, to sit with him at table, or 
to render him any of the ordinary offices of life, — and the man who 
should have been detected in his company, would have run the haz- 
ard of bringing his own character into suspicion, and of being thought 
a guilty partner of the other's sins. 

3. Tremendous effects of excommunication. Few, but those in 
whom long habits of secret wickedness had almost obliterated every 
religious feeling, could remain long undisturbed and tranquil in a 
state which, considered as forsaken by God as well as by man, was at- 
tended with such a tremendous load of present misery, — and which 
imagination associated with the terrors of a dark and unknown futu- 
rity. The hearts even of the most hardened, if they bore up for a 
while, through their corrupt nature, and the love of their sinful prac- 
tices, soon felt this unnatural boldness give way, and becoming 
alive to all the wretchedness of an excommunicated state, — the un- 
happy sinners, like persons standing on the brink of despair, placed 
themselves again at the gate of the church, and implored, in the 



350 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

most importunate and abject manner, to be delivered from a condi- 
tion which was more dreadful than death itself. From day to day 
they repaired to the cloisters, or the roofless area of the church, — 
for no nearer were they allowed to approach it, — and there they 
stood, in the most humble and penitent attitude, with downcast looks, 
and tears in their eyes, and smiting on their breasts ; or threw them- 
selves on the ground at the feet of the faithful, as they entered to 
worship, begging an interest in their sympathies and their prayers, 
— confessing their sins, and crying out that they were as salt which 
had lost its savor, fit only to be trodden under foot. For weeks and 
months they often continued in this grovelling state, receiving from 
the passengers nothing but the silent expressions of their pity. Not 
a word was spoken, in the way either of encouragement or exhorta- 
tion ; for during these humiliating stations at the gate, the offenders 
were considered rather as candidates for penance than as actually 
penitents. When at last they had waited a sufficient length of time 
in this state of affliction, and the silent observers of their conduct 
were satisfied that their outward demonstrations of sorrow proceeded 
from a humble and contrite spirit, the rulers of the church admitted 
them within the walls, and gave them the privilege of remaining to 
hear the reading of the Scriptures and the sermon. The appointed 
time for their continuance among the hearers being completed, they 
were advanced 10 the third order of penitents, whose privilege it was 
to wait until that part of the service when the prayers for particular 
classes were offered up, and to hear the petitions which the minister, 
with his hands on their heads, and themselves on their bended knees, 
addressed to God on their behalf, for his mercy to pardon and his 
grace to help them. In due time they were allowed to be present 
at the celebration of the communion, and the edifying services that 
accompanied it ; after witnessing which, and offering, at the same 
time, satisfactory proofs of that godly sorrow which is unto salvation, 
the term of penance ended. 

4. Duration of banishment from the church. The duration of this 
unhappy banishment from the peace and communion of the church 
lasted for no fixed time, but was prolonged or shortened according 
to the nature of the crime, and the promising character of the offen- 
der. The ordinary term was from two to five years. But in some 
cases of gross and aggravated sin, the sentence of excommunication 
extended to ten, twenty, and thirty years ; and even in some cases, 



RECAPITULATION. 351 

though rarely, to the very close of life. During the whole progress of 
their probation, the penitents appeared in sackcloth and ashes, — the 
men were obliged to cut off their hair, and the women to veil them- 
selves, in token of sorrow. They were debarred from all the usual 
comforts and amusements of life, and obliged to observe frequent 
seasons of fasting,— an exercise which, in the ancient church, 
especially among the Christians of the East, was deemed an indis- 
pensable concomitant of prayer. 

5. Solemn manner of restoring offenders. On the day appointed 
for their deliverance from this humiliating condition, they came into 
the church in a penitential garb of sackcloth, and with a trembling 
voice and copious tears, took their station on an elevated platform, 
where, in presence of the assembled congregation, they made a pub- 
lic confession of their sins, and throwing themselves down on the 
ground, they besought them to forgive the scandal and reproach 
they had brought on the christian name, and to give them the bene- 
fit and comfort of their intercessory prayers. The brethren, moved 
with the liveliest emotions, at beholding one, to whom they had often 
given the kiss of peace, in so distressing a situation, fell on their 
knees along with him, and the minister, in the same attitude of pros- 
tration, laying his hands on the head of the penitent, supplicated, with 
solemn fervor, the divine compassion on him, and then raising him, 
placed him in the ranks of the faithful at the table of the commu- 
nion. 

This severe and protracted discipline, through which offenders, in 
the primitive church, were required to pass, — though several out- 
ward ceremonies usually entered as elements into the observance, 
was reckoned essentially a discipline of the mind ; and it was as 
different from the bodily mortification, in which the votaries of Papal 
Rome comprise the whole duty of penitents, as the life-giving spirit 
is from the senseless form. Two grand and important objects were 
contemplated in its appointment, — the one to check every sin in the 
bud, and prevent the contagion of an evil example ; for so jealous 
were the good and holy Christians of primitive times, of the least 
dishonor being done to their heavenly Master, or the smallest re- 
proach being cast on his cause, that they lost no time in excluding 
from their society every one who refused compliance with the pre- 
cepts of the gospel, or was not adorned with the fruits of its genuine 
and consistent disciples : — the other was to afford penitents sufficient 



352 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

time to prove the sincerity of their sorrow, and to satisfy the church 
of their well-founded claims to enjoy its clemency and be restored 
to its privileges. It was the more necessary to adopt those measures 
of precaution, that in the days of primitive Christianity, multitudes, 
who from the ranks of idolatry came over to Christianity, retained a 
strong predilection for their early indulgences and habits, and were 
the occasion, by their vices and their crimes, of doing injury to the 
cause they embraced, to an extent of which we can scarcely form 
any idea. Accordingly, those who, under the pressure of severe 
sickness, or in the immediate prospect of death, were absolved and 
admitted to peace and communion, were, in the event of their re- 
covery, required to place themselves again in that stage of their dis- 
cipline at which they had arrived when arrested by their indisposition, 
and to complete the course in due order, as if no interruption had 
occurred ; while, on the other hand, the sins of some were consid- 
ered as of so black a hue, and involving such enormous guilt, that a 
life-time appearing far too short a time to enable them to bring forth 
fruits meet for repentance, they were doomed by a law, as unalter- 
able as the laws of the Medes and Persians, to live and die under the 
ban of the church. In regard to those cases where penitents, in the 
progress of their trials, relapsed into sin, they were degraded to a 
lower rank, and obliged to enter on the task of probation anew, — an 
obligation, however, which, in such circumstances, was at once a 
punishment, and a favor granted to them as an act of grace, in the 
spirit of christian tenderness, — disposed to forbear a little longer 
with their weakness. But when a person who had gone through the 
routine of penitential observances, and was restored to the privileges 
of full communion, repeated his crime, or was convicted of another, 
the opportunity of again placing himself in the order of penitents was 
inflexibly denied, and no importunities or tears on his part, — no in- 
fluence nor intercession on that of others, could open the gates of the 
church, which thenceforth were for ever shut against him. 

6. Impartiality of this discipline — story of Theodosius. Nor was 
the discipline of the primitive church less distinguished for its im- 
partiality than its rigor. Never was it known that the shield of pro- 
tection was thrown over the head of a relative or a friend ; never 
did a timid or time-serving policy lead its rulers to shrink from visit- 
ing with merited punishment the perpetrator of wickedness in high 
places. Let the offender be who or what he might, — whether old or 



RECAPITULATION. 353 

young, a male member of the community, or one belonging to the 
gentler sex ; whether invested with the sacred office, or moving in 
the humbler sphere of an ordinary brother ; whether a poor me- 
chanic, or a christian prince, — all were equally amenable to the 
laws ; all were doomed indiscriminately to abide the consequences 
of violating them ; all required to submit to the same tedious and 
searching ordeal, as the indispensable terms of their restoration to 
christian society. The following historical anecdote, out of many 
similar ones that might be adduced, affords so interesting and re- 
markable a proof, with how steady and equal a hand the reins of 
ancient discipline were wielded, that we are confident our readers 
will excuse its insertion. The emperor Theodosius, who flourished 
about the year 370, was a prince whose character was adorned with 
many virtues, and who added to the other excellent qualities that 
distinguished him, — a firm and sincere attachment to the gospel of 
Christ. As the best of men, however, have their besetting sins, and 
their inherent faults, Theodosius inherited the infirmity of a keen 
and impetuous temper, which, on several occasions, hurried him to 
the inconsiderate adoption of measures which he afterwards found 
cause bitterly to lament. The most memorable of these occasions 
was the affair of Thessalonica. In that city of Macedonia, some 
enactments of the emperor had given so great and universal dissatis- 
faction to the inhabitants, that they assembled in an uproar, threat- 
ening to set the imperial orders at defiance, and sufficiently indicat- 
ing their determined spirit of resistance by an attack upon the gar- 
rison, which was signalized by the massacre of the commanding offi- 
cer, and several of the soldiery. The intelligence of this untoward 
event so incensed Theodosius, that he forthwith issued his mandate 
for reducing the whole city to ashes ; and the bloody edict would 
have been carried into prompt execution by the military, who par- 
ticipated in the feelings of their monarch, and breathed revenge for 
the loss of their slaughtered comrades, had not some christian bish- 
ops, by their powerful and importunate intercession, prevailed on the 
emperor reluctantly to recal his orders. The prime minister, 
however, was implacable, and by his incessant representations to his 
imperial master, that so ill-timed clemency would produce the 
greatest detriment to the public service, and weaken the hands of 
government especially in the provinces, succeeded in inducing The- 
odosius to reissue his command for exterminating the Thessalonians 

45 



354 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

with fire and sword. Seldom have the annals of history been stained 
with so foul a deed of perfidy and baseness. Proclamation having 
been made, that on a set day, the civil authorities would treat the 
populace to an exhibition of their favorite games, a vast concourse 
assembled, and the moment all eyes were rivelted to the spot, ex- 
pecting the spectacle to commence, bands of soldiers rushed furi- 
ously from all quarters on the defenceless crowd, slaughtering all 
without distinction of age, sex, or condition. So dreadful was the 
massacre, that within three hours, 7000 people were stretched life- 
less on the ground. Meanwhile a messenger had been posting night 
and day from the palace with a commission to stop the proceedings, 
the emperor having no sooner consented to the massacre than he 
relented ; but the deputy did not arrive till the unfortunate Thessa- 
lonica had become a city of the dead, and Theodosius had to sustavn 
in the eyes of God and man the guilt of such unparalleled cruelty. 
Not long after, circumstances occurred that rendered it necessary 
for the emperor to repair to Milan, when the celebrated Ambrose, 
bishop of the place, wrote him a letter, in which he severely re- 
proached him for his base and horrible treatment of the Thessaloni- 
ans. Nothing is known of the reception given to this letter, or of 
any further correspondence that may have passed between them on 
the subject, till, on the Lord's day, the emperor proceeding to public 
worship, Ambrose met him at the gates of the church, and peremp- 
torily refused to admit him. This proceeding of Ambrose, extraor- 
dinary as it may appear to us, could not have been surprising nor 
unexpected to his sovereign, who was well aware that the austere 
discipline of the times doomed offenders of every description to wait 
in the area or the porticoes of the church, and beg the forgiveness 
and the prayers of the faithful, ere they were permitted to reach the 
lowest station of the penitents. Self-love, however, or a secret pride 
in his exalted station, might perhaps have led Theodosius to hope 
that the ordinary severity of the church would be relaxed in his fa- 
vor, — more especially, as the act imputed to him as a crime was jus- 
tified by many urgent considerations of state policy ; and under this 
delusion, he made for the church, never dreaming, it would seem, 
that whatever demur the minister of Christ might make, he would 
have the boldness to arrest the progress of an emperor in presence 
of his courtiers, and of the whole congregation. But the fear of man 
was never known to have made Ambrose flinch from his duty ; and, 



RECAPITULATION. 355 

heedless of every consideration, but that of fidelity to the cause and 
the honor of his heavenly Master, he planted himself on the thresh- 
old of the church, and vowed, that neither bribes nor menaces would 
induce him to admit, into the temple of the God of peace, a royal 
criminal* red with the blood of thousands, who were his brethren, — 
all of them by the ties of a common nature, — many of them by the 
bonds of a common faith. Theodosius, thus suddenly put on his 
self-defence, took refuge in the history of David, who was also a 
sovereign ; and who, though he had combined the guilt of adultery 
with that of murder, was yet pardoned and restored to favor by God 
himself, on the confession of his sins. " You have resembled David 
in his crime," replied the inflexible Ambrose, " resemble him also in 
his repentance." Self-convicted and abashed, the emperor aban- 
doned all further attempts ; and, returning to his palace, during 
eight months continued in a state of excommunication from christian 
fellowship, bearing all the ignominy, and stooping to all the humili- 
ating acts required of those who underwent the discipline of the 
church. As the first annual season of communion approached, the 
anxiety of the emperor to participate in the holy rite became extreme. 
Often, in the paroxysms of his grief, did he say to the counsellor, 
who had advised the Draconic edict against the Thessalonians, 
" Servants and beggars have liberty to join in worship and commu- 
nion, but to me the church doors, and consequently the gates of 
heaven, are closed ; for so the Lord hath decreed, ' Whatsoever ye 
shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven,' " At length it was 
agreed between the prince and his favorite, that the latter should 
seek an interview with Ambrose, and endeavor to gain him over to 
employ a privilege of his order, — that of abridging, in certain cir- 
cumstances, the period appointed for the duration of church disci- 
pline. The eagerness of his royal master could not wait his return, 
and, meeting him on his way, he was greeted with the unwelcome 
intelligence, that the faithful bishop considered it a violation of his 
duty, to remit any part of the just censures of the church ; and that 
nothing but submission to the shame and degradation of a public 
confession of his sins could accomplish the object which was dearest 
to the heart of the royal penitent. On an appointed day, accord- 
ingly, Theodosius appeared in the church of Milan, clothed in sack- 
cloth ; and, acknowledging the heinousness of his offence, the just 
sentence by which he forfeited the communion of the faithful, and 



356 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

the profound sorrow he now felt for having authorized so gross an 
outrage on the laws of heaven, and the rights of humanity, was re- 
ceived, with the unanimous consent of the whole congregation, once 
more into the bosom of christian society. Nothing can afford a bet- 
ter test of the simplicity and godly sincerity of the christian e*mperor> 
than his readiness to assume, in presence of his people, an attitude 
so humiliating. How deep must have been his repentance towards 
God,— how strong his faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, — and how many 
plausible reasons of personal honor and public expediency must he 
have had to encounter, ere he could bring himself, in face of a 
crowded assembly, to say, as he entered, " My soul cleaveth unto 
the dust ; quicken thou me, according to thy word ;" and ere he 
could throw himself prostrate on the ground, to implore the pardon 
of God and the forgiveness of his fellow men ! And if this extraor- 
dinary history affords an illustrious example of genuine repentance, 
it exhibits, in no less memorable a light, the strictness and impartial- 
ity of primitive discipline. What minister would have dared to im- 
pose, — what prince would have submitted to undergo, a course of 
public penitence, so humiliating and so painful, if it had not been 
the established practice of the church to let no offenders escape with 
impunity. 

§ 8. Of Councils.* 

Origin of ecclesiastical councils. Roman Catholic writers derive 
their authority for ecclesiastical councils from the example of the 
church at Jerusalem, as recorded in Acts xv. They regard that as 
the first ecclesiastical council ; and from the deliberations and de- 
cisions of that body, they deduce the several conclusions following. 

1. That the appropriate mode of settling questions relating to re- 
ligious subjects is by council. 

2. That the laity should be excluded from such councils ; and yet 
the whole church took part in the deliberations at Jerusalem, Acts 15: 
22, 23. 

3. That the duty devolves upon the successor of St. Peter to pre- 
side in such councils. 

4. That the results of such councils are to be communicated 
throughout the churches. 

* From Siegel's Handbuch, vol. IV. pp. 406—425. 



OF COUNCILS. 357 

5. From the expression, " It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and 
to us," Acts 15: 28, they infer the infallibility of these decrees of 
councils. 

6. From the authoritative command of this council, they assert 
the duty of unreserved submission to the synodical decrees. 

In answer to these arrogant pretensions it is sufficient to say, that 
no council is known to have been held for near one hundred and 
fifty years after this time. They then began to be held in Greece 
and Asia Minor. But they were only provincial synods, local and 
limited in their jurisdiction ; though bishops and presbyters of other 
provinces were allowed to have a seat in them. These councils 
made no appeal whatever to divine authority or apostolic usage in 
vindication of their right of jurisdiction over the churches. They 
were composed only of the clergy, of whom merely the bishops are 
distinctly mentioned. They deliberated respecting the important 
affairs of the church, altiora quaeque ; and prepared themselves for 
the public deliberations by watching and fasting. All this is fairly 
inferred from the incidental mention of these councils by Tertullian, 
who is the earliest writer that takes notice of them, De Jejunio, c. 13, 
written near the end of the second century. The passage is given 
in the note below.* 

About the middle of the third century, Firmilian, bishop of Caesa- 
rea, wrote to Cyprian an epistle in which he takes occasion to say 
that " the bishop, and elders annually assembled to deliberate upon 
ecclesiastical matters committed to their charge, that the most im- 
portant of these might be adjusted by mutual consultation," which 
confirms the account of Tertullian relative to this subject. 

An ecclesiastical council may be defined to be a synod, com- 
posed of a number of representatives from several independent 
christian communities, convened together to deliberate and decide 
upon matters relating to the welfare of the church. 

Aguntur praeter ea per Graecias ilia certis in locis concilia ex univer- 
sis ecclesiis, per quae et altiora quaeque in commune tractantur et ipsarepre- 
sentatio totius nominis christiani magna celebratione veneratur. Et hoc 
quam dignum fide auspicante congregari undique ad Christum? Vide quam 
bonum et jucundum habitare fratres in unum ! Hoc tu psallere non facile 
nosti, nisi quo tempore cum compluribus coenas, Conventus autem isti 
stationibus prius et jejunationibus operari, dolere cum dolentibus et ita de- 
mum congaudere gaudentibus norunt. 



358 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

Such councils began to be held in Asia Minor, and the neighbor- 
ing province of Thrace, towards the latter part of the second cen- 
tury; particularly from the year 160, to 173. 2 We know not in- 
deed the particular reasons for which these councils were held, but 
we have every reason to suppose that the occasions were wholly 
incidental and temporary. As soon as any connection began to be 
formed between different independent churches, they might natu- 
rally be expected to form associations of this kind, to deliberate up- 
on their common interests. Such a confederation was first formed 
among those very churches which were the first to unite in council. 

The clergy, again, who were most in harmony with one another 
might be expected soonest to form associations for mutual delibera- 
tion ; and such harmony of views it is well known prevailed espe- 
cially among the clergy of those provinces. In such communities, 
where all had severally a right to bear a part in such deliberations, 
the council must, of necessity, have been composed of representa- 
tives from each. It is impossible that all could have convened collec- 
tively in council ; as the representatives of their respective churches, 
the bishops and presbyters would of course be chiefly selected. 

In this manner, what was at first done by common consent would, 
in time, become an established usage, and a right confirmed by com- 
mon consent. The deacons may have remained at home, or they 
might have attended in council as members themselves of the clergy, 
or as amanuenses of the bishops. No mention is made of them in 
the accounts of these early councils. It is therefore to be presumed 
that their attendance or non-attendance was a matter of no special 
interest. 

Such being the state of things, the crafty bishops would easily 
have seen that, by constant and uniform attendance in council, they 
acquired increasing consideration and respect. Such councils being 
frequently held, the primate, or metropolitan bishop would of course 
have the prerogative of convening and presiding over them. 

The political form of government which prevailed in the Gre- 
cian states, no doubt had an influence in shaping the administration 
of their ecclesiastical affairs. The famous council of the Amphyc- 
tions were accustomed to assemble semi-annually from all the Gre- 
cian states. Something like this, we may easily suppose, would 
have obtained in the administration of their church government. In 
the absence of direct historical testimony to this effect, it is at least 



OF COUNCILS. 



359 



remarkable that both the council of Nice, and the Apostolical Con- 
stitutions direct that ecclesiastical councils be held semi-annually, 
and at the same seasons of the year when the Amphyctionic coun- 
cil were wont to convene. 3 The council of Nice only conformed to 
the established usage in settling upon these stated seasons for the 
convening of their body. This circumstance would show, beyond 
doubt, the influence of their political institutions in their ecclesiasti- 
cal affairs, did not the letter of Firmilian above quoted, speak of 
their councils as being held annually, per singulos annos. 

These councils of the Grecian states must, for a considerable 
length of time, have been circumscribed within very narrow limits. 
Tertullian knew nothing of them. Towards the beginning of the 
third century they began to be better known. The controversy be- 
tween the Eastern and Western church relating to Easter, threw the 
whole christian world, with the exception perhaps of Africa, into com- 
motion, and brought them together in opposing councils. Such coun- 
cils were now held at Caesarea, or Aelia, and at Rome ; in Pontus, 
and France ; in proconsular Asia, in Mesopotamia, and probably in 
Achaia. Within the third eentury, councils began also to be held 
in Africa. 

But without pursuing the history of these councils further, we will 
confine our attention to the following inquires relating to them. 
1. What was the extent of their jurisdiction ? 2. What was their 
peculiar organization ? 3. Who were appropriately the constituent 
members of them ? 

1. What ivas the extent of their jurisdiction 7 At first they were, 
without doubt, provincial synods. This conclusion is fully implied 
from the fact, that nothing is said relating to this subject. Had their 
jurisdiction extended beyond the limits of their own provinces, it 
must have been mentioned. The synods of Asia Minor must be 
understood, therefore, to have been restricted to their own provin- 
cial limits ; such as that of Hierapolis in Phrygia, which was chiefly 
inhabited by the Montanists. Those of Anchiolus were probably limi- 
ted in their jurisdiction to Thrace, but if not, they were only an ex- 
ception to the prevailing custom. The councils which were held in 
many places respecting the controversy on the subject of Easter, 
were assuredly provincial synods. Such were also the synods 
which were held in Arabia in the third century, A. D. 243 and 246. 
The same is true also of the synod of Rome held by Cornelius in the 



360 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

year 251 ; and of the synod of Antioch, A. D. 252 against the Nova- 
tians, and again at Rome, A. D. 260. Three provincial synods were 
also held at Antioch, from the year 264 to 269, against Paul of 
Samosata.. Still it is not to be presumed that all these were organi- 
zed on precisely the same principles ; the clergy from neighboring 
provinces may have had a seat and a voice in some of them. Men 
of great weight of character, and whose counsels were highly res- 
pected, were particularly desired to attend from other places, and 
the convening of the council was, at times, delayed in order to se- 
cure their attendance. Origen, in this capacity, attended the coun- 
cil in Arabia, and, by his learning and talents, settled the point in 
dispute to the satisfaction of the council. The bishops of Antioch 
also were so much embarrassed by the learning of Paul of Samosata, 
whom they would convict of heresy, that they invited the attendance 
of certain bishops from the Grecian provinces in Asia, including 
Palestine and Egypt. The metropolitan of Alexandria excused 
himself by reason of his great age ; 4 but many bishops from those 
provinces attended the council, — Firmilian from Cappadocia, Greg- 
ory and Athenodorus from Pontus, Helenus of Tarsus, Nicomas of 
Iconium ; and the archbishops Hymenaeus of Jerusalem, and Theo- 
tecnus of Caesarea, together with the bishop Maximus, from Arabia. 
Paul, however, by his talents withstood them all ; and the council 
dispersed without gaining any advantage over him. 5 Foreigners, in 
like manner, attended both the second and third councils which were 
held for the same purpose. In the last council, a presbyter, Mal- 
chion, bore a conspicuous part, and was the principal agent in put- 
ting an end to the discussion. 

About the same period of time other councils were held which 
were sometimes more and at others less than provincial synods. 
The council of Iconium, A. D. 235, consisted of bishops from Phry- 
gia, Galatia, Cilicia, and other neighboring provinces. Another 
council was also held in opposition to this in a neighboring town, 
Synnada, of which we know only that it had little or no influence 
against the first at Iconium. But this is sufficient to show that no 
established system of ecclesiastical jurisdiction at this time prevailed, 
even in the states of Greece, where such councils were first held. 

In Africa, there was much less of system in these matters than in 
the Grecian states. Cyprian informs that he thought it necessary to 
convene a council of many of the clergy, to deliberate respecting 



OF COUNCILS. 361 

the common good, in which council many topics were proposed and 
discussed. But he adds, " I am aware that some will never change 
their minds, nor give over a cherished purpose ; but however har- 
monious their colleagues may be, they will persist in the support of 
their own peculiar views. Under these circumstances it is not my 
business to attempt, by constraint, to give laws to any one ; but, in 
the administration of the church, to leave to every one to the free- 
dom of his own choice who must answer unto God for his conduct.'" 
Ep. 72. 

The first ecclesiastical council of Africa cannot be said to have 
been either provincial or general. Under Galba this country had 
been divided into three provinces. Constantino divided it into six. 
And yet it appears from Cyprian, Ep. 45, that the former division 
of Galba was still observed in the organization of the council, and 
that one even of these provinces was not represented ; but for what 
reason does not appear. All, however, by common consent ap- 
pear to have accorded to Cyprian at Carthage the right of conven- 
ing a general council at his pleasure. This is the more pro- 
bable from the fact that in the year 255, several bishops who appar- 
ently composed a provincial synod, appealed to him for the settle- 
ment of certain subjects of discussion among them. 

The other councils in Africa were, for the most part, provincial 
in their character. Such was the council which was held before the 
time of Cyprian, the date of which is not distinctly known. So also 
were the councils held by Cyprian in the years 249, 251, 252, 2.55 
and 256. 

From all which it appears, that most of the councils which were 
held in Africa were limited in their jurisdiction, and provincial in 
their character. Some, however, were more general ; and such 
was generally the character of the councils which were held in that 
country after the third century. 

2. What was the appropriate organization of the regular provin- 
cial synods ? In general, the ecclesiastic within the province, 
whether bishop, metropolitan, or patriarch, presided in these coun- 
cils. The popular character of these assemblies would indeed have 
permitted any one to be elevated to the office of moderator. But 
the gradations of the priesthood, and the jealousy of the several or- 
ders were such that none but he that was highest in official rank 
could have been placed in the chair to the mutual satisfaction of all 

46 



362 DISCIFLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

classes, The presbyters would have claimed precedence of the 
deacons, the bishops of the presbyters ; and so on until none should 
be found to dispute the claim with the highest dignitary of the pro- 
vince. The greatest number of the members of the council would 
also come from the diocese of the highest functionary, which cir- 
cumstance would give him the strongest party in the election. And 
Ihere are many other ways in which this seat might have been se- 
cured to him. 

The results or decrees, of the councils were usually published in 
the name of the moderator. There are some instances in which the 
names of the attending bishops accompany the decree. Such, how- 
ever, was not the usual custom. The metropolitans were jealous of 
their rights, and strove earnestly for a controling influence in the 
councils. For the same reason they insisted that the result should 
be published under the sanction of their authority, and in their name. 
They usually had the address to cause their own opinions to prevail ; 
and few had the independence to dispute them. Thus the metro- 
politan of Alexandria had the influence to cause his synod to banish 
Origen, A. D. 230. Cornelius effected the excommunication of 
three bishops at Rome, A. D. 251, in the same arbitrary manner. 
By such strides did the principal ecclesiastics advance their spiritual 
hierarchy ; and so tamely did the subordinate members of their coun- 
cils suffer the most esteemed men in the church to suffer unjustly 
under this spiritual despotism. The councils were merely the or- 
gan of the metropolitan to execute his arbitrary decrees. 

3. Who were appropriately members of these councils ? This in- 
quiry is involved in much darkness and uncertainty. There is how- 
ever satisfactory evidence that bishops and presbyters were entitled 
to bear a part in the deliberations of these assemblies. The letter of 
Firmilian, in the middle of the third century, makes distinct mention 
of presbyters, seniores. Origen, as a presbyter, attended the coun- 
cil of Arabia ; and Malchion acted in the same capacity in the three 
councils of Antioch. Besides, there were very, many churches un- 
der the care of presbyters, which, if represented at all in council as 
they evidently were, must send presbyters as their delegates. 

Whether the laity were permitted to take a part in the delibera- 
tions of these councils as constituent members of them is an interest- 
ing and important inquiry. This is discussed at length by Walch, 
p. 121. He is clearly of opinion that the laity of the place where 



OF COUNCILS. 363 

the council was held had this right. Others are of opinion that, in 
the absence of their bishops, laymen of the province where the coun- 
cil was held were delegated to attend in their place. And yet it 
seems most probable that the laity did not enjoy the right of acting 
as members oj these councils. One may indeed presume that, as 
representatives of the churches to which they belonged, they would 
be entitled to a place in the council ; but on this point history is si- 
lent. Had they exercised this right, it must have been a circum- 
stance of such interest to the clergy that we can hardly suppose that 
it would have been passed over in silence, especially in the earliest 
periods of the history of ecclesiastical councils. Party spirit would, 
at times, have appeared among them, and their influence mani- 
fested itself on one side or the other. It seems, therefore, that care 
was taken that the deliberations of the council should not be dis- 
turbed by the presence of the laity. 

The councils were usually held in the churches, or in buildings 
adjacent, and belonging to them ; and were open to the attendance 
of any as spectators. 

A scribe or recorder is first mentioned as having attended the se- 
cond council of Antioch against Paul of Samosata. They are also 
mentioned by Eusebius, 7. 29. Such clerks became common in the 
fourth century, who recorded at length the discussions and debates 
of the council. 

We close this view of the early ecclesiastical councils by recapit- 
ulating the conclusions to which it has conducted us. 

These councils were not formed after the model of that at Jerusa- 
lem which is described in Acts xv ; but took their origin and char- 
acter from the peculiar circumstances of the church in those primi- 
tive times. 

They were first held in the Grecian states ; and the political or- 
ganization of these states probably had much influence in the forma- 
tion of their peculiar constitution and organization. 

They were convened at the call of the metropolitan, who also 
acted as the presiding officer of the assembly, and exercised a con- 
troling influence over their deliberations and decisions. 

The several orders of the clergy, bishops, presbyters, and dea- 
cons, were regular members of these councils; but the laity were 
not entitled to a seat in them. 

They were unknown in Africa in the time of Tertullian ; but soon 



364 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

after his death they became common, not only in Africa, but also in 
Spain, France, and Italy. Their organization, however, was less 
regular and systematic than in the Grecian states. 

Both in the Eastern and Western churches they were, for the 
most part, merely provincial synods. (Ecumenical councils were 
of a later date under the christian emperors. 

The practical effect of these councils, from the beginning, was to 
give increasing consideration and influence to the clergy ; which 
continually increased until it finally ended in the full establishment 
of the ecclesiastical hierarchy.* 



* For the sake of illustrating the manner in which these ancient councils 
were held, we have transcribed the following record of the third council of 
Carthage, held A. D. 256 ; or rather it is but an abstract of the debates of 
that council, for it was attended by no less than eighty-seven bishops, who 
were convened to decide whether or not baptism administered by heretics 
should be regarded as valid. It is found in Cyprian's Works, p. 329, ed. 
Baluz. 

Cum in unum Carthagine convenissent Kalendis episcopi plurimi ex 
provincia Africa, Numidia et Mauritania, cum presbyteris et diaconis prae- 
sente etiam plebis maxima parte et lectae essent literae Jubajani ad Cyprianum 
factae, item Cypriani ad Jubajanum rescriptae de haereticis baptizandis, quid- 
que postmodum Cypriano Jubajanus idem rescripserit, Cyprianus dixit : Aud- 
distis collegae dilectissimi, quid mihi Jubanus Coepiscopus noster scripserit, 
consulens medio critatem nostram de illicito et profano Haereticorum baptis- 
mo, et quid ego ei rescripserem, censens scilicet, quod semel atque iterum et 
saepe censuimus haereticos ad ecclesiam venientes ecclesia baptismo bap- 
tizari et sanctificari oportere. Item lectae sint nobis et aliae Jubajani literae, 
quibus pro sua sincera et religiosa devotione ad epistolam nostram rescribens 
non tantum consensit, sed etiam instructum se esse confessus. gratias egit. 
Superest, ut de hac re singuli quid sentiamus,proferamus,neminem judican- 
tes, aut a jure communionis aliquem, si diversum senserit, amoventes. Ne- 
que enim quisquam nostrum episcopum se esse constituit, aut tryannico ter- 
rore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit, quando habeat omnis 
episcopus pro licentia libertatis et potestatis suae arbitrium proprium, tum- 
que judicari ab alio non possit, quam nee ipse potest alterum judicare. Sed 
exspectemus universi judicium Domini Jesu Christi. qui unus et solus habet 
potestatem et praeponendi nos in ecclesiae suae gubernatione et de actu nos- 
tro judicandi. Caecilius a Bilta dixit : Ego unum baptismain ecclesia solum 
scio et extra ecclesiam nullum. Hie erit unum, ubi spes vera et fides vera. 
Castus a Sicca dixit : Qui contemta veritate praesumit consuetudinem se- 
qui, et circa fratres invidus est et malignus, quiius Veritas revelatur, aut cir- 
ca Deum ingratus, cujus inspiratione ecclesia ejus instruitur. 

Zosimus a Tarassa dixit : Revelatione facta ventatis cedat error veri- 



OF COUNCILS. 365 

After the conversion of Constantine, the councils of the church 
fell under the influence of the Byzantine emperors ; and at a still 
later period they submitted to the presidency and dictation of the 
bishop of Rome. 

The celebrated council of Nicaea, A. D. 325, is distinguished as 
having been the first which pronounced a decision respecting a chris- 
tian doctrine, or article of religious faith ; as well as the first over 
which a temporal prince presided. It is also usually reckoned as 
the first general council ; but it was, in fact, a council of only the 
Oriental church ; the Spanish bishop Hosius, and two Roman pres- 
byters, were the only ecclesiastics from the West by whom it was 
attended. All the particulars respecting this remarkable and impor- 
tant council are given by the authors who are mentioned in the in- 
dex. 6 

The number of oecumenical or general councils is variously reck- 
oned by different churches. 

The orthodox Greek church enumerates seven, namely : 

tati, quia et Petrus, qui prius circumcidebat, cessit Paulo veritatem prae- 
dicanti. 

Pudencianus a Cucculi dixit : Novitas episcopatus effecit fratres dilectissi- 
mi, ut sustinerem, quid majores judicarent. Num haereses nihil habere nee 
posse manifestum est. Atque ita, si qui ex eis venerint baptizari, acquissi- 
me statutum est. 

Item alius Lucius ab Jlvizia dixit: Secundum motum animi mei et Spiritus 
Sancti,cum sit unus Deus, et unus Christus, et una Spes, et unus Spiritus, 
et una ecclesia, unum debet esse baptisma. 

Victor ab Octavo dixit : Quod et ipsi scitis non olim sum episcopus con- 
stitutus et ideo expectabam praecessorum consilium. Hoc itaque existimo 
ut, quicunque ex haeresi venerint, baptizentur. 

Natilis ab Oga dixit : Tarn ego praesens, quum Pompejus Sabratensis, quam 
etiam Dioga Leptimagnensis, qui mihi mandaverunt, corpore quidem absen- 
tees, spiritu praesentes, censemus, quod et collegae nostri, quod haeretici 
communicationem habere non possunt nisi ecclesiastico baptismo baptizati 
fuerint. — Non oportet episcopos, qui vocantur ad Synodum, negligere. — 
Sed abire et docere et doceri ad eccorrectionem ecclesiae et reliquorum. Si 
quis autem neglexerit, is se ipsum accusabit, praeterquam si propter intem- 
periem et aegritudinem non venerit.) 

Cyprianus Carthagine dixit : Meam sententiam plenissime exprimit epis- 
tola,quae ad Jubajanum, collegam nostrum scripta est, haereticos secundum 
evangelium et apostolicam contestationem et adversarios Christi et anti- 
christos appellatos, quando ad ecclesiam venerint, unico ecclesiae baptismo 
baptizandos esse,ut possint fieri de adversariis amici etde antichristis chris- 
tiani. 



366 



DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 





A. D 


The First of Nicaea .... 


325 


The First of Constantinople 


381 


Ephesus ..... 


431 


Chalcedon ..... 


451 


The Second of Constantinople . 


553 


The Third of Constantinople 


680 


The Second of Nicaea 


787 



The church of Rome recognizes eighteen general councils, sanc- 
tioned by the pope, of which the council of Trent is the last. But 
Romish writers are not quite agreed upon this subject. A list set up 
in the Vatican, by command of Sixtus V, enumerates the following: 









AD 


The First of Nicaea . . . 325 


The First of Constantinople 






381 


The First of Ephesus 






431 


Chalcedon 






451 


The Second of Constantinople 






553 


The Third of Constantinople 






680 


The Second of Nicaea 






787 


The Fourth of Constantinople 






869 


The First Lateran 






1122 


The Second Lateran 






1139 


The Third Lateran . 






1179 


The Fourth Lateran . 






1215 


The First of Lyons . 






1245 


The Second of Lyons 






1274 


Vienne . . . . . 






1311 


Florence ..... 






1439 


The Fifth Lateran . 






1512 


Trent 






1545 



It appears from this list that the councils of Pisa, A. D. 1409, of 
Constance, A. D. 1414, and of Basle, A. D. 1431, which are com- 
monly regarded as general councils, are not recognized as such at 
Rome. 

Protestants, for the most part, recognize four general councils, 
namely : 



CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 367 

A. D. 

Nicaea 325 

Constantinople . . . . . . 381 

Ephesus 431 

Chalcedon ' . 451 



Some receive also : 



The Second of Constantinople . . . 553 
The Third of Constantinople ... 680 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

DOMESTIC AND SOCIAL CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE 
CHRISTIANS. 

This interesting portion of Christian Antiquities is passed in si- 
lence, by Augusti, Rheinwald and Siegel. But it is indispensable 
in order to form a just estimate of the character of the primitive 
Christians, and of the true spirit of their religion. 

The following compilations are accordingly made from Jamieson, 
to whom frequent reference has been made in the progress of this 
work ; and from an article by Prof. Stowe in the Biblical Repository 
for July, 1840. These representations, however, should be under- 
stood as relating to the earliest periods of the church, antecedent 
to the sad declensions which soon overshadowed the cloudless light in 
which Christianity arose upon the world. 

§ 1. OF THEIR MODE OF LlFE. 

Among the primitive disciples, Christianity made no essential dif- 
ference in their relations to society and the external world, more 
than it does among their followers in the present day. Apart from 
the faith they had embraced, and the altered estimate it led them to 
form of the scenes and the pleasures of the world, their new views 
occasioned no change in their rank, their profession, or their outward 
circumstances in life. In general, they lived like other men around 



368 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

them — speaking the same language, partaking of the same fare, ob- 
serving the same intervals of labor and repose, and in everything 
that was honorable, pure, and of good report, conforming to the rules 
and the habits which custom had established. The mechanic wrought 
at his trade, the husbandman prosecuted the labors of the field, the 
merchant repaired to his shop, the soldier continued in the ranks, — 
men went, from day to day, and from place to place, obeying the calls 
of business and friendship as before ; and instead of separating from 
their former acquaintances, or withdrawing into solitude from the 
avocations to which they had been bred, and by which they lived, 
they gave no symptoms, in any of these respects, of a change of 
habits, except that, being furnished with higher motives, they attend- 
ed with an activity, a diligence, and fidelity greater than ever, to all 
the claims of society and the offices of life. In the earliest times, 
indeed, when persecutions were frequent and severe, there were 
many Christians,, male and female, married and unmarried, who, 
justly persuaded that nothing should come in competition with their 
fidelity to Christ, and fearing, at the same time, their own inability 
to remain steadfast and immoveable amid the fiery trials by which 
they were assailed, resolved on abandoning for a time their place 
and possessions in the world, and fleeing to distant mountains and 
inaccessible deserts, where they spent their time in the service of God, 
and continued, at a distance from temptations to apostasy, the exer- 
cises of meditation and prayer. But when peace was restored, and 
the profession of Christianity was no longer proscribed and danger- 
ous, this measure of prudence was no longer resorted to, — those who 
had found it expedient, for the preservation of their christian fideli- 
ty, to take such a step, quitted their temporary retirement : and al- 
though there were some who having come, through habit, to prefer 
a solitary life, remained in their adopted habitations in the wilder- 
ness, the great majority of these voluntary exiles returned to the cir- 
cle of their families and friends, and mingled as before in the wont- 
ed scenes and activities of life. Indeed, it was no part of the 
creed of the primitive Christians, that on embracing the religion of 
Jesus, they were required to give up all concern in the secular busi- 
ness, or to become dead to the comforts and innocent enjoyments of 
the world. 

" We are no Brahmins," says Tertullian, Apol. c. 42, " we are no 
Hindoo Fakiers, we are not eremites or hermits, who flee from life. 



DRESS AND FURNITURE. 369 

We are well aware of the obligations we owe to God, our Creator 
and Lord. We reject the enjoyment of none of his gifts ; we seek 
only to preserve the requisite moderation, and to avoid abuses. We 
do not live in this world without participating in your markets, your 
baths, your public houses, your workshops, your auctions, and every- 
thing which pertains to the commerce of life. We engage with you 
in navigation, in military service, in agriculture, in trade. We en- 
gage with you in manufactures, and devote our labor to your bene- 
fit." 



§ 2. Of their Dress and Furniture. 

Nothing may appear more purely a matter of indifference, than 
the choice of the fashion and color of dress ; and yet, in the circum- 
stances of the primitive Christians, articles of that nature did acquire 
such an importance in their eyes, that they gradually fell into a style 
of clothing peculiar to themselves. Not that they affected any singu- 
larities in their personal appearance — for their habiliments were made 
and worn in the ordinary fashion of the time and place, — and Chris- 
tians, whether they were found in the high, the middle, or the lower 
ranks, were accustomed to equip themselves in a manner suitable to 
the decencies of the state or profession to which they belonged. But, 
looking to the moral influence of dress, desirous of avoiding every- 
thing that might minister to vanity, or lead the wearer to forget, in 
attending to the outward man, the ornament of a meek and quiet 
spirit, they studiously rejected all finery as unbecoming the humility 
of their character, and confined themselves to a suit of apparel, re- 
markable not so much for the plainness of the material, as for the 
absence of all superfluous ornament. Everything gaudy or sumptu- 
ous, that partook of the costly stuffs, or the crimsoned dyes that suit- 
ed the luxurious taste of the times, was discountenanced by the spir- 
itually minded followers of Christ ; and, though many of them were 
entitled by birth or otherwise to appear in the flowing folds of the 
graceful toga, yet, even that favorite garb, while it was retained for 
the valuable privileges it conferred, was looked upon as too gay and 
splendid for ordinary use, and was by most, if not by all Christians, 
laid aside for the common pallium or cloak, to which the preference 
was given on account of the air of greater modesty and gravity that 
was supposed to belong to it. Moreover, among the Christians of the 

47 



370 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

East, the custom early prevailed of wearing garments of no other 
color than white, — in order that they might carry about with them a 
perpetual memorial of the purity of character that became their pro- 
fession ; and there were others in various parts of the world, who 
thought it their duty to carry the imitation of Christ to the extent of 
wearing the meanest and most common attire of oue in the form of a 
servant. But neither of these extravagances met with very general 
countenance ; and the greater part contented themselves with a 
dress, free from all approach to gaudiness and pomp, betraying no 
symptoms of an anxious and elaborate decoration of the person, and 
conspicuous only for its neat and cleanly appearance. 

The same simplicity and plainness reigned throughout the domes- 
tic establishment of the Christians. Most of the primitive disciples, 
indeed, were in circumstances that offered no temptations to indulge 
in the splendor or variety of ornamental furniture. Their inventory 
of goods embraced only a few simple articles of use, which their per- 
sonal and family wants required, and it may be supposed, therefore, 
that there was nothing remarkable in the absence from their houses, 
of all traces of pomp and elegance, which they neither possessed the 
means, nor entertained the hope of acquiring. But even those of 
their number, who were persons of rank and opulence, amply provi- 
ded with resources to gratify a taste for ornament, chose to content 
themselves with such things as were recommended by their utility 
rather than their elegance, and calculated to answer the purposes of 
necessity and comfort, rather than to gratify the lust of the eye and 
the pride of life. Seats and cabinets, finished with the costly veneer- 
ing of tortoise-shell, and couches ornamented with the rich embroid- 
eries of Babylon ; — vessels of gold and silver, the numberless statues 
and other graceful accompaniments, of all sizes and forms, which 
adorned the chambers, the porticoes, and gardens of the rich, and 
indicated the epicurean taste that distinguished the age, disappeared 
from the houses of the Christians as inconsistent with a humble and 
mortified life ; and however refined and exquisite the laste which, 
through education and the habits of society, any of them had acquir- 
ed, they learned to subject it to the higher principle of denying them- 
selves to everything that tended too much to captivate the senses, 
and increase their love to a world, the fashion whereof they thought 
was soon to pass away. This indiscriminate rejection of the elegan- 
cies of life, has frequently exposed the memory of the primitive 



DIET AND MODE OF TAKING THEIR MEALS. 371 

Christians to the sneer of the infidel, and the unmeasured indigna- 
tion of the enthusiastic admirer of the arts ; and, perhaps, in some 
instances, there may be a foundation for the charge, that they mani- 
fested an uncalled-for severity in their too great and unqualified con- 
tempt of pleasures, which become sinful only when indulged to a 
criminal excess. But to a people on whose minds the doctrines of 
Christianity had burst with all the force and vividness of a new and 
important discovery, and among whom the impression almost univer- 
sally prevailed, that the years of the world were about to close, it 
was natural to regard with jealousy and treat with neglect all the 
forms of earthly pomp and beauty, that tended to supplant their de- 
sires for the objects and glories of that better world on which their 
hearts were fixed. Although the indifference and superiority to the 
world which Christianity requires, lies solely in the state and affec- 
tions of the mind, and this spiritual habit may be cultivated in the 
most opposite circumstances of affluence or poverty, it was natural 
that the Christians, in the first ardor of their faith and hope, should 
overlook this distinction, and consider that their safety consisted in 
the complete abandonment of luxuries and pleasures, the thought of 
which was so ready to come in competition with concern for their 
souls. 

§ 3. Of their Diet and mode of taking their Meals. 

The tables of the primitive Christians were distinguished by the 
greatest frugality and temperance. Their grand principle was to 
eat and drink in order to satisfy the cravings of nature, and invigo- 
rate their bodies for a renewal of their necessary labors ; and while, 
on the one hand, they knew nothing of the austere and painful ab- 
stinence, which after-ages of ignorance and superstition came to 
practise and extol as highly meritorious, they were equally careful, 
on the other hand, to check the indulgence of a nice and fastidious 
taste in the gratification of the palate. There was nothing, indeed, 
which they seem to have been more solicitous to avoid than any im- 
itation of the excessive luxury and epicurean habits of their contem- 
poraries ; and justly accounting all excess, whether in eating or in 
drinking, as incompatible with the maintenance of purity, and atten- 
tion to spiritual duties, they inflexibly adhered to the rule of abstain- 
ing from everything that tended to inflame the passions, or to engec- 



372 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

der any hankering after the pleasures of sense. On no species of 
food did they lay an interdict, except on things strangled, and on blood, 
according to the council of the apostles, which, for many ages, con- 
tinued in force among the Christians, — and such high seasoned 
viands as were heating to the frame. Those of the East, indeed, 
who, living in a warmer climate, were always distinguished by their 
habits of austerity and abstinence beyond Christians in other places, 
preferred the flesh of fish or fowl to the grosser and more succulent 
flesh of quadrupeds. Many of them even lived wholly on a diet 
consisting of preparations of milk, or of vegetables, or such light 
fruit as figs and dates. Wine was freely admitted to the tables of 
the primitive Christians— their notions of propriety, however, forbid- 
ding the use of it to women and young people. But even by the 
other sex it was drank sparingly ; and though chiefly the weak wine 
of the country, was always, according to the practice of the ancients, 
diluted with water. To have continued long indulging in such a 
luxury, or to have been discovered smelling the flavor of the wine- 
C up ? — to have made sumptuous preparations for the table, — to have 
betrayed much anxiety about the cookery, or produced a great vari- 
ety of viands and spicery at their entertainments, would, in those 
early days of Christianity, have brought discredit, if not ruin, on the 
religious character of the individual. And yet there were no auste- 
rities then in vogue among the Christians. Looking upon all the 
creatures of God as good for food, they deemed themselves at per- 
fect liberty to make use of them as suited their convenience and 
their taste, at such times and in such a measure as temper, constitu- 
tion, or age, required ; and they never dreamed of imposing any 
limits to the enjoyment of the comforts of life, beyond what reason 
and religion prescribed. But justly accounting an ill regulated and 
luxurious appetite as the source of innumerable evils, and placing 
their highest ambition and pleasure in the attainment of spiritual ex- 
cellence, they practised the greatest abstemiousness, confining them- 
selves to the plainest and simplest fare ; in many instances taking 
only one meal, in none more than two a-day, and then never carry- 
ing their indulgence in the pleasures of the table further than that 
temperate use of them which was necessary to repair the bodily 
vigor, and which left the mind free and ready, as occasion offered, 
to engage in prayer or other exercises of religion. The object they 
proposed to themselves by the practice of such singular moderation 



DIET AND MODE OF TAKING THEIR MEALS. 373 

was that of mortifying the senses, and enabling them to wield with 
a firmer hand the reins of discipline over the motions and appetites 
of their corrupt nature ; and that they entertained not the most dis- 
tant idea of making a vain and Pharisaic parade of their abstinence, 
or were accustomed to regard it in no other light than as simply a 
means of promoting the great end of their moral and religious im- 
provement, is evident from the following, out of innumerable anec- 
dotes, by which we might illustrate this branch of their customs. 
Among the martyrs that fell during the violent persecution of the 
Christians at Lyons, was a young man of the name of Alcibiades, 
distinguished for the exalted piety of his character, and who had for 
years accustomed himself to a small and sordid diet. When thrown 
into the dungeons, he continued the same habits of living, which, 
though long custom had rendered them easy to himself, gave offence, 
it seems, to several of his fellow-prisoners, who found it impossible 
to conform to his standard of abstinence. At length one of the con- 
fessors, undertaking seriously to remonstrate with him on the impro- 
priety of refusing to enjoy the gifts of a bountiful Providence, and 
thereby creating jealousy in the minds of others, Alcibiades listened 
in a christian spirit to the friendly admonition, and from that mo- 
ment, laying aside all singularit)?-, indiscriminately partook of what- 
ever was provided for himself and his brethren in distress. Thus 
admirably did the primitive Christians observe the golden mean, by 
avoiding equally the extremes of sordid penury and luxurious grati- 
fication of the senses. Their frugal diet acquired a relish from their 
previous labors ; and while they never denied to themselves any of 
the good things of life, as far as was consistent with the ends of so- 
briety and religion, they considered it their duty always to keep 
within the bounds of that " temperance which is a fruit of the 
Spirit." 

The manner in which they conducted their repasts was itself an 
effectual preservative of temperance, while, at the same time, it was 
eminently characteristic of the piety and spirituality of the primitive 
age. — When dinner had been served, and the family had taken 
their seats at the table, the master of the household, with a grave 
and solemn voice, and in a prayer of considerable length, acknow- 
ledged their dependence on the care of their common Father, ex- 
pressed their gratitude for the past tokens of his bounty, and invoked 
him to bless, for their health and comfort, the provisions of which 



374 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

they were about to partake. During the progress of the meal, some 
member of the family in houses of the lower class, or some hired 
reader, in those of the richer orders, entertained the company with 
select portions of the Scriptures; for so strong and insatiable Was 
their appetite for spiritual food, that they could not rest satisfied and 
happy without providing suitable refreshment for the soul at the same 
time that they were enjoying the comforts of the body. The viands 
being removed, the family circle was drawn more closely together, 
— for now were unfolded, and put into the hands of all, the precious 
scrolls in which, in those days, the Scriptures were written. Previ- 
ous to this, however, each was expected to put himself in an attitude 
of becoming reverence; the hands were carefully washed, that not 
a stain might fall on the Sacred Volume, and, while the men re- 
mained with their heads bare, the women covered themselves with 
a veil, as a token of respect for the Book of God. The head of the 
family then read aloud a few passages, both from the Old and the 
New Testament, accompanying them with some plain and simple 
admonitions of his own, or recalling to the memory of his audience 
the public exhortations which, on the preceding Sabbath, had been 
founded on them in the church ; or he taught the younger branches 
of the house to repeat after him the beautiful prayer which was dic- 
tated by the lips of the Saviour ; and told them, in simple phrase, 
of the love which God bears to the young, and of the blessedness of 
remembering their Creator in the days of their youth. These read- 
ings and exhortations were always short, and diversified, at inter- 
vals, by sacred music, — of which the primitive Christians were pas- 
sionately fond. Sometimes one, distinguished by taste and talents 
for spiritual songs, sung some favorite piece of sacred melody ; at 
other times, the shrill voices of the women and the children were 
blended in full chorus with the deeper tones of the men, — till, as the 
hour set apart for refreshment drew towards a close, the venerable 
parent, whose look and attitude called for momentary silence, gave 
thanks to the Giver of all good, for the enjoyment of their natural 
and spiritual comforts, and prayed that his presence and his blessing 
might be with them during the succeeding period of labor and duty. 
Thus, among the primitive Christians, their ordinary refreshments 
were sanctified with the Word of God and with prayer ; and thus 
were the words of eternal truth interwoven, in the most agreeable 
and captivating manner, with the habits and the pleasures of every- 
day life. 



DAILY DEVOTIONS. 375 



§ 4. Of their daily Devotions. 

Instead of consuming their leisure hours in vacant idleness, or de- 
riving their chief amusement from boisterous merriment, the recital 
of tales of superstition, or the chanting of the profane songs of the 
heathen, they passed their hours of repose in rational and enlivening 
pursuits, found pleasure in enlarging their religious knowledge, and 
entertainment in songs that were dedicated to the praise of God. 
These formed their pastime in private, and their favorite recreations 
at their family and friendly meetings. With their minds full of the 
inspiring influence of these, they returned with fresh ardor to their 
scenes of toil ; and to gratify their taste by a renewal of these, they 
longed for release from labor, far more than to appease their appe- 
tite with the provisions of the table. So far were these sacred occu- 
pations from being regarded as mere matters of routine by the primi- 
tive Christians, — so much were the sentiments and the melody of the 
sacred songs engraven on their memories and dear to their hearts, 
that after they had left the family group and repaired to their re- 
spective employments, they were wont to cheer themselves in pri- 
vate, amid the various processes of labor, with repeating the songs 
of Zion. Young women sitting at their distaff, and matrons going 
about the duties of their household, were constantly humming some 
spiritual airs. And Jerome relates of the place where he lived, that 
one could not go into the field without hearing the ploughman at his 
hallelujahs, the mower at his hymns, and the vine-dresser singing the 
Psalms of David. 

But it was not merely at noon, and in time of their meals, that the 
primitive Christians read the Word of God and sang praises to his 
name. At an early hour in the morning the family was assembled, 
when a portion of Scripture was read from the Old Testament, which 
was followed by a hymn and a prayer, in which thanks were offered 
up to the Almighty for preserving them during the silent watches of 
the night, and for his goodness in permitting them to meet in health 
of body and soundness of mind ; and, at the same time, his grace 
was implored to defend them amid the dangers and temptations of 
the day, — to make them faithful to every duty, and enable them, in 
all respects, to walk worthy of their christian vocation. During the 
day, they had, like the Jews, stated seasons, at the third, sixth, and 



376 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

ninth hours, corresponding respectively to nine, twelve, and three 
o'clock, according to our computation, when those who had com- 
mand of their time, were wont to retire for a little to engage in the 
exercises of devotion. In the evening, before retiring to rest, the 
family again assembled, when the same form of worship was ob- 
served as in the morning, with this difference, that the service was 
considerably protracted beyond the period which could be conve- 
niently allotted to it in the commencement of the day. Besides all 
these frequent observances, they were in the habit of rising at mid- 
night to engage in prayer and the singing of Psalms, — a practice of 
venerable antiquity, and which, as Dr. Cave justly supposes, " took 
its origin from the first times of persecution, when not daring to 
meet together in the day, they were forced to keep their religious 
assemblies in the night." 

While the Christians, in their family capacity, observed these 
periodical seasons of devotion, they laid hold of many opportunities, 
both stated and occasional, of praying in private. In addition to the 
secret supplications which every morning and evening they ad- 
dressed to the throne of grace, they were accustomed, on every 
proper and convenient occasion, to begin and terminate all their 
actions with prayer, — either audible or silent, according to circum- 
stances. On receiving any personal or domestic token of the divine 
goodness, when engaged in any important undertaking, such as 
sowing their seed, or reaping their harvest, — laying the foundation 
of a house or taking possession of it, — placing a web in the loom, or 
putting on a new suit of clothes, — entering on a journey, or going 
into a bath, — forming a new relation, or parting with a friend, — 
mingling with company,— at the beginning or closing of a letter, — 
they indulged in the aspirations of prayer : and so much did they 
familiarize themselves with its spirit and its sentiments, that they 
seemed to have cultivated the habit of constant mental intercourse 
with their heavenly Father. Prayer, indeed, was the grand ele- 
ment that pervaded the life of the primitive Christians ; for that 
spiritual exercise, being not so much a separate and formal act, as a 
habit and frame of mind, and consisting of all the various elements 
of praise and thankfulness, confidence and hope, obedience and love, 
so these principles of a new nature, being established in their minds, 
and diffusing a sanctified influence over the whole tenor of their 
walk and conversation; gave vigor to their faith, stability to their vir- 



DAILY DEVOTIONS. 377 

tue, and fed, like a perpetual spring, all the streams of christian ac- 
tivity and excellence, for which they were so remarkable. 

The epistle to Diognetus, written early in the second century,* 
contains the following description of Christians : " They are not dis- 
tinguished from other men by their place of residence, their language 
or manners. Though they live in cities of the Greeks and barbari- 
ans, each where his lot is cast, and in clothing, food, and mode of 
life, follow the customs of their country, yet they are distinguished 
by a wonderful and universally astonishing walk and conversation. 
They dwell in their own native land, but as foreigners ; they take 
part in everything as citizens, they endure everything as foreigners. 
Every foreign land is to them as their native country, and their na- 
tive country as a foreign land. They live in the flesh but not after 
the flesh. They dwell on the earth, but they live in heaven ; they 
obey the existing laws, but by their life elevate themselves above the 
laws. They love all men, and are persecuted, misunderstood, and 
condemned by all. They are slain and made alive ; they are poor 
and make many rich ; they suffer want in everything and possess 
abundance in everything ; they are cursed and they bless. In one 
word, what the soul is in the body, that Christians are in the world. 
As the soul is diffused through all the members of the body, so the 
Christians are spread through all the cities of the world. The soul 
indeed dwells in the body, but it is not of the body ; so Christians 
dwell in the world, but they are not of the world. The invisible 
soul is shut up in the visible body ; and so men know Christians as 
inhabitants of the world, but their life is hid with Christ in God. The 
flesh hates and fights the soul, though the soul does no injury to the 
flesh, but only prevents its giving itself up to its lusts ; so also the 
world hates Christians ; they do it no harm, but only set themselves 
against its lusts. The soul loves its hating flesh, and so Christians 
love those by whom they are hated. The soul is shut up in the 
body, and yet it is that by which the body is held together ; and 
Christians are held to their post in the world, and it is they who hold 
the world together. The immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, 
and Christians dwell as strangers in the corruptible world, and await 
the unchangeable life in heaven. So important a part has God en- 
trusted to them, which they dare not forsake." 



Neander, K G. 1. — By Professor Stowe. 
48 



378 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 



§ 5. Religious Education of their Children. 

There is not among the many interesting traits of christian char- 
acter with which the history of the early Christians abounds, one 
that stands out more frequently in beautiful and prominent relief, 
than the tender solicitude and the winning arts which they employed 
to imbue the susceplible minds of the young with the knowledge and 
the faith of the Scripture. While they were fondled on the knee, 
and still watched by the careful eyes of their nurse, the first words 
they were taught to lisp and articulate were the sacred names of 
God and the Saviour. And the whole range of nursery knowledge 
and amusement was comprised in narratives and pictures, illustrating 
episodes in the life of the holy child, or parables the most simple 
and interesting in the ministry of Christ. As their minds expanded, 
they were taught, along with the grand doctrines of Scripture, which, 
according to the approved fashion of those days, were rendered fa- 
miliar by apposite similitudes from nature, the Proverbs of Solomon, 
and those passages of the sacred volume which relate particularly to 
the economy of life. 

Religion, in short, was the grand basis of education, the only sub- 
ject which, during the first years of life, they allowed their children 
to be taught ; and in order to present it to their minds with the 
greater attractions, and entwine it with their earliest and purest as- 
sociations, they adopted the happy expedient of wedding it to the 
graces of poetry, and rendering it more memorable by the melody 
of numbers. From the earliest period of christian antiquity, there 
were authors who, like Watts in modern times, " condescended to 
lay aside the scholar, the philosopher, and the wit, to write little 
poems of devotion, adapted to the wants and capacities of children," 
and these, set to well-known and favorite airs, borrowed from the 
profaner songs of the heathen, were sung by the Christians at their 
family concerts, which enlivened their meals, and by which alone 
the still and peaceful tranquility of their homes was ever broken. 
Ere long, their children were taught common, and frequently short- 
hand writing, in lines taken from the Psalms, or in words of senten- 
tious brevity, in which the leading doctrines of the gospel were 
stated; and at a later period, when the progress of toleration allow- 
ed christian seminaries to be erected, the school books in use con- 



SIGN OF THE CROSS. 379 

sisted chiefly of passages of the Bible versified, and of the poetical 
pieces which illustrated or enforced the great subjects of faith and 
duty. The most celebrated of these were compositions of the two 
Apollinares, grammarians of high reputation in Syria — the elder of 
whom, in imitation of Homer, wrote the Antiquities of the Jews in 
heroic verse, down to the reign of Saul, while the first of the sacred 
story he described in such metrical forms as corresponded to the 
verses of the Greek Tragedians, and the lyrical ballads of Pindar. 
The department undertaken by his son, was that of reducing the 
history of the evangelists and the epistles of Paul into the form 
and style of Plato's dialogues ; and with so much taste and elegance 
were both of these works compiled, that on their first appearance 
they took their place among the most esteemed productions of the 
Fathers. Besides these, there was a collection of miscellaneous 
poems on sacred subjects, and in all sorts of verse, by the famous 
Gregory Nazianzen, in very extensive circulation. By means of 
these, and of many other evangelical books which have long ago be- 
come the prey of time, the christian youth were introduced to the 
elements of pure and undefiled religion, and their taste for know- 
ledge and the beauties of learning created and formed by works in 
which salvation was held up as the one thing needful, and no 
achievements described, no characters lauded, but such as were 
adorned with the fruits of righteousness. Thus did the pious care of 
the primitive Christians intermingle religion with all the pursuits and 
recreations of the young, and never allow them to engage in the 
study of science, or to plunge into the business of the world, until 
they had been first taught to view everything in the spirit and by 
the principles of the Word of God. 

§ 6. Sign of the Cross. 

There was no feature of their private manners more remarkable, 
than the frequency with which they made use of the sign of the 
cross. With minds filled as theirs were, with lively faith in the 
grand doctrine of redemption, and making it, as they did almost ev- 
ery moment, the subject of their meditations, and the theme of their 
gratitude, it is not wonderful, that they should have devised some 
concise mode of recalling it to their memories, or of expressing to 
each other by some mutual token, the principles and hopes they held 



380 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

in common. Accordingly, the sign of the cross naturally suggested 
itself as an appropriate emblem, and so early was its introduction 
among the daily observances of the Christians, that the most ancient 
of the Fathers, whose writings have descended to our times, speak 
of it as in their days a venerable practice, which, though it would be 
in vain to seek any scriptural authority for its use, tradition had au- 
thorized, and faith observed. Although, however, we have no au- 
thentic account of its introduction, we can guess at its origin. It was 
a beautiful custom of those who lived while the ministry of Christ 
was recent, and who were suddenly brought from the depths of de- 
spair at his death, to indescribable joy at his resurrection, to break 
off in the middle of conversation, and salute one another with the 
words, " Christ is risen." The practice was peculiar to the contem- 
poraries of the Saviour ; and it is not improbable, that when time, 
by removing them farther from that spirit-stirring event, had brought 
the interesting custom into disuse, his followers, in the next age, 
sought to substitute in its place that, which - in every variety of time 
and circumstance, forms the chief subject of interest in the history 
and religion of Jesus, and on which, as the grand foundation, the 
whole superstructure of christian doctrine rests. Accordingly, the 
cross was used by the primitive Christians as an epitome of all that 
is most interesting and important in their faith ; and its sign, where 
the word could not be conveniently nor safely uttered, represented 
their reliance on that event which is at once the most ignominious 
and the most glorious part of Christianity. It was used by them at 
all times, and to consecrate the most common actions of life— when 
rising out of bed, or retiring to rest — when sitting at table, lighting a 
lamp, or dressing themselves — on every occasion, as they wished 
the influence of religion to pervade the whole course of their life, 
they made the sign of the cross the visible emblem of their fahh. 
The mode in which this was done was various : The most common 
was by drawing the hand rapidly across the forehead, or by merely 
tracing the sign in air ; in some cases, it was worn close to the bo- 
som, in gold, silver, or bronze medals, suspended by a concealed 
chain from the neck ; in others, it was engraven on the arms or 
some other part of the body by a colored drawing, made by pricking 
the skin with a needle, and borne as a perpetual memorial of the 
love of Christ. In times of persecution, it served as the watchword 
of the christian party. Hastily described by the finger, it was the 



SIGN OF THE CROSS. 



381 



secret but well-known signal by which Christians recognized each 
other in the presence of their heathen enemies ; by which the per- 
secuted sought an asylum, or strangers threw themselves on the hos- 
pitality of their brethren ; and nothing appeared to the pagan ob- 
server more strange and inexplicable, than the ready and open- 
hearted manner in which, by this concerted means, foreign Chris- 
tians were received by those whom they had never previously seen 
or heard of, — were welcomed into their homes, and entertained with 
ihe kindness usually bestowed only on relations and friends. More- 
over, to the sacred form of the cross were ascribed peculiar powers 
of protecting from evil ; and hence it was frequently resorted to as 
a secret talisman, to disarm the vengeance of a frowning magistrate, 
or counteract the odious presence and example of an offerer of sa- 
crifice. It was the only outward means of defending themselves, 
which the martyrs were wont to employ, when summoned to the 
Roman tribunals on account of their faith. It was by signing him- 
self with the cross, that Origen, when compelled to stand at the 
threshold of the temple of Serapis, and give palm-branches, as the 
Egyptian priests were in the habit of doing, to them that went to 
perform the sacred rites of the idol, fortified his courage, and stood 
uncontaminated amid the concourse of profane idolaters. But, per- 
haps, the most remarkable instance on record of the use of this sign 
by the primitive Christians, and of the sense they entertained of its 
potent virtues, occurs in the reign of Diocletian, when that timorous 
and superstitious prince, in his anxiety to ascertain the events of his 
Eastern campaign, slew a number of victims, that, from their livers, 
the augurs might prognosticate the fortunes of the war. During the 
course of the sacrifice, some christian officers, who were officially 
present, put the immortal sign on their foreheads, and forthwith, as 
the historian relates, the rites were disturbed. The priests, ignorant 
of the cause, searched in vain for the usual marks on the entrails of 
the beasts. Once and again the sacrifice was repeated with a simi- 
lar result, when, at length, the chief of the soothsayers observing a 
Christian signing himself with the cross, exclaimed, " It is the pre- 
sence of profane persons that has interrupted the rites." Thus com- 
mon was the use, and thus high the reputed efficacy of this sign 
among the primitive Christians. But it was not in the outward form, 
but solely in the divine qualities of Him whose name and merits it 
symbolized, that the believers of the first ages conceived its charm 



382 CHARACTER OP THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

and its virtues to reside. It was used by them " merely as a mode 
of expressing, by means perceptible to the senses, the purely chris- 
tian idea, that all the actions of Christians, as well as the whole 
course of their life, must be sanctified by faith in the crucified Re- 
deemer, and by dependance upon him, and that this faith is the most 
powerful means of conquering all evil, and preserving oneself against 
it. It was not till after times, that men began to confound the idea 
and the token which represented it, and that they attributed the ef- 
fects of faith in the crucified Eedeemer, to the outward signs to 
which they ascribed a supernatural and preservative power." 

§ 7. Their deportment in the Business and Recreations of 

Life. 

As we have already seen, Christians mingled in the ordinary bu- 
siness of life ; they were engaged in the various occupations and 
trades of the people around them ; and in all the forms of business 
they were intimately associated with their heathen neighbors. But 
they were careful, not only to preserve a scrupulous honesty in all 
their dealings, they would immediately abandon trade or profession, 
however lucrative it might be, or however necessary to the support 
of their families, if it were seen that the occupation was in any re- 
spect an immoral one, or that it encouraged their heathen neighbors 
in the practice of sin, or was in any way inconsistent with the pre- 
cepts of Christianity. In an age when all the forms and business of 
society were so closely connected with pagan idolatry, when so 
many arts and trades centered in the idol worship, and lived on the 
vices of men, vast multitudes of Christians must have been thrown 
out of employment and reduced to extreme poverty, by the consci- 
entious abandonment of trades, the only ones which they could prac- 
tise, and on which their livelihood depended. They must find some 
other mode of living, or consent even to pauperism, rather than vio- 
late the precepts of the religion they professed. The church under- 
took the support of such men and their families, rather than let them 
continue in a doubtful calling; and they were willing to be poor and 
live like paupers, rather than neglect the slightest admonitions of 
conscience. On this point Tertullian gives ample directions. If 
those are converted who were makers of idols, they must pursue 
some other branch of their trade, repair houses, plaster walls, line 



THEIR DEPORTMENT. 383 

cisterns, coat columns. He who can carve a Mercury can put to- 
gether a chest of drawers ; there are few temples to be built, but 
many houses; few Mercuries to be gilded, but many sandals and 
slippers. If schoolmasters, they must even relinquish their calling 
rather than teach the adventures of the heathen gods, consecrate the 
first payment of each scholar to Minerva, or keep holidays in honor 
of Flora. If cattle merchants, they are to buy for the shambles but 
not for the altar. If hucksters, they are at least not to deal in in- 
cense. 

In an African church a stage actor was converted to Christianity, 
and having no other means of living, he instructed boys for the stage. 
Cyprian (Epist. 61) wrote that this must not be tolerated. "If he 
is poor and needy, let him come among the rest who are supported 
by the church, and let him be content with a poorer and more inno- 
cent maintenance. But he must not imagine that he deserves wa- 
ges for ceasing from sin, for in this he is doing service not to us but 
to himself. Seek, then, by all means in your power, to turn him 
from this bad and disgraceful life, to the way of innocence and hope 
of eternal life ; and that he be content with a more sparing, but yet 
a more wholesome diet, which the church will provide for him. 
And if your church is not able to do this, send him to us, and we 
will provide him with necessary food and clothing ; that he may not 
teach others who are out of the church destructive things, but may 
himself within the church learn the things which pertain to salvation." 

All dissipating amusements were strictly prohibited, and the Chris- 
tian was exhorted on all occasions to demean himself with a gravity 
and sobriety becoming a soldier of Jesus Christ and a priest of the 
most high God. From most of the amusements of their heathen 
neighbors they conscientiously abstained ; and the weak and the vain 
who suffered themselves to be betrayed into them, were promptly 
and severely rebuked. 

"The christian lady (says Tertullian, de Cult. II. 11,) visits not 
the heathen plays, and the noisy amusements of their feast days, but 
she goes out to visit the sick, to partake of the sacrament, or to hear 
the word of God." 

It seems that some weaker brethren and sisters could scarcely 
relinquish the amusements and gratifications to which they had been 
accustomed in early life, and endeavored to justify themselves, as 
Christians now do who are fond of the same irregularities. They 



384 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

said that the gifts of God were good and might be used for our law- 
ful pleasure, that plays and dances were nowhere expressly forbid- 
den in Scripture, that it was right to dance, for David danced before 
the ark ; that it could not be wrong to visit chariot races and horse 
races, for Elijah went to heaven in a chariot and with horses of fire, 
and the apostle Paul drew many of his illustrations from the race- 
course and the circus. 

Respecting such subterfuges, Tertullian exclaims : " O how wise 
does human folly deem itself in arguing, especially when it fears to 
love some worldly pleasure. Everything is indeed the gift of God, 
but we must consider to what end the things of God are given, and 
use them in accordance with their original design, or we commit sin. 
True, we nowhere find in Scripture an express verbal prohibition of 
theatres and plays ; but we find there the general principles of which 
this prohibition is the necessary consequence." 

In respect to the argument from Paul's illustrations, he remarks : 
" It were better they had never known the Scriptures than to pervert, 
to the defence of vice, those words and examples which were given 
to excite us to evangelical virtue ; for these things are written to 
raise our zeal the higher for useful things, since the heathen mani- 
fest so great zeal for things of no use. Tell me, what should be our 
desire, other than that of the apostle, to depart and be with Christ ? 
There is thy joy whither thy desire tends. Art thou so ungrateful 
as to overlook or be dissatisfied with the many and great joys which 
the Lord hath already given thee ? For what is more joyful than 
reconciliation with God, thy Father and Lord, than the revelation of 
the truth, the escaping from error, the forgiveness of so many sins ? 
What greater joy than the declining of the vain joys of the world, 
than the true freedom, the pure conscience, the innocent life, the 
fearlessness of death ? * * * These are the amusements, these are 
the plays of the Christian, which men cannot pay for with money. 
And what kind of joy is that which eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, 
nor the heart of man conceived ?" (Neander K. § I. 447 — 50.) 

§ 8. Their mutual Love and Concord. 

Among the various features in the character of the primitive 
Christians, there is none that so eminently claims our admiration as 
their mutual love. All the details transmitted to us of their social 



MUTUAL LOVE AND CONCORD. 385 

intercourse, and of their public conduct, bespeak the lively opera- 
tion of this christian spirit. And when we read of the delightful 
harmony and concord that reigned in their assemblies, their ready 
disposition to render to every one his due, — the high condescending 
to those of low degree, — the poor giving the tribute of their respect 
to those whom Providence had placed in a more exalted station, — 
and all vying, with amiable rivalry, to promote each other's happi- 
ness and welfare, we perceive the strong grounds of the proverbial 
observation of the heathen, " Behold how these Christians love one 
another !" Not only when they were small in numbers, and, meet- 
ing together almost daily, were well known to each other, did this 
admirable affection prevail among them, but, how widely soever 
they might be separated, the ardor of their love suffered no diminu- 
tion ; and, forgetting every other distinction in that of being the fol- 
lowers and friends of the Saviour, they sympathized in each other's 
joys and sorrows. Whatever blessing one of their number had re- 
ceived, was a subject of lively gratitude to all ; and whatever calami- 
ty had befallen a single member, spread a gloom over the whole 
community. Bound to each other by ties infinitely holier and dear- 
er than any that belong to the world, they looked upon themselves 
as members of the same common family. Every time that they 
met, either in their own houses or in their public assemblies, they 
interchanged the kiss, as a badge of fellowship, and token of the 
warmest affection. Though totally unconnected by ties of consan- 
guinity, they addressed each other, according to their respective age 
and sex, by the name of father, mother, brother, sister. Though 
naturally separated by distinction of rank and diversity of color, no- 
thing could cool the ardor or prevent the reciprocities of their mu- 
tual love. The knowledge of the simple fact, that any one was a 
follower of Jesus, changed him at once from a stranger into a friend ; 
creating a union between them not to be described by the cold selfish 
friendship of the world ; and to them belongs the peculiar distinc- 
tion of realizing a state of society which many philosophers had of- 
ten delighted to picture to their fancy, and wished for in vain, — the 
idea of a community united by no other bond than the golden chain 
of universal love. 

49 



386 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 



§ 9. Of their Benevolence. 

1. Their care of the poor. One very remarkable way in which 
this love manifested itself, was in the care they took of their poorer 
brethren. Among them, as in every association of men, the needy 
and destitute were found. The duty of providing for these was not 
left to the gratuities of private individuals, whose situation gave them 
opportunities of ascertaining, and whose benevolence prompted 
them to relieve, their necessities. It devolved on the whole commu- 
nity of believers, who regarded it not as a burden, but a privilege, to 
minister to the wants of those who bore the image of Christ ; and by 
their unwearied attentions to the discharge of this labor of love, they 
made the light of their liberality and benevolence so shine, as to 
command the admiration even of the cold and selfish heathens 
around them. As duly as the Sabbath returned, and as soon as 
they had brought their sacred duties to a close, the lists of the poor, 
the aged, the widow, and the orphans, were produced for considera- 
tion ; and, as if each had been hastening to bring forth the fruits of 
faith, and to prove the sincerity of that love they had just professed 
to their Saviour by the abundance of their liberality to his people, 
they set themselves to the grateful task, with a zeal and enthusiasm, 
whose fresh and unabated vigor betrayed no symptoms of their hav- 
ing already been engaged in a lengthened service. The custom 
was for every one in turn to bring under public notice the case of a 
brother or sister, of whose necessitous circumstances he had any 
knowledge, and forthwith a donation was ordered out of the funds of 
the church, which the voluntary contributions of the faithful supplied. 
No strong or heart-stirring appeals were necessary to reach the hid- 
den source of their sympathies ; no cold calculations of prudence 
regulated the distribution of their public alms ; no fears of doubtful 
propriety suggested delay for the consideration of the claim ; no 
petty jealousies as to the preference of one recommendation to 
another were allowed to freeze the genial current of their charity. 
By whomsoever the case was recommended, or in whatever circum- 
stances the claim was made, the hand of benevolence had answered 
the call almost before the heart found words to express its sympa- 
thy, and with a unanimity surpassed only by their boundless love, 
they dealt out their supplies from the treasury of the church, when- 



OF THEIR BENEVOLENCE. 387 

ever there was an object to receive, or a known necessity to require 
it. Where the poor in one place were numerous, and the brethren 
were unable from their limited means to afford them adequate sup- 
port, they applied to some richer church in the neighborhood, and 
never was it known in those days of active benevolence, that the ap- 
peal was fruitlessly made, or coldly received. Though they had 
poor of their own to maintain, neighboring and foreign churches 
were always ready to transmit contributions in aid of the Christians 
in distant parts, and many and splendid are the instances on record 
of ministers and people, on intelligence of any pressing emergency, 
hastening with their treasures for the relief of those whom they had 
never seen, but with whom they were united by the strong ties of 
the same faith and hopes. Thus, when a multitude of christian men 
and women in Numidia had been taken captive by a horde of neigh- 
boring barbarians, and when the churches to which they belonged 
were unable to raise the sum demanded for their ransom, they sent 
deputies to the church that was planted in the metropolis of North 
Africa, and no sooner had Cyprian, who then was at the head of it, 
heard a statement of the distressing case, than he commenced a sub- 
scription in behalf of the unfortunate slaves, and never relaxed his 
indefatigable efforts, till he had collected a sum equal to nearly 
$4000, which he fowarded to the Numidian churches, together with 
a letter full of christian sympathy and tenderness. 

2. Their attentions to the sick. But the primitive Christians were 
not content with conveying their eleemosynary aid through the pub- 
lic channels of the church. To them it appeared a sacred duty to 
countenance the poor with their presence and their purse in their 
own homes, where they could make more minute inquiries into their 
wants, and tender them the comforts of christian sympathy and 
counsel, which, by the brethren both of high and low degree, were 
more highly prized than even the open-handed benevolence that 
ministered to their temporal necessities. This pious office was 
more especially delegated to the female members of the community, 
as it was thought, both from the delicate nature of the embassy, and 
from the jealous spirit of ancient society, they possessed facilities of 
access to the domestic privacy of all classes, denied to their breth- 
ren of the other sex. And exemplary was the prudence and fidelity 
with which they discharged their trust. Every moment they could 
spare from the prior claims of their own household, the christian 



388 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

matrons devoted to those errands of mercy ; and while they listened 
to the widow's tale of other days, and her traits of the friend who 
had gone to his rest, — or saw the aged in their hut of poverty, 
bending under the weight of years, — or sat by the bedside of the 
afflicted, and those that were ready to die, — or found, as was fre- 
quently the case, the helpless babe, which the frigid heart of a pagan 
mother had exposed and forsaken in the lonely path, they provided 
for the wants of each, and administered appropriate comforts both 
for the body and the soul. But these were light and easy attentions 
compared with the duties which their charitable mission frequently 
imposed on them. In those days there were no public institutions 
for the reception of the poor, and for the medical treatment of the 
diseased, and as there were few or none among the heathen in 
private life, who ever thought of entering the abodes of poverty and 
sickness, and helping their neighbors, — such was the cold and un- 
feeling selfishness of the heathen world, — the Christians were never 
without objects, in every form of human wretchedness, towards 
whom their benevolence was required. Indeed it is almost incred- 
ible to what offices the ardor of their christian spirit led them to 
condescend. They, though all of them were women moving amid 
the comforts of domestic life, and some of them ladies of the highest 
rank never inured to any kind of labor, scrupled not to perform the 
meanest and most servile offices, that usually devolved on the lowest 
menial. Not only did they sit by the bedside of the sick, conversing 
with and comforting them, but with their own hands prepared 
their victuals, and fed them — administered cordials and medicine — 
brought them changes of clothing — -made their beds — dressed the 
most repulsive and putrefying ulcers — exposed themselves to the 
contagion of malignant distempers — swaddled the bodies of the 
dead, and, in short, acted in the character at once of the physi- 
cian, the nurse, and the ambassador of God. Their purse and 
their experience were always ready, and the most exhausting and 
dangerous services were freely rendered by these christian wo- 
men. In process of time, however, as the christian society extended 
its limits, and the victims of poverty and sickness became propor- 
tionally more numerous, the voluntary services of the matrons were 
found inadequate to overtake the immense field, and hence, besides 
the deacons and deaconesses who, at a very early period of the 
church, were appointed to superintend the interests of the poor, a 



OF THEIR BENEVOLENCE. 389 

new class of office-bearers arose, under the name of Parabolani, 
whose province it was to visit and wait on the sick in malignant and 
pestilential diseases. These, whose number became afterwards very- 
great — Alexandria alone, in the time of Theodosius, boasting of six 
hundred,— took charge of the sick and the dying, under circumstan- 
ces in which, while it was most desirable they should have every at- 
tention paid to them, prudence forbade mothers and mistresses of 
families to repair to them ; and thus, while the heathen allowed their 
poor and their sick to pine in wretchedness and to die before their 
eyes, uncared for, there was not in the first ages a solitary individual 
of the christian poor, who did not enjoy all the comforts of a tem- 
poral and spiritual nature that his situation required. 

It was not, however, only to the poor of their own churches that 
the benevolence of the primitive Christians showed itself. Never, 
perhaps, was the clear and lively principle of their character more 
strikingly exemplified than in the appearance of any of those calami- 
ties — famine or pestilence — with which the ancient world was so 
frequently visited. In the accounts that have reached us of those 
terrible catastrophes, mention is invariably made of a sad corruption 
of morals accompanying them, — -the heathen became desperate and 
reckless amid the fearful ravages made in their ranks, their sensi- 
bilities were deadened, and a most unnatural and cold-blooded in- 
difference shown to the claims of their nearest relatives and friends. 
In the midst of all these disorders, the benevolence of the Christians 
exhibited an extraordinary contrast to the unfeeling selfishness of 
their heathen neighbors. Thus, for instance, during the plague that 
so long and severely afflicted Carthage in the time of Cyprian, he 
and the rest of the Christians were indefatigable in their exertions 
for the relief of the afflicted ; and while the heathen abandoned 
the sick and dying to their fate, — while the highways were strewed 
with corpses which no one had the courage or the public spirit to 
bury, and the hardened survivors were intent only on pilfering the 
clothes and the chests of the dead, the Christians were constantly 
facing the danger, busy on the streets or in the houses, distributing 
money or articles of food and clothing, and doing all in their power 
to alleviate the pangs of the sufferers, and soothe the last moments 
of the dying. Nor was their benevolence confined to the sick mem- 
bers of their own community, — they extended their attentions indis- 
criminately to all ; and, while the heathen stood aloof and careless, 



390 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

parents deserting their children, and children trampling on the un- 
buried corpses of their parents, the Christians were assiduously em- 
ployed in the pious labor of interring them, — the rich contributing 
their money, and the poor their labor, to clear the houses and the 
streets from the effluvia of the mouldering relics of mortality, and 
adopt the most prudent precautions to free the city from the further 
ravages of the pestilence. 

In like manner, when the Roman empire, especially that part of it 
that lay in the east, was overtaken, in the reign of Gallienus, by the 
simultaneous calamities of plague, famine, and earthquake, the calm 
fortitude and unswerving resignation of the Christians, — their inde- 
fatigable benevolence towards all who were seized by the dreaded 
sickness, and the kind sympathising attentions they bestowed on 
them, at the risk of their own lives, were very strikingly exemplified 
in Alexandria, the chief seat of the disasters. In aletterof Dionysius, 
who was then pastor of the church in that city, a most impressive 
account is given, of which we subjoin a translation : — That pesti- 
lence appeared to the heathen as the most dreadful of all things, — 
as that which left them no hope ; not so, however, did it seem to us, 
but only a peculiar and practical trial. The greater part of our peo- 
ple, in the abundance of their brotherly love, did not spare them- 
selves ; and, mutually attending to each other, they cheerfully visited 
the sick without fear, and ministered to them for the sake of Christ. 
Many of them died, after their care had restored others from the 
plague to health. The best among our brethren, priests and dea- 
cons, and some who were celebrated among the laity, died in this 
manner; and such a death, the fruit of great piety and strong faith, 
is hardly inferior to martyrdom. Many who took the bodies of their 
christian brethren into their hands and bosoms, closed their mouth 
and eyes, and buried them with every attention, soon followed them 
in death. But with the heathen matters stood quite differently ; at 
the first symptom of sickness, they drove a man from their society, 
they tore themselves away from their dearest connections, they threw 
the half dead into the streets, and left thousands unburied, — endeav- 
oring by all the means in their power to escape contagion, which, 
notwithstanding all their contrivances, it was very difficult for them 
to accomplish. 

3. Their charities to those who were persecuted for righteousness^ 
sake. The benevolence of the primitive Christians being thus readi- 



OF THEIR BENEVOLENCE. 391 

ly, and on all occasions exerted in the cause of suffering humanity, 
it need not surprise us that the most frequent and distinguished ob- 
jects of it were the sufferers for righteousness 1 sake. Many of these 
were immured in prisons, and no sooner did Fame spread abroad 
the sad intelligence that one of them was lying in the dungeons of a 
city, than the Christians of the place flocked in crowds to the doors of 
the cell, begging admission. Patiently did they bear the caprice and 
rebuffs of the surly guards and jailors ; anxiously did they resort to 
every means of conciliation, by persuasions, entreaties, and bribes ; 
— often, when all proved fruitless, did they lie for days and nights 
together outside the walls of a dungeon, praying for the deliverence 
or for the happy and triumphant exit of the imprisoned confessor. 
If admitted, as they sometimes were, these Christians, most of whom 
were always women, carried with them beds, materials of food, 
clothing, and fuel, — they kissed their chains, washed their feet, and 
rendered them all the most tender and endearing offices they could 
think of. Witness the well known case of the impostor Peregrinus. 
This person, who lived in the second century, had been obliged to 
flee from his native country, Armenia, on account of some great 
crime, and having settled in Judea, became acquainted with the 
principles of the Gospel, appeared an illustrious penitent, and made 
public profession of the faith. His fame as a Christian spread far 
and wide, and when his religious tenets brought him the distinction 
of imprisonment, the Christians, deeply afflicted at his fate, made ex- 
traordinary efforts to procure his release. These, however, proving 
unsuccessful, they strove to mitigate the evils of confinement by 
loading him with every attention. At break of day, numbers of old 
women, widows, and orphans, were seen surrounding the walls of 
the prison, their hands filled with every delicacy, and even with large 
sums of money, which the liberality of foreign Christians had sent 
to them for their support. 

But many of the sufferers for the cause of religion, instead of be- 
ing thrown into prison, were sent to labor, like slaves, in distant and 
unwholesome mines. Thither the benevolence of their brethren fol- 
lowed them, and never were contributions more frequently and lib- 
erally made by the Christians, than when they were destined for the 
relief of the mutilated martyrs, who labored amid the darkness and 
noxious vapors of these subterranean dungeons. Nay, many even 
undertook long and toilsome pilgrimages, in order to comfort and 



392 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

support those victims of oppression with their christian sympathy; 
and, in the performance of these pious journeys, encountered perils, 
amid which, nothing but benevolence of the purest and most exalted 
character could have preserved their resolution firm and unshaken. 
A party of Christians, for instance, set out from Egypt in the depth 
of winter, to visit their brethren in the mines of Cilicia. Some of 
them, when the object of their journey became public, were arrested 
on their arrival at Cesarea, and had their eyes pulled out, and their 
feet dislocated. Others shared a worse fate at Ascalon, being burnt 
or beheaded. Various companies, who successively went from dif- 
ferent quarters, on the benevolent errand of expressing their sympa- 
thy with the interesting miners, prosecuted their undertaking amid 
similar dangers. But nothing could repress the ardent wish to pour 
the balm of consolation into the hearts of men, who were suffering 
the worst species of slavery for the sake of the truth. And highly 
were those honored who lived to tell the tale that they had seen the 
martyrs in the mines,— to describe how they toiled, and wrought, 
and bore the chain, — and to carry, above all, the glad tidings of the 
fortitude, the patience, resignation, and christian joy with which they 
endured their hard lot. 

4. Their love for the souls of men. This was another manifesta- 
tion of the benevolence of the primitive Christians, that deserves 
a particular notice. It was a remarkable feature of their charac- 
ter, and though inseparable from the anxiety they displayed on every 
occasion to promote the best interests of men, it yet occupied exclu- 
sively the minds of some of them, and gave rise to exertions which 
nothing but interests of eternal moment could have originated. Not 
to speak of those who dedicated themselves to the preaching of the 
Gospel, there were many in private life, who expended everything 
they could spare from the bare support of life on the purchase of Bi- 
bles, and on every suitable occasion, distributed them to the poor, — 
a gift, the value of which cannot be estimated, without taking into 
consideration the scarcity and the immense price which in those 
days a single copy of the Scriptures cost. But besides this excel- 
lent species of charity, which many of the wealthier Christians de- 
vised for themselves, there were others, who volunturily submitted 
to the most extraordinary sacrifices, with the generous view of bring- 
ing men from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto 
God. One man, for instance, is recorded to have sold himself into 



OF THEIR BENEVOLENCE. 393 

the family of a heathen actor, and continued for years cheerfully per- 
forming the most servile offices, till having heen the honored instru- 
ment of converting the husband and wife, and whole family to Chris- 
tianity, he received from the grateful converts the reward of his lib- 
erty. And not long after, during a visit to Sparta, the same individ- 
ual learning that the governor of that city had fallen into dangerous 
errors, offered himself again as a slave, and continued for two years 
in that humble and ignominious situation, when his zealous efforts 
for the conversion of his master being crowned with fresh success, 
he was treated no longer as a servant, but a brother beloved in the 
Lord. 

Time would fail us " to enumerate all the various channels 
through which the benevolence of the primitive Christians flowed. 
Some dedicated themselves to the task of searching out desolate or- 
phans, helpless widows, unfortunate tradesmen, and heathen found- 
lings — in those times the most numerous class of unfortunates. Some 
carried their charity so far as to sit on the highways, or hire persons 
whose office was to perambulate the fields, for the purpose of direct- 
ing wanderers, and especially benighted* travellers, into the way ; 
while others delighted to lead the blind, to succor the bruised, and 
to carry home such as were lame, maimed, and unable to walk. 

Various were the sources whence the Christians drew the ample 
means necessary to enable them to prosecute so extensive a system 
of benevolence. The most steady and available fund was the com- 
mon treasury of the church, which was supplied every Sabbath by 
the voluntary contributions of the faithful, and out of which there 
was a weekly distribution of alms to multitudes of widows, orphans, 
and old people, who were stated pensioners on her bounty. In cases 
of great or public calamity, fasts were appointed, which by the sav- 
ing effected in the daily expenses of all, even of the poor, were an 
approved and certain means of raising an extraordinary collection, 
and when that was found insufficient to meet the emergency, it not 
unfrequently happened that the pastors sold or melted the gold and 
silver plate that had been presented to their churches for sacred pur- 
poses. Many persons too, were in the habit of observing in private, 
quarterly, monthly, or weekly fasts, on which occasions, they either 
took little food or none at all, and transmitted the amount of their 
daily expenditure to the funds of the church, while others voluntarily 
bound themselves to set aside a tenth part of their income for the 

50 



394 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

use of the poor, and placed it, in like manner, in the church's trea- 
sury. Besides, there were many wealthy individuals who, on their 
conversion to Christianity, from a spirit of ardent gratitude to the 
Saviour, sold their estates, and betaking themselves to manual labor 
or to the preaching of the Word, devoted the price of their property 
to benevolent purposes. Others, who gave up their patrimony to 
objects of christian benevolence, chose to retain the management in 
their own hands ; as for example, a rich merchant who with part of 
his money built a spacious house, and with the rest of it entertained 
all strangers travelling in his neighborhood, took charge of the sick, 
supported the aged and infirm, gave stated alms to the poor, and on 
every Saturday and Sabbath caused several tables to be furnished 
for the refreshment of all who needed his bounty. 

§ 10. Their Hospitality and mode of Salutation. 

It is impossible to speak in terms of less admiration of the hospi- 
tality exercised in that age towards christian strangers. The follow- 
ers of Christ, how widely soever they were scattered throughout the 
world, were then united as one great family, and agreeing, as they 
did, in the happiest spirit of concord, to regard any local varieties of 
custom as matters of indifference, kept up a constant and friendly 
correspondence with all the branches of the church universal, so that 
whenever any of them went abroad, either on their own private af- 
fairs, or on missions connected with the state and progress of reli- 
gion, they were received with open arms by the Christians of the 
place as brethren. Go under whatever name they might, and travel 
to the remotest places, among people of foreign manners and an un- 
known tongue, the pilgrims of the faith were sure, whenever they 
met with a Christian, to find a friend, whose house would be thrown 
open for their reception, whose table would be spread for their en- 
tertainment, and who would welcome them with a warmer heart and 
a kindlier smile, than they were often met with by their kinsmen 
and acquaintance at home. In the eyes of the unconverted, it 
seemed an inexplicable mystery, that men, who, as Jews, had felt a 
contempt for all other people, and, as Gentiles, would not enjoy the 
hearth in common with strangers, should be on terms of the closest 
friendship with Christians, indiscriminately of every color and of 
every name ; and they looked upon it as accomplished by some se- 



HOSPITALITY AND MODE OF SALUTATION. 395 

cret token, — the watchword of a deep and wide-spread conspiracy, 
— when they saw the hand of fellowship given, and the rites of hos- 
pitality performed hy such people to foreigners, whose person and 
character had been previously unknown to them. The heathen 
knew nothing of those inward feelings, that brotherly love, that fel- 
lowship of the Spirit, which created between the Christians spiritual 
ties, independent alike of the natural and political boundaries of the 
earth, and one manifestation of which was their pleasure and their 
readiness to open their doors, and render every hospitable attention 
to those of the same faith from all quarters of the world. The 
way was for a traveller, on arriving at any town, to seek out the 
church, in or about which liberal accommodation was always provi- 
ded, both for the temporal and spiritual comforts of the wayfaring 
man. But it was seldom that the burden of lodging him was allowed 
to be borne by the common funds of the church, — for no sooner 
was the news of his arrival spread abroad, than the members vied 
with each other, which should have the privilege of entertaining the 
christian stranger at their homes ; and whatever was his rank or 
calling, he soon found himself domiciled with brethren, whose cir- 
cumstances were similar to his own. A minister was entertained by 
one of his own order ; a mechanic by one of the same craft or sta- 
tion ; and even the poorest would have been readier, and have count- 
ed it a greater honor, to share his hut and his crust with a disciple 
like himself, than to have sat at table with the emperor of Rome. 
In course of time, however, this generous and open-hearted hospitali- 
ty was abused. Persons unworthy to enjoy it — spies and impostors, 
under the assumed name of Christians, — introduced themselves to 
the brethren in distant places, and by misrepresenting afterwards 
what had been told them in the unsuspecting confidence of brother- 
hood, and circulating calumnies prejudicial both to individuals and 
to the body of Christians at large, threatened to bring on the church 
a variety of evils, — not the least of which would have been, that of 
putting an end to the ancient kindly intercourse with christian stran- 
gers, had not a plan been happily devised, and introduced into uni- 
versal practice, by which travellers were known at once to be good 
men and true. The plan was this : every one on setting out on a 
journey, was furnished by the minister of the church to which he 
belonged with a letter of credence to the spiritual rulers of the place 
where he meant to sojourn, the presentation of which having satis- 



396 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

fied them as to his christian character, was instantly followed by a 
welcome invitation to partake of the hospitality of the church or the 
brethren. To prevent forgeries, these letters were folded in a par- 
ticular form, which procured them the name of literae formatae, be- 
sides containing some secret marks within, by which the Christians 
of foreign parts knew them to be genuine. By these testimonials, 
slightly varied in external appearance according to their several pur- 
poses, — such, for instance, as their certifying the bearer's claim 
merely to the common entertainment of Christians, or his right to 
participate in all the privileges of the church, or his being sent on 
some embassy pertaining to the common faith, Christians were ad- 
mitted to the fellowship of their brethren in all parts of the world, — 
were treated by the family that received them as one of themselves, 
had their feet washed by the wife on their first arrival, and at their 
departure were anxiously and tenderly committed to the divine care, 
in a prayer by the master of the house. This last was a never-fail- 
ing part of the hospitality of the times ; and to have betrayed any 
symptoms of preferring the temporal good cheer of the friendly host 
to his parting benediction, would have been a death-blow to the fur- 
ther credit of the stranger. 

In the general intercourse of society, the primitive Christians, act- 
ing according to the rules of Scripture, were careful to render to all 
their dues ; honor to whom honor is due, tribute to whom tribute, 
and to practise everything that is just, honest, and of good report. 
Their salutations to one another were made by imprinting on each 
other's cheek a kiss, — the token of love — the emblem of brother- 
hood ; and this, except in times of trouble and persecution, when 
they hastily recognised each other by the secret sign of the cross, 
was the constant, and the only form observed by Christians when 
they met together. It was practised in their private houses, at their 
public meetings, and, indeed, on all suitable occasions, though it was 
considered better and more prudent to dispense with it on the public 
streets, to avoid giving unnecessary offence to their heathen fellow- 
citizens. Whenever they met their pastor, they were accustomed, 
from the earliest times, to bow their heads to receive his blessing, — 
a ceremony which, in later times, when increased respect was paid 
to the clerical order, was accompanied with kissing his hands and 
embracing his feet. 



FAT1ENCE UNDER INJURIES. 397 



§ 11. Their patience under Injuries. 

Let the reader place himself, by an effort of imagination, in the 
state of society in which the Christians lived ; let him figure to his 
mind an humble, unobtrusive, and peaceable, but somewhat peculiar 
class of people, surrounded on all sides by multitudes knowing little 
or nothing of them or their principles, and from the little they knew, 
feeling a sovereign contempt for both, which the heathen were al- 
lowed with impunity to take every opportunity of expressing, by 
jostling them on the streets — pointing to them with the finger of ridi- 
cule — addressing them by cant terms of reproach, and persecuting 
them by a thousand petty annoyances in every-day life, and he will 
form some idea of the severe ordeal to which the patience of the 
primitive Christians was daily subjected. But inured as they were 
to calumny and reproach, and taught to expect these as the inheri- 
tance in this life of all who will live godly in Christ Jesus, they bore 
them with meekness, and sought deliverance from the malice of 
their enemies by no other weapons than that of exemplifying the ex- 
cellence of their principles by the dignified and holy propriety of 
their lives. Their property, their liberty, and even their lives, they 
freely surrendered, rather than lose that peace of mind which they 
found in the performance of christian duty, or suffer those principles 
to be violated, which they valued more highly than their dearest pos- 
sessions. Some of them, indeed, from a mistaken interpretation of 
several passages of Scripture, carried their views of christian obedi- 
ence so far, as when smote upon the one cheek, to turn the other, 
and when robbed of their coat, to give the cloak also. But the great 
majority of them more wisely considering these as proverbial forms 
of speech designed to inculcate a general spirit of patience and for- 
bearance, scrupled not to defend themselves from violence and ra- 
pine whensoever assailed ; to avail themselves of the protection and 
redress of their wrongs, which the laws of their country afforded, 
and to assert, as Paul did before them, when occasion required, the 
rights of citizenship against the arbitrary procedure of the magis- 
trates themselves. In matters of dispute, however, between one 
another, the Christians seldom or never resorted to the tribunals of 
the heathen deputies, but were in the habit of submitting their sub- 
jects of contention to the arbitration of some of their christian breth- 



398 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 

ren. From the earliest times, this office of arbiter was, by common 
consent, devolved on the pastors of the church ; and hence, as the 
degree of respect and veneration in which the sacred order was 
held increased rather than diminished in the succeeding centuries, 
and as such unbounded confidence was placed in their christian wis- 
dom and impartiality, that all parties were disposed cheerfully to ac- 
quiesce in the awards of the spiritual judges, — one constant source 
of employment to the bishops of the primitive church was the deter- 
mination of secular causes referred to them by the members of 
their flock. Ambrose and Augustine have both left it upon record, 
that they devoted the early part of every day to hearing and con- 
sidering the disputed points on which they were requested to sit in 
judgment. Such being the popular influence of the christian minis- 
ters ; and the good effects of the prudence, mildness, and integrity, 
that characterized their arbitrations being so manifest, the power 
was legally conferred on them, after the establishment of Christianity, 
of deciding all secular and other causes, with the exception of crim- 
inal cases alone, which-, as more immediately affecting the peace 
and tranquility of the state, the emperors reserved to themselves and 
their deputies. 

We close this rapid sketch of the social manners of the primitive 
Christians, with the high tribute paid to their public and civic virtues 
by two of their contemporaries, whose exalted rank and strong pre- 
dilections for heathenism give a weight to their testimony which 
none of the christian apologists, however faithful and honest, possess. 
The emperor Julian, in a letter to Arsacius, high priest of Galatia, 
among other things relating to the Christians, takes occasion to dwell 
upon it as a well known fact, that the Christians were preeminent in 
their attentions to the sick, the infirm, and the aged, — in their hos- 
pitality to strangers, in their peaceable deportment lo others, and 
their pious care of the dead; and presses home on his illustrious 
correspondent, that there was no hope of paganism regaining the as- 
cendency, except by its adherents, especially the priests, imitating 
the virtues of the Christians, in abstaining from the theatre, the tav- 
ern, and all scandalous pursuits and pleasures, — in a diligent atten- 
tion to business, charity to the indigent, and a hospitable entertain- 
ment of the friendless and the stranger. The emperor Severus pas- 
sed, perhaps, a higher eulogy than even this of Julian, on the social 
manners of the Christians. Observing the excellence of their con- 



OF CHRISTIAN MARRIAGES. 399 

duct, as citizens, soldiers, and servants, and their fidelity in every 
department of public and private life, he inquired into their princi- 
ples ; and having been informed that one grand rule of theirs was, 
*' Not to do to others what they would not have done to themselves," 
he was so charmed with it, that at all public executions he ordered 
it to be proclaimed aloud by a herald, and caused it to be inscribed, 
in legible characters, on the walls of his palace, and on all public 
buildings, that in every street, and on every occasion, his subjects 
might not be without so excellent a monitor to regulate their social 
manners. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

OF MARRIAGE. 1 

§ 1. Of Christian Marriage. 



The laws of christian marriage seem, at first view, to be derived 
from the Mosaic regulations on this subject, and yet it is remarkable 
that, until the sixth or seventh century, the marriages of the early 
Christians were regulated rather by the Roman than by the Mosaic 
laws. But all this was only the natural result of the peculiar circum- 
stances under which the christian community was formed. Converts 
from the Jews might be expected to adhere to the Jewish rites, 
whilst those from the Gentiles would conform to the Roman laws 
and customs. For this reason the marriages of the christian church 
were of a mixed character, in which the influence of the Roman law 
was, at first, predominant. By this law, as well as by the law of 
Christ, polygamy was strictly forbidden. 2 In many other respects, 
it was also so far conformed to the law of God, that many of the 
early fathers scrupled not to borrow from it some of the most impor- 
tant marriage ceremonies ; and objected to the adoption of heathen 
customs, in this respect, only so far as they militated against the 
spirit of Christianity. 3 

Much controversy prevailed in the ancient church on the subject 
of second marriages, particularly with the Novatians and Montanists, 
who denounced such marriages as unlawful. This opinion was also 



400 OF MARRIAGE. 

upheld by many councils. 4 A concession in favor of second mar- 
riages was afterwards made to the laity, but refused to the clergy. 5 
The law of celibacy finally rendered this rule nugatory with respect 
to the priesthood. 

The celibacy of the clergy was gradually established. It was at 
first partially adopted in compliance with the advice of zealous 
leaders of the church, who judged it expedient, or supposed it to tend 
to the promotion of piety ; afterwards it was represented as a moral 
duty, and was enforced by the decrees of councils ; and at last it 
was enjoined and established by the papal authority of Hildebrand 
in the eleventh century. The constrained celibacy of the clergy, 
therefore, does not come within the range of christian antiquities ; 
and the whole question belongs rather to a history of the opinions 
and doctrines of the church, than to a survey of its institutions and 
practices. 

The state claimed the right of regulating the laws of marriage ; 
the church at the same time possessing a subordinate or concurrent 
jurisdiction. This concurrence, however, was chiefly of a negative 
and passive character, and was the occasion of continual discord 
between church and state. For the first five centuries the church 
had no farther concern with the laws of marriage than to censure 
them, as occasion required, and to restrict the observance of them, 
by her discipline and authority. The laws of the state and the regu- 
lations of the church, on this subject, were first made to harmonize 
under the emperor Justinian. Under the dynasty of Charles, the 
sanction of the church was fully established while the law still origi- 
nated with the state. 6 In the middle ages, from the tenth to the six- 
teenth centuries, the church possessed a preponderating influence in 
these matters ; but even then, her claim to an exclusive jurisdiction 
was neither asserted nor allowed. To assert this prerogative was 
regarded as a direct attack upon the state. 7 In protestant states it is 
regarded as a civil institution, established in conformity with the law 
of God, and appropriately solemnized by the rites of religion. 

The regulations in relation to prohibited marriages were, in the 
lapse of time, gradually assimilated to the law of Moses ; but these 
have never been strictly observed in the christian church. The 
canonists have very carefully specified the several degrees of con- 
sanguinity and affinity within which marriage could not lawfully be 
contracted. They were thirteen in number, whilst under the Mo- 



OF DIVORCE. 401 

saic economy they were seventeen, or according to others nineteen. 

The prohibited grades, in the ancient church, are comprised in the 

following lines : 

Nata, soror, neptis, mafertera fratris et uxor 
Et patrui conjux, mater, privigna, noverca 
Uxorisque soror, privigni nata, nurusque 
Atque soror patris ; conjungi lege vetantur. 

Whether it is lawful to marry a brother's wife, or a wife's sister, 
was a question much controverted in the church. The general sense 
of the church was against such connections, as appears from the dis- 
pensation which was made in such cases in favor of the clergy. This 
point has been discussed at length by Schlegel. 8 

Mixed marriages between the Jews and Gentiles were strictly 
prohibited by the law of Moses. This prohibition is not repeated in 
the New Testament in regard to the marriage of Christians with 
idolaters. The apostle Paul, however, decidedly objects to such 
connections as inexpedient, 1 Cor. vii. 2 Cor. 6: 14 — 18. The early 
fathers denounced them as dangerous and immoral ; 9 and they were, 
at a later period, positively prohibited by the decrees of councils and 
the laws of the empire. 10 By these regulations it was unlawful for 
Christians to marry either Jews, pagans, Mohammedans or heretics. 11 
If, however, such marriages had already been contracted, they ap- 
pear not to have been annulled upon the conversion of either party 
to Christianity. There are indeed examples of the violation of these 
rules, as in the case of Monica, the mother of Augustine, and Clotil- 
dis, the wife of Clovis, both of whom were instrumental in the con- 
version of their husbands. 12 

§ 2. Of Divorce. 

On this subject it is sufficient to say that the church, with few ex- 
ceptions, has uniformly adhered to the rules laid down by our Lord 
and his apostles, Mark 10: 2, 12. Luke 16: 18. Matt. 5: 31,32. 19: 
2-10. 1 Cor. 7: 10, 11. Rom. 7: 2, 3. But under the term adul- 
tery the primitive church included idolatry and apostasy from the 
Christian faith, 1 to which may be added witchcraft and other magical 
arts. The laws of Constantine, Honorius, Theodosius the younger, 
Valentinian the Third, Anastasius, and Justinian, also favor this con- 
struction. 2 The canonists enumerate twelve causes of divorce, 

51 



402 OF MARRIAGE. 

which are also regarded as suitable reasons for not assuming the 
marriage vow, impedimenta quae matrimonium conlrahendum impedi- 
unt et contracium dirimunl. The same causes which are a bar to 
assuming the marriage covenant dissolve it. These causes are set 
forth in the following lines : 

Error, conditio, votum. cognatio, crimen, 
Cultus disparitas, vis, ordo, ligamen, bonestas, 
Si sis adfinis; si forte coire nequibis (al negabis) 

The reader is directed, in the index, to a full explanation of these 
terms. 3 

The error relates to a mistake in regard to the parties, as in the 
case of Leah and Rachel, conditio to the marriage of freemen with 
those who are in bondage, cognatio to prohibit degrees of consan- 
guinity, votum and ordo relate to the marriage of monastics, ligamen 
to cases of bigamy, honestas to prohibited connections between per- 
sons already related by marriage. 

§ 3. Marriage Rites and Ceremonies. 

It was a rule of the primitive church that the parties who were 
about to be united in marriage, both male and female, should signify 
their intentions to their pastor, that the connection might be formed 
with his approbation. The church were expected, in this manner, 
not only to take cognizance of the proposed marriage, but to deter- 
mine whether it was duly authorized by the principles of the chris- 
tian religion. The marriage was indeed valid in law without this 
ecclesiastical sanction ; but it was open to censure from the church, 
and was followed by the imposition of penance, or the sentence of 
excommunication.* 

This notice originally answered the purpose of a public procla- 
mation in the church. No satisfactory indication of the modern cus- 

* IlQSTtEi, ds Toiq ya^ovai y.al ralg yaftQiXTCug psTa yvojfirjg rov iniaxo- 
nov Ti]v tytoaw noisicr&ai, iva 6 yd^og ?) y.axu Kvgiov, y.al ftr t y.olx im— 

tiv/uiav. Ignat. Ep. ad. Polycarp. ii. 5. — Unde sufficiamus ad enarrandam 
felicitatem ejus matrimonii, quod ecclesia conciliat, et confirm at oblatio, et 
obsignat benedictio, Angeli renuntiant, pater rato habet ? Nam nee in ter- 
ris filii sine consensu patr'um rite et juste nubent. Tertull. ad Uxor. lib. ii. 
c. 8, 9. — Occultae conjunctiones, id est, non prius apud ecclesiam professae, 
juxta moechiam et fornicationem judicari periclitantur. Tertull. De Pudi- 
cit. c. 4. 2 



MARRIAGE RITES AND CEREMONIES. 403 

torn of publishing the banns appears in the history of the church un- 
til the twelfth century, when it was required by the authority of eccle- 
siastical councils. 3 According to the rules of the Romish church, 
this publishment should be made on three market days. In some 
countries the banns were published three times; in others, twice ; 
and in others, once. The intentions of marriage were sometimes 
posted upon the doors or other parts of the church ; sometimes pub- 
lished at the close of the sermon or before singing. The word 
harms, according to Du Cange, means a public notice or proclama- 
tion. 

It is worthy of notice that no distinct account of the mode of sol- 
emnizing marriage, nor any prescribed form for this purpose is found 
in any of the early ecclesiastical writers, although they have many 
allusions to particular marriage rites and ceremonies. It appears 
that the propriety or necessity of religious exercises in solemnizing 
the marriage covenant, was not recognized by the civil law until the 
ninth century ; but that such religious rites were required by the 
church as early as the second century.* 

The rites of marriage in the ancient Greek church were essen- 
tially three : the sponsalia — the espousals, the investing with a crown, 
and the laying off of the crown. 

1. The ceremony of the espousals was as follows : the priest, af- 
ter crossing himself three times upon the breast, presents the bridal 
pair, standing in the body of the house, each with a lighted wax can- 
dle, and then proceeds to the altar, where he offers incense from a 
cruciformed censer, after which the larger collect is sung with the 
responses and doxologies. 

Then follows the ceremony of presenting the ring. With a gol- 
den ring the priest makes a sign of the cross upon the head of the 
bridegroom, and then places it upon a finger of his right hand, thrice 
repeating these words : " This servant of the Lord espouses this 
handmaid of the Lord, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and 
of the Holy Ghost, both now and forever, world without end, Amen." 
In like manner, and with the same form of words, he presents the 



* Cum ipsum conjugium velamine sacerdotali et benedictione sanctificari 
oporteat,quomodo potest conjugium dici ubi nonest fidei concodia? Jlmbros., 
Ep. 70. — Etiamsi nostrae ahsolutae sit potestatis quamlibet puellam in con- 
jugium tradere, tradi a nobis Christianam nisi Christiano non posse, .^uaus- 
tin., Ep. 234, ad Rusticum. — diov — leglag y.ah7r; y.al dY vyvjv svXoyioJv tt)v 
ou6vot,ctv rov oivoixeoiov ovorpiyyeiv x r )..* 



404 OF MARRIAGE. 

bride a silver ring. The grooms-man then changes the rings, whilst 
the priest, in a long prayer, sets forth the import of the rings. After 
which the whole is closed with a prescribed form of prayer. These 
espousals usually took place some time previous to the consumma- 
tion of the marriage. According to some authorities two years usu- 
ally intervened between the espousals and the marriage. 

2. The act of crowning the j^arties was appropriately the initiatory 
rite in solemnizing the marriage covenant. The preliminaries of 
this were the same as those of the espousals, with the exception that 
in this instance the 128th psalm was sung with the responses and 
doxologies. After this a discourse was delivered setting forth the 
importance and responsibilities of the marriage relation. Then va- 
rious interrogations, relating to the marriage covenant and the un- 
married state, were presented : next followed the larger collects, va- 
ried according to circumstances ; after which a long prayer was of- 
fered, in three parts, each of which was announced in the customary 
form by the deacon, tov v.vqIov diiftbrntv. After this, the priest sets 
the nuptial crowns, which have been lying on the altar, first upon the 
head of the bridegroom and then upon that of the bride, saying, 
" This servant of the Lord hereby crowns this handmaid of the Lord, 
in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, 
world without end, Amen.'" This ceremony is followed by prayers, 
doxologies, and the reading of the Scriptures, particularly Eph. 5: 
20 — 33 and John 2: 1 — 11, and the alternate prayers of the priest 
and the deacon. The whole is concluded by the assembly, repeat- 
ing the Lord's prayer with the customary responses ; and the usual 
form of benediction. 

During these solemnities the priest presents to the newly married 
couple a glass of wine, of which each drinks three times, and then 
the glass is immediately broken, to denote the transitory nature of all 
earthly things. 

The minister then joins the hands of the parties, and leads them 
three times around in a circle, whilst the whole assembly unite in 
singing a nuptial song, the grooms-man meanwhile accompanying the 
married couple with his hands resting upon their heads, which are 
still adorned with the crown. 

3. The laying off of the crown. Upon the eighth day, the mar- 
ried pair present themselves again in the church, when the minister, 
with appropriate prayer, lays off the nuptial crown, and dismisses 



REMARKS UPON THE MARRIAGE RITES. 405 

them with his benediction, offered in a prescribed form of words. 
This ceremony however was not uniformly observed. 

In all these rites the reader will observe a studied analogy to those 
of baptism. 

The second and third marriage was solemnized in much the same 
manner, the ceremonies being abridged, and the prayer of penance 
substituted in the place of the nuptial prayer. The church thus 
treated these as just occasions for discipline, and refused altogether 
to sanction a fourth marriage, but regarded it as a criminal offence. 

§ 4. Remarks upon the marriage Rites and Ceremonies of the. 
Ancient Church. 

In the works of early ecclesiastical writers, especially in those of 
Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Augustine, Jerome, Basil, and 
Chrysostom, we find many allusions to particular rites and ceremo- 
nies, but no entire, or general account of them. In the former part 
of the seventh century, a writer attempted to enumerate the mar- 
riage ceremonies which the church had recognized as innocent and 
convenient, or symbolical. 1 We possess also an official account 
of the ceremonies used in the Roman church, A. D. 860, from the 
pen of the pope Nicolas I.* 

* Morem quern sancta Romana suscepit antiquitus et hactenus in hujus- 
modi conjunctionibus tenet ecclesia, vobis monstrare studebimus. Nostra- 
tes siqaidem tarn mares quam i'eminae non ligaturam auream, vel argenteam, 
aut ex quolibet metallo compositam, quando nuptialia foedera contrahunt, 
in capite deferunt. Sed post sponsalia, quae futurarum sunt nuptiarum 
promissa foedera, quaecunque consensu eorum, qui haec contrahunt, et eo- 
rum, in quorum potentate sunt, celebrantur, et postquam arrhis sponsam sibi 
sponsus per digitum fidei a se annulo insignitum despondent, dotemque utri- 
que placitam sponsus ei cum scripto pactum hoc continente coram invitatis 
ab utroque parte tradiderit ; aut mox, aut apto tempore, ne videlicet ante 
tempus lege definitum tale quid fieri praesumatur, ambo ad nuptialia foedera 
perducuntur. Et pritnum in ecclesia Domini cum oblationibus, quas otferre 
debent Deo per sacerdotis manum, statuuntur, sicque demum benedictio- 
nem et velamen coeleste suscipiunt. . . . Verumtamen velamen illud non 
6uscipit, qui ad secundas nuptias migrat. Post haec autem de ecclesia egres- 
si coronas in capitibus gestant quae in ecclesia ipsa sunt solitae reservari. 
Et ita festis nuptialibus celebratis ad ducendam individuam vitam Domino 
disponente de cetero diriguntur. . . . Tanta solet arctare quosdam rerumin- 
opia, ut ad haec praeparanda nullum his suffragetur auxilium : ac per hoc 



406 OF MARRIAGE. 

To proceed however with our general remarks. 1. The office 
of grooms-man, or attendant of the bridegroom, is of high antiquity ; 
common alike to the Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans. He is desig- 
nated by the names naQuvvpcpog, vvpcpoiywyog, vvf-Kptyjijc, etc. He 
had various duties to perform in connection with the nuptial con- 
tract and dowry, such as the following, — to accompany the parties 
to the church at their marriage, — to act as sponsor for them in their 
vows, — to assist in the marriage ceremonies, — to accompany them 
to the house of the bridegroom, — to preside over, and direct the fes- 
tivities of the occasion, etc. 2 

2. The use of the ring, in the rites both of espousal and of mar- 
riage is very ancient. It is mentioned both by Tertullian, 3 and 
Clement of Alexandria ; 4 the latter of whom says, " It was given 
her not as an ornament, but as a seal, to signify the woman's duty 
in preserving the goods of her husband, because the care of the house 
belongs to her." Isodorus Hispalensis says, " that it was presented 
by the husband either as a pledge of mutual affection, or rather as a 
token of the union of their hearts in love." 5 

3. The crowning of the married pair with garlands, was a mar- 
riage rite peculiar to many nations professing different forms of re- 
ligion. Tertullian inveighs against it with all the zeal of a gloomy 
Montanist ; 6 but it is spoken of with approbation by the fathers of 
the fourth and fifth centuries, from whom it appears that the friends 
and attendants of the bridal pair were adorned in the same manner. 7 
These chaplets were usually made of myrtle, olive, amarinth, rose- 
mary, and evergreens intermingled with cypress and vervain. The 
croion, appropriately so called, was made of olive, myrtle, and rose- 
mary, variegated with flowers, and sometimes with gold and silver, 
pearls, precious stones, etc. These crowns were constructed in the 
form of a pyramid, or tower. 

Both the bride, and the bridegroom were crowned in this manner, 
together with the grooms-man, and the brides-maid. The bride fre- 

sufficiat, secundum leges, solus eorum consensus, de quorum conjunctioni- 
bus agitur. Qui consensus, si solus in nuptiis forte defuerit, cetera omnia 
etiam cum ipso coitu celebrata frustantur. . . . Haec sunt praeter alia, quae 
ad memoriam non occurrunt, pacta conjugiorum solemnia. Peccatum au- 
tem esse, si haec cuncta in nuptiali foedere non interveniant, non dicimus, 
quemadmodum Graecos vos adstruere dicitis. — Nicol. I. Respons. ad Con- 
sidta Bulcrar. c . 3. 



REMARKS UPON THE MARRIAGE RITES. 407 

quently appeared in church thus attired on the day when proclama- 
tion of the banns was made. 

Chaplets were not worn by the parties in case of second marriage, 
nor by those who had been guilty of impropriety before marriage. 

In the Greek church the chaplets were imposed by the officiating 
minister at the altar. In the Western church it was customary for 
the parties to present themselves thus attired. 

4. The wearing of a veil by the bride, was borrowed from the 
Romans.* It was also conformable to the example of Rebecca, 
Gen. xxiv. 

From this marriage rite arose the custom of taking the veil in the 
Catholic church. By this act, the nun devotes herself to perpetual 
virginity as the spouse of Christ, the bridegroom of the church. 

5. It appears to have been customary also to spread a robe over 
the bridegroom and bride, 8 called vitta nuplialis, pallium jugale, 
etc., and made of a mixture of white and red colors.^ 

6. Torches and lamps were in use on such occasions both among 
the Jews and pagan nations. 9 No mention is made of them in the 
church previous to the time of Constantine, though they may have 
been in use at an earlier date. 

7. All the marriage rites and ceremonies indicate that the day 
was observed as a festive occasion, while measures were carefully 
taken to guard against all excesses and improprieties of conduct. 
These festivities were celebrated by nuptial processions, going out 
to meet the bridegroom and conducting him home, — by nuptial 
songs, and music, 10 and marriage feasts. These festivals are fre- 
quently the subject of bitter animadversion by the fathers, especially 

* Tertull. De Veland. Virg. lib. xvii. c. 11. — The velamen nuptiale, of 
which Ambrose (Ep. 70) says, " Conjagium velamine sacerdotali sanctificari 
oportet," is usually regarded as " signuin pudoris et verecundiae." Accord- 
ing to Isidor. Hispal. (De Off. Eccl. ii. c. 19) it is rather " signum humilita- 
tis et subjectionis erga maritum." He says, Feminae, dum maritantur, ve- 
lantur, ut noverint per hoc se viris esse subjectas et humiles. 

t Qoud nubentes post benedictionem vitta invicem quasi uno vinculo cop- 
ulantur, videlicet ideo fit, ne compagem conjugalis unitatis disrumpant. 
Ac eadem vitta candido purpureoque colore permiscetur ; candor quippe est 
ad munditiem vitae, purpura ad sanguinis posteritatem adhibetur, ut hoc 
signo et continentia et lex continendi ab utrisque ad tempus admoneantur, 
et post hoc reddendum debitum non negetur. — Isidor. Hispal. de Off. Eccl. 
lib. ii. c. 19. 



408 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. 

by Chrysostom, 11 and often called for the interposition of the au- 
thority of the church. It appears, however, that the efforts of the 
church were, not to abolish these convivial entertainments and fes- 
tivities, but to restrain them within the bounds of decency and good 
order. 12 The clergy were expected to refrain from attending 
them. 13 * 

8. In connection with these festivities, it was customary to distri- 
bute alms to the poor, and instead of the old Roman custom of scat- 
tering about nuts, to throw out pieces of money to the children, and 
lo the poor. 



CHAPTER XX. 



FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. 1 



§ 1. Treatment of the Dead. 

The early Christians were distinguished by their care for the 
dead, and their sympathy with the afflicted. Their funeral solem- 
nities they celebrated with gravity and propriety, with the intent of 
showing due respect for the deceased, and of administering conso- 
lation to survivors. These funeral services were performed as a 
public religious duty. 2 This is one of the three points for which 
they were commended by the apostate Julian. 3 

The christian church manifested, from the beginning, a decided 
preference for the custom of burying the dead, 4 for which they had 
the example of Jews, Gen. 3: 9. 23: 19. Deut. 24: 6. Matt. 19: 28, 
etc. But the custom of burning the dead at that time prevailed 
throughout the Roman empire, to which they were zealously oppos- 

* Presbyteri, diaconi, sub-diaco-nia vel deinceps, quibus ducendi uxores 
licentia modo non est etiam aliarum nuptiarum evitent convivia, nee his 
coetibus miscantur ubi amatoria canunturet turpia, aut obsceni motus cor- 
porum choreis et saltationibus efferuntur, ne audilus etobtuitus sacris minis- 
teriis deputati turpium spectaculorum atque verborum contagione polluan- 
tur.— Conil. Agath. c. 39. 

\ 






TREATMENT OF THE DEAD. 409 

od .* They had at first, no separate burying places ; nor would 
their circumstances admit of any such design. The public burial 
places, according to both Jewish and Roman laws, were on the out- 
side of cities, 5 Matt. 26: 60. Luke 7: 12. John 11: 30. In the 
fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries an open space around the church 
was appropriated for the burial of princes, bishops, and other clergy, 
and afterwards of those who died in the communion of the church. 
This, like everything which was appropriated to the service of the 
church, was formally consecrated. The first instance of this kind 
occurred in the sixth century. 6 In the ninth century began the cus- 
tom of interring the dead within the walls of the church. 

Burial places were styled xoijiijifiQia, places of repose, cemeteries, 
denoting hereby, not only that the dead rest from their earthly la- 
bors and sorrows ; but pointing out the hope of a future resurrec- 
tion. 7 The grave yard was also styled the Lord's ground, because 
it enjoyed the immunities of the church, or more properly perhaps, 
because of the sacred communion which those who sleep in the 
Lord were supposed to hold with him. 

The church did not approve of the custom of interring the dead 

* The Romans, in ancient times, used to bury their dead. The dictator 
Cornelius Sylla is supposed to have been the first among them whose corpse 
was burnt, and that was done in compliance with his own desire. After- 
wards this practice became general, especially among the higher orders ; 
and continued to prevail until the fourth century of the Christian era. Cic. 
De Legg. ii. c. 25; Virg. JEn. vi. 177 ; — Plin. Hist. Nat. vii. c. 54, " ipsum 
cremare apud Romanos non fuit veteris instituti, terra condiebantur ;" — 
conf. Plutarch. Vit. JVumae ; Stobaei, Scrm. 122 ; Macrob. Saturn, vii. c. 7 ; 
Cod. Theodos. lib. ix. tit 6, leg. b. — The first Roman emperor whose corpse 
was interred was Commodus, as we learn from Xiphilinus. The early Chris- 
tians protested against the custom of burning the bodies of the dead, and ad- 
vocated inhumation, — a practice which was always observed in the christian 
church. — Corpus omne, sive arescit in pulverem, sive in humorem solvitur, 
vel in cinerem comprimitur, vel in nidorem tenuatur, subducitur nobis ; sed 
Deo, elementorum custodi, reservatur. Nee, ut creditis, ullum damnum 
sepulturae timemus, sed veterem et meliorem consuetudinem humandi fre- 
quentamus. Minuc. Fel. Octav. c. 34. — Ego magis ridebo vulgus, tunc quo- 
que cum ipsos defunctos atrocissime exurit, quos post modurn gulosissime 
nutrit, iisdem ignibus et promerens et offendens. O pietatem de crudelitate 
ludentem ! Tertull. De Resurr. c. 1. Conf. Tertull. De Jlnima, c. 51 ; Lac- 
tant. Instit. Div. lib. vi. c.12; brig, contr. Cels. lib. viii.; Augustin. De. 
Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 13 ; Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib 4. c. 16 ; v. 1. 

52 



410 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. 

in family graves and private sepulchres. It was supposed to be in- 
vidious, and encourage the pride of distinction. 

Like the Greeks and Romans, Christians erected monuments and 
marked them with inscriptions, t/tAoi?, litulis, in memory of their 
friends. 8 Their luxury and extravagance in these matters are se- 
verely censured by Basil the Great, Chrysostom and others. Frus- 
tra struunt homines pretiosa sepulcra, quasi ea animae, nee solius 
corporis, receptacula essent. Ambrose De Bono Mortis. 

The funeral solemnities of the Romans were held by night. 9 
Those of Christians, on the other hand, were solemnized by day, but 
with lighted tapers. In times of persecution, the Christians were of- 
ten compelled to bury their dead by night, and with all possible se- 
crecy. But under Constantine and his sons, christian funerals were 
attended by day, and, at times, with great pomp. Probably they en- 
acted laws on this subject in favor of christian burials, for the apos- 
tate Julian was compelled to issue a positive decree to restore the 
nocturnal celebration of funeral rites.* 

The Jews, and the Eastern nations generally were accustomed to 
bury very soon after death. The nature of the climate might direct 
to this custom ; but the principal reason probably was, that by the 
speedy removal of the corpse, they might avoid ceremonial pollu- 
tion. The custom of the Greeks and Romans corresponded in this 
respect with that of the Oriental nations. The early Christians also 
conformed to the custom of the country, in the early removal of the 
corpse, but they utterly discarded the idea that any ceremonial pol- 
lution could be contracted by contact with the dead. On the con- 
trary, they fearlessly exposed themselves to contagion by their faith- 
ful offices to those who had died of malignant diseases as well as by 
administering to their necessities in sickness. 10 The corpse, after 
being removed from the house, was usually kept for a day or more 
in the church, and from this originally arose the custom of keeping 



* Efferri cognovimus cadavera njortuorum per confertam populi frequen- 
tiarn et per maximam insistentium densitatem : quod quidem oculos homi- 
num infaustis infestat adspectibus. Qui enim dies est bene auspicatus a fu- 
nere ? aut quomodo ad Deos et templa venietur ? Ideoque quoniam et do- 
lor in exsequiis secretum amat, et diem functis nihil interest, utrum per noc- 
tes an per dies efferantur, liberari convenit totius populi adspectus, ut dolor 
esse in funeribus, non pompa exequiarum, nee ostentatio videatur. Cod. The- 
odos. lib. ix. tit 17, 1.5. 



AFFECTION FOR THE DYING. 411 

vigils for the dead. 11 The funeral was sometimes delayed for sev- 
eral days. 

§ 2. Affection for the Dying. 

The greatest attention was bestowed by the early Christians upon 
the dying, and the highest respect entertained for their final counsels, 
instructions, and prayers. Their exhortations to surviving friends, 1 
and their prayers in their behalf, were treasured up with pious care. 2 
Their will in regard to the disposal of their effects, and the appro- 
priation of them for objects of charity and benevolence, were reli- 
giously observed. 3 The sign of the cross was administersd to them. 4 
The bishop and the several orders of the clergy, as well as relatives 
and friends, sought to offer them consolation. Prayers were offered 
in the church for them. 5 Friends pressed around them to give, and 
receive the parting kiss, and the last embrace. 6 To such as were 
restored to christian fellowship in their dying moments, the sacra- 
ment was administered. This was afterwards united with the cere- 
mony of extreme unction. 

Friends and relatives closed the eyes and mouth of the dying 7 — 
a becoming rite which all nations have observed. But to the early 
Christians this was an emblem of the peaceful slumber of the de- 
ceased, from which he was expected to awake at the resurrection 
of the just. 8 The body was then washed and clothed in a garment 
usually of white linen, but sometimes made of more costly materials 
and ornamented with gold, precious stones, etc. 9 The corpse was 
laid out in its best attire ; and in addition to these rites it was fre- 
quently anointed and embalmed. 

Christians, contrary to the custom of the Jews, deposited the body 
in a coffin. This custom they observed in common with many hea- 
then nations. The corpse was exposed to view for some time before 
interment either at home, or in the streets, or more frequently in the 
church. 10 During this time it was attended by the nearest relatives 
and friends, whose duty it was to perform these last offices of affec- 
tion for the dead. The waitings of mourning women were, on no 
account, allowed as was customary among the Jews and many pa- 
gan nations. Such lamentations were exceedingly incongruous to 
the Christian who regarded death as no loss, but unspeakable gain. 

The office of sexton was of very early date, and held in high re- 
pute, as an honorable occupation. 



412 FUNERAL KITES AND CEREMONIES. 



§ 3. Funeral Solemnities. 

The body was borne on a bier in solemn procession to the burial 
place, and followed by the relatives and friends of the deceased as 
mourners, among whom the clergy and some others were reckoned. 
Besides these many others, as spectators, joined in the procession. 
These processions were sometimes so thronged as to occasion seri- 
ous accidents, and even the loss of life. 1 It was the duty of the 
acolyths to conduct the procession. The bier was borne sometimes 
on the shoulder, and sometimes by the hands. The nearest rela- 
tions or persons of rank and distinction were the bearers. Even the 
bishops and clergy often officiated in this capacity. 

The tolling of bells at funerals was introduced in the eighth and 
ninth centuries. This office is expressed in the following distich, 
which was inscribed upon the church bell : 

Laudo Deum verum ; plebem voco ; congresso clerum, 
Defunctos ploro ; nimbum fugo ; festaque honoro. 

Previous to the use of bells the trumpet and wooden clappers were 
used for similar purposes. 

Palms and olive branches were carried in funeral processions for 
the first time in the fourth century, in imitation of Christ's triumphal 
entry into Jerusalem. The cypress was rejected because it was a 
symbol of mourning. The carrying of burning lamps and tapers 
was earlier and more general. This was a festive representation of 
the triumph of the deceased over death, and of his union with Christ, 
as in the festival of the Lamb in the Apocalypse. 2 The Christians 
repudiated the custom of crowning the corpse and the coffin with 
garlands, as savoring of idolatry. 3 But it was usual with them to 
strew flowers upon the grave. 4 

Psalms and hymns were sung while the corpse was kept, while 
it was carried in procession, and around the grave. Notices of this 
custom are found in several authors. 5 These anthems were alto- 
gether of a joyful character. But Bingham has well remarked that 
" we cannot expect to find much of this in the first ages, while the 
Christians were in a state of persecution ; but as soon as their peace- 
able times were come, we find it in every writer. The author of 
the Apostolical Constitutions (lib. vi. c. 30) gives this direction, that 



FUNERAL SOLEMNITIES. 413 

they should carry forth their dead with singing, if they were faithful. 
' For precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his saints.' 
and again it is said, ' Return to thy rest, O my soul, for the Lord 
hath rewarded thee. And the memory of the just shall be blessed : 
and the souls of the just are in the hand of the Lord.' These, pro- 
bably, were some of the versicles which made up their psalmody on 
such occasions. For Chrysostom, speaking of this matter, not only 
tells us the reason of their psalmod}^, but also what particular psalms 
or portions of them they made use of for this solemnity. ' What 
mean our hymns ?' says he ; 'do we not glorify God and give him 
thanks, that he hath crowned him that is departed, that he hath de- 
livered him from trouble, that he hath set him free from all fear ? 
Consider what thou singest at that time ; Turn again unto thy rest, 
O my soul, for the Lord hath rewarded thee. And again, I will fear 
no evil, because thou art with me. And again, Thou art my refuge 
from the affliction which compasseth me about. Consider what 
these psalms mean. If thou believest the things which thou sayest 
to be true, why dost thou weep and lament, and make a mere pa- 
geantry and mock of thy singing ? If thou believest them not to be 
true, why dost thou play the hypocrite, so much as to sing?' (Chry- 
sost. Horn. 4 in Hebr.) He speaks this against those who used ex- 
cessive mourning at funerals, showing them the incongruity of that 
with this psalmody of the church." (Book xxiii. c. 3.) 

Funeral prayers also constituted an appropriate part of the burial- 
service of the dead. 

Funeral orations, loyoi smx^dsioi^ iniTv.cpia, were also delivered, 
commemorative of the deceased. Several of these are still extant, 
as that of Eusebius at the funeral of Constantine ; those of Ambrose 
on the deaths of Theodosius and Valentinian, and of his own brother 
Satyrus ; those of Gregory, and of Nazianzum upon his father, his 
brother Caesarius, and his sister Gorgonia. 

The sacrament of the Lord's supper was administered at funerals 
and often at the grave itself. 6 By this rite, it was intimated that the 
communion of saints was still perpetuated between the living and the 
dead. It was a favorite idea that both still continued members of 
the same mystical body one and the same on earth and in heaven. 
This mode of celebrating the supper was also an honorable testimo- 
ny to the faith of the deceased, and of his consistent christian pro- 
fession in life. The Roman Catholic superstition of offerings and 



414 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. 

masses for the dead took its rise from this ancient usage of the 
church. Some time previous to the sixth and seventh centuries, it 
became customary to administer the elements to the dead — to depo- 
site a portion of the elements in the coffin — to give a parting kiss of 
charity, and to conclude the funeral solemnities with an entertain- 
ment similar to the agapae. Of these usages the first mentioned 
were speedily abolished, 7 and the last was gradually discontinued. 

It was universally customary with Christians to deposite the corpse 
in the grave, as in modern times, facing the east ; and in the same 
attitude as at the present day. The reasons for this are given in the 
following extract : Christiani solent sepelire. 1. Supinos, quia mors 
nostra proprie non est mors, sed brevis quidam somnus. 2. Vultu 
ad coelum converso, quia solo in coelo spes nostra fundata est. 3. 
Versus orientem, argumento sperandae et exoptandae resurrectionis. 8 

The burial service was concluded, like all other religious solem- 
nities, with the Lord's prayer and the benediction. 

§ 4. Mourners. 

Death was regarded by the early Christians not as an afflictive but 
joyful event. All immoderate grief or mourning was accordingly 
inconsistent, in their view, with chrislian faith and hope.* For this 
reason they severely reproved the Jewish and Roman custom of hir- 
ing women to make lamentations for the dead. 1 It must not be sup- 
posed, however, that they either condemned the exercise of natural 
affection, or affected a stoical indifference. On the contrary, there 
are many passages of ancient authors in which the right and power 
of nature in this respect are recognized, and a becoming sorrow, 
occasioned by the death of friends, is justified, both on principles of 
reason, and by reference to examples in Scripture. f 

* Fratres nostri nonlugendi accersione Dominica de saeculo liberati, cum 
sciamus, non eosomitti, sed praemitti, recedentes praecedere,ut proficiscen- 
tes et navigantes, desiderari eos debere, non plangi ; nee accipiendas heic 
atras vestes, quando illi ibi indumenta alba jam sumserint : occasionem non 
dandam esse gentilibus, ut nos merito et jure reprehendant, quod quos vive- 
re apud Deum dicimus ut exstinctos et perditos lugeamus, et fidem, quam 
sermone et voce depromimus, cordis et pectoris testimonio reprobemur. — 
Cyprian, De Mortal. Omnibus Christianis prohibitum defunctos flere. — 
Concil Talet. 111. 

t Non omnis infidelitatis aut infirmitatis est fletus ; alius est naturae do- 



OF MOURNERS. 



415 



In conformity with their views of death, Christians also utterly 
discarded the Jewish badges of mourning — sackcloth and ashes, and 
garments rent. Some of the fathers severely censure the Roman 
custom of wearing black. 2 Augustine especially is peculiarly severe 
on this point. " Why," says he, " should we disfigure ourselves 
with black, unless we would imitate unbelieving nations, not only in 
their wailing for the dead, but also in their mourning apparel ! Be - 
assured these are foreign and unlawful usages ; but if lawful, they 
are not becoming." 3 Black however was, from the beginning, the 
customary mourning habit in the Greek church, and the use of it 
soon became general. 

No precise rules were made respecting the duration of mourning 
for the dead. This matter was left to custom and the feeling of the 
parties concerned. " The heathen had a custom of repeating their 
mourning on the third, seventh, and ninth day, which was particu- 
larly called the Novendiale ; and some added the twentieth, thirti- 

lor, alia est tristitia in diffidentia, et plurimum refert, desiderare, quod habu- 
eris, et lugere, quod amiseris . . . Fecerunt et fletum magnum sui, cum Pa- 
triarchae sepelirentur. Lacrymae ergo pietatis indices, non illices sunt do- 
loris. Lacrymatus sum ergo, fateor, et ego,sed lacrymatus est et Dominus ; 
ille alienum, ego fratrem . — Ambros. Oral, in obit. Fratris. — Quorum nos 
vita propter amicitiae solatia de lectabat, unde fieri potest, ut eorum mors nul- 
lam nobis ingerat moestitudinem ? Quam qui prohibet, prohibeat, si potest, 
arnica, colloquia, interdicat amicalem societatem, vel intercidat adi'ectum 
omnium bumanarum necessitudinum, vincula mentis immiti stupore disrum- 
pat, aut sic eis utendum esse censeat, ut nulla ex eis animum dulcedo per- 
fundat. Quod si fieri nullo modo potest, etiam hoc, quo pacto futurum est, 
ut ejus nobis amara mors non sit, cujus dulcis est vita? Hinc enim est luc- 
tus quidem [al. quidam] humario corde quasi vulnus aut ulcus, cui sanando 
adhibentur officiosae consolationes. Non enim propterea non est, quod sane- 
tur ; quoniam quanto est animus melior, tanto in eo citius faciliusque sana- 
tur. — Augustin. De Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 8. — Premebam oculos ejus [sc. 
matris], et confluebat in praecordia mea moestitudo ingens, et transfluebat 
in lacrirnas, ibidemque oculi mei violento animi imperio resorbebant fontem 
suum usque ad siccitatem, et in tali luctamine valde male mihi erat. Turn 
vero ubi efflavit extremum spiritum, puer Adeodatus exclamavit in plane- 
turn, atque ab omnibus nobis coercitus tacuit. Hoc modo etiam meum 
quiddam puerile, quod labebatur in fletus, juvenili voce cordis coercebatur 
et tacebat. Neque enim decere arbitrabamur, funus illud questibus lacri- 
mosis gemitibusque celebrare, quia his plerumque solet deplorari qusedam 
miseria morientium, aut quasi omnimoda exstinctio. At ilia nee misere 
moriebatur, nee omnino fnoriebatur. — Aagustin. Confess, lib. ix. c. 12. — 
Conf. Chrysost. Horn, 2'J, De Dormient. ; Horn. 61, in Johann. 



416 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. 

eth, and fortieth, not without a superstitious opinion of those parti- 
cular days, wherein they used to sacrifice to their manes with milk, 
and wine, and garlands, and flowers, as the Homan antiquities inform 
us. Something of this superstition, abating the sacrifice, was still 
remaining among the ignorant Christians in St. Austin's time ; for 
he speaks of some who observed a novendial in relation to their dead 
(Quaest. 127 in Gen.,) which he thinks they ought to be forbidden, 
because it was only an heathen custom. He does not seem to inti- 
mate that they kept it exactly as the heathen did ; but rather that 
they were superstitious in their observation of nine days of mourning, 
which was without example in Scripture. There was another way 
of continuing the funeral offices for three days together, which 
was allowed among Christians, because it had nothing in it but the 
same worship of God repeated. Then Euodius writing to St. Austin 
(Euodii, Ep. 258 inter Ep. August.,) and giving him an account of 
the funeral of a very pious young man, who had been his votary, 
says that he had given him honorable obsequies, worthy of so great 
a soul : for he continued to sing hymns to God for three days 
together at his grave, and on the third day offered the sacraments 
of redemption. The author of the Constitutions (Const. Apost. lib. 
viii. c. 42) takes notice of the repetition of the funeral office on the 
third day, and the ninth day, and the fortieth day, giving peculiar 
reasons for each of them : — ' Let the third day be observed for the 
dead with psalms, and lessons, and prayers, because Christ on the 
third day rose again from the dead ; and let the ninth day be ob- 
served in remembrance of the living and the dead ; and also the 
fortieth day, according to the ancient manner of the Israelites 
mourning for Moses forty days ; and finally let the anniversary 
day be observed in commemoration of the deceased.' 

" On the anniversary days of commemorating the dead, they were 
used to make a common feast or entertainment, inviting both the 
clergy and people, but especially the poor and needy, the widows 
and orphans, that it might not only be a memorial of rest to the 
dead, but an odor of sweet smell to themselves in the sight of God, 
as the author under the name of Origen words it. St. Chrysostom 
says (Chrysost. Horn. 47 in 1 Ep. ad Cor.) that they were more 
tenacious of this custom, than they were of some others of greater 
importance. — But this often degenerated into great abuses. (Aug- 
de Moribus Eccles. c. 34 ; Ep. 64 ad Auretium.)" — Bingham, An- 
tiq. book 23, chap. 3. 



PRAYERS FOR THE DEAD. 417 



§ 5. Prayers for the Dead. 

Our author appears to have omitted this peculiarity of the early 
Christians. But it is discussed at length by Riddle, who has brought 
many authorities to illustrate the sentiments and practice of the fa- 
thers on this subject, some of which are given below, with the result 
of his investigation of this subject. 

Tertullian (died, 220), in his treatise on the Soldier's Chaplet, 
speaks of prayer for the dead as a custom of the church at the time 
of his writing that treatise, which was probably not long after the 
year 200 : " We make anniversary oblations for the dead, for their 
birthdays," meaning, the days of their death.* In another of his 
works the same author says, that it was the practice of a widow to 
pray for the soul of her deceased husband, desiring on his behalf 
present refreshment or rest, and a part in the first resurrection ; 
and offering annually an oblation for him on the day of his falling 
asleep, i. e. his death. And elsewhere he represents a bereaved 
husband as praying for the soul of his deceased wife, and offering 
annual oblations for her.f 

Origen (d. 254) tells us, that Christians in his time " thought it 
right and useful to make mention of the saints in their public prayers, 
and to improve themselves by the commemoration of their worthies.^ 

Cyprian (d. 258) affirms, that in his time it was the practice of 
Christians to offer oblations and sacrifices of commemoration for 
martyrs, on the anniversary days of their martyrdom, with thanks- 
giving ; and he refers also to the oblations and supplications, or 
deprecatory prayers, on behalf of other departed members of the 



* Oblationes pro defunctis, pro natalitiis, annua die facimus. — Tertull. De 
Corona Militis, c. 3. 

t Pro anima ejus orat, et refrigerium interim adpostulat ei, et in prima 
resurrectione consortium, et offert annuis diebus dormitionis ejus. — Id. De 
Monogamia, c. 10. — Jam repete apud Deum pro cujus spiritu postules, pro 
qua oblationes annuas reddas. — Exhort, ad Castit. c. 11. — Tertullian held 
that every little offence of the faithful would be punished by delaying their 
resurrection. Modicum quodque delictum mora resurrectionis luendum. — 
De Anima, c. 58. 

+ Meminisse sanctorum sive in collectis solennibus, sive pro eo ut ex re- 
cordatione eorum proficiamus, aptum et conveniens videtur. — Orig. lib. ix. 
in Rom. 12. 

53 



418 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. 

church.* In another place Cyprian says, " When we have departed 
hence, there is no place left for repentance, and no effect of satis- 
faction."! 

Arnobius, in his treatise against the heathen, written probably 
about the year 305, speaking of the prayers offered after the conse- 
cration of the elements in the Lord's supper, says that Christians 
prayed for pardon and peace, on behalf of the living and the dead.| 

Cyril of Jerusalem (d. 386), reports the prayer made after con- 
secration of the elements at the holy communion, in these words : 
— " We offer this sacrifice in memory of all those who have fallen 
asleep before us, first, patriarchs, prophets, apostles, and martyrs, 
that God by their prayers and intercessions may receive our suppli- 
cations ; and then we pray for our holy fathers and bishops, and all 
that have fallen asleep before us, believing that it is a great advan- 
tage to their souls to be prayed for, whilst the holy and tremendous 
sacrifice lies upon the altar." (Catech. Mystag. 5, n. 6.) 

The same writer furnishes evidence, that in his time many persons 
doubted the efficacy of prayer, as a means of procuring benefit to 
the dead. " I know many," he observes in the same book, " who 
say, what profit does the soul receive that goes out of this world, 
either with sins, or without sins, if you make mention of it in 
prayer?" 

Gregory of Nazianzum (d. 390), prayed, that God would receive 
the soul of his brother Caesarius. (Greg. Naz. Oral. 10.) Arch- 
bishop Usher quotes the following passage from this father, in testi- 
mony of his dissent from the opinion that the dead could be profited 
by the prayers of the living : " Then in vain shall one go about to 
relieve those that lament. Here men may have a remedy, but after- 



* Celebrentur hie a nobis oblationes et sacrificia ob commemorationes 
eorum Cypr. Ep. 37, al. 22, ad Cterum. — Sacrificia pro eis semper, ut me- 
ministis, offerimus, quoties martyrum passiones et dies anniversaria com- 
raemoratione celebramus. — Ep. 34, al. 39. — Non est quod pro dormitione 
ejus apud vos fiat oblatio, aut deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in ecclesia fre- 
quentetur. — Ep. 66, al. 1. 

t Quando isthinc excessum fuerit, nullus jam locus poenitentiae est, nul- 
lus satisfaction'^ effectus. — Cypr. ad Demetrian, § 16. 

$ Cur immaniter conventicula nostra dirui meruerint ? In quibus sum- 
mus oratur Deus, pax cunctis et venia postulatur, magistratibus, exercitibus, 
regibus, familiaribus, inimicis, adhuc vitam degentibus, et resolutis corporum 
vinctione. — Arnob. Adv. Gentes, lib. iv. 



PRAYERS FOR THE DEAD. 



419 



wards there is nothing but bonds, or all things are fast bound." 
(Greg. Naz. in Carm. de Rebus Suis.) It may be observed, that this 
passage proves only that Gregory esteemed prayer of no avail to 
those who may die in sin. 

In the writings of Ambrose (d. 397), we meet with prayers of that 
father, on behalf of the deceased Theodosius and Valentinian, and 
his own brother; and we find him giving instructions to a Christian 
not to weep for a deceased sister, but to make prayers and oblations 
for her. (Ambros. De Obitu Theodosii ; De Obit. Valentin. ; De 
Obitu Fratris ; Ep. 8, ad Faust.) The same author affirms, in an- 
other place, that " death is a haven of rest, and makes not our con- 
dition worse ; but according as it finds every man, so it reserves him 
to the judgment that is to come." (De Bono Mortis, c. 4.) 

Aerius appears to have been the first who publicly protested 
against the practice of praying for the dead ; which he did upon the 
ground of the uselessness of such prayers to those who were the 
subjects of them. His objections were met by Epiphanius, (d. 403,) 
who maintained (Haeres. 75), first, that prayer for the dead was 
useful, as testifying the faith and hope of the living, inasmuch as it 
showed their belief that the departed were still in being, and living 
with the Lord ; and secondly, as a further argument, that " the 
prayer which is made for them does profit, although it do not cut off 
all their sins ; yet, forasmuch as whilst we are in the world we 
oftentimes slip, both unwillingly and with our will, it serves to signify 
that which is more perfect. For we make," continues he, " a me- 
morial both for the just and for sinners ; for sinners, entreating the 
mercy of God; for the just, (both the fathers and patriarchs, the 
prophets, and apostles, and evangelists, and martyrs, and confessors ; 
bishops also, and authorities, and the whole order,) that we may 
serve our Lord Jesus Christ from the rank of all other men, by the 
honor that we do unto him, and that we may yield worship unto 
him." 

Chrysosiom (d. 407,) speaking of the death of the wicked, says, 
" They are not so much to be lamented, as succoured with prayers, 
and supplications, and alms, and oblations. For these things were 
not designed in vain, neither is it without reason that we make men- 
tion of those that are deceased in the holy mysteries, interceding for 
them to the Lamb that is slain to take away the sins of the world ; 
but that some consolation may hence arise to them. Neither is it in 



420 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. 

vain that he who stands at the altar, when the tremendous mysteries 
are celebrated, cries, ' We offer unto thee for all those that are 
asleep in Christ, and all that make commemorations for them.' For 
if there were no commemorations made for them, these things would 
not be said. Let us not therefore grow weary in giving them our 
assistance, and offering prayers for them." 

Jerome (d. 420) says, " While we are in this present world we 
may be able to help one another, either by our prayers or by our 
councils; but when we shall come before the judgment seat of 
Christ, neither Job, nor Daniel, nor Noah, can entreat for any one, 
but every one must bear his own burden." (Lib. iii. Comment, in 
Galat. c. 6.) 

On the whole, therefore, it appears, that from the time of Tertul- 
lian, at least, and probably from a still earlier date, the church was 
accustomed to offer prayers for the dead. Many teachers of the 
church during the third and fourth centuries sanctioned this super- 
stitious practice ; some of them encouraging a belief that the prayers 
of the living were a means of procuring certain imaginary benefits 
for those who had died in sin, as well as for those who had departed 
in the faith ; but others affirming that the dead could derive no bene- 
fit from the prayers of survivors. So that while it was the erroneous 
opinion that prayers and oblations ought to be made for the dead, 
and was the received and universal doctrine of the church, it was 
yet a question among christian doctors, on which they were allowed 
to differ, whether the dead received any profit from such prayers. 
The entire abandonment of a custom so much at variance with di- 
vine truth was reserved for that brighter period in the history of the 
church, in which " the Bible, the Bible alone," began (perhaps for 
the first time since the commencement of the second century) to be 
recognized as the sole depositary of the principles of our religion, 
and the only unerring guide of christian practice. 

When the prayers of the early church were offered on behalf of 
persons supposed to have died in the faith, who were regarded as 
about to enter into happiness, Christians were understood to beseech 
God that he would receive those persons to himself; — they gave 
thanks for their deliverance out of this sinful world ; — they petition- 
ed for the divine forgiveness of all remains of sin and imperfection 
in the departed ; — they intended to offer a tribute of respect and af- 
fection to the deceased, and to testify their own belief of the immor- 



CEMETERIES OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS. 421 

tality of the soul and a future life ;— and they sought to procure for 
their departed friends the blessings of an early share in the millen- 
nial reign of Christ upon earth (which was confidently expected by 
the early Christians), — as well as favor at the day of judgment, 
(when they supposed that all men would pass through a fire of pur- 
gation,) — and an augmentation of their reward and glory in the 
state of final blessedness. 

It is certain also, that prayers were offered for those who had died 
in sin, in the hope of mitigating their sufferings, or rendering their 
condemnation more tolerable. (Chrysost. Horn. 3, in Phil. ; Conf. 
Horn. 21, in Act. ; Horn. 32, in Matt. ; August. Enchirid, ad Lau- 
rent, c. 110; Paulin. Ep. 19 ; Athanas. Qaest. ad Antioch. ix. 34; 
Prudent. Cathemerin. Carm. 5, De Cereo Paschali.) 

§ 6. Of the Cemeteries of the Early Christians. 

By far the greater number of the primitive Christians were buried 
in subterranean sepulchres. As, during the first three hundred years 
the sword of persecution was constantly impending over their heads, 
and dear-bought experience taught them, that their only safety lay 
either in withdrawing to uninhabited deserts, or sheltering them- 
selves in inaccessible hiding holes, multitudes who preferred the lat- 
ter alternative, died, and were interred in their places of retreat. 
These served at once as their home and their burying place ; and, 
as it was natural that they should wish to have the bodies of their de- 
parted brethren conveyed to the same peaceful and inviolable sanc- 
tuaries, it became, first from necessity, and afterwards from choice, 
the approved and invariable practice of the Christians to deposit their 
dead in deep and obscure caverns. These, owing to the vast mul- 
titudes who fell simultaneously in times of persecution, and to whom, 
except in some few cases, the rites of burial were not refused, evi- 
dently required to be of no ordinary magnitude ; and accordingly, — 
at what time is uncertain, but at an early period, — the charity of 
some wealthy friends of their body put them in possession of ceme- 
teries which remained ever after the common property of the believ- 
ers. Among the monuments of christian antiquity, none are more 
singular than these abodes of the dead ; and one feels at a loss 
whether most to admire their prodigious extent, the laborious indus- 
try that provided them, or the interesting recollections with which 



422 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. 

they are associated. Like the Moorish caves in Spain, they were 
generally excavated at the base of a lonely hill, and the entrance so 
carefully concealed that no aperture appeared, and no traces were 
discernible — except by an experienced eye — of the ground having 
been penetrated, and of the vast dungeons that had been hollowed 
underneath. The descent was made by a ladder, the foot of which 
stood in a broad and spacious pathway, which extended like a street 
along the whole length of the place. This principal entrance open- 
ed, at intervals into smaller passages, which again led into a variety 
of chambers ; and on either side of them were several rows of nich- 
es, pierced in the wall, serving as catacombs, and filled with coffins. 
The chambers were painted, for the most part like the churches, 
with passages of history from the Old and New Testaments. In the 
centre of the largest street was an open square, large and commo- 
dious as a market-place, in which those who took refuge there, in 
those troublous times, were wont to congregate for worship ; and the 
comfort of which, as a place of abode, was greatly promoted by the 
liberal use which the Christians made of spices and perfumes on their 
dead. In the more distant of these cemeteries, whose remoteness 
rendered them less liable to be disturbed, there were small apertures 
left in the surface of the ground, through which a dim twilight was 
admitted ; but the others, where these were closed, were absolutely 
dark, and except by the aid of lights, impassable ; so that, on any 
sudden surprise, the refugees had only to extinguish their lamps to 
insure their safety from the invasion of their enemies. The depth of 
these vaults was sometimes so great, that two or three stories were 
ranged one above another ; and the whole aspect conveyed the im- 
pression of a city under ground. 

Many of them, however, never came to the knowledge of the en- 
emy ; and one was only discovered about three miles from Rome, 
so late as the end of the sixteenth century, the size and various apart- 
ments of which excited universal astonishment. Numbers still re- 
main, bearing the names of their respective founders, and af- 
fording, by their inscriptions, and the monuments of antiquity 
found in them, the most satisfactory proofs of their having been used 
as hiding-places by the Christians. From their habit of courting 
the obscurity of the catacombs, the Christians obtained, from their 
heathen contemporaries, the name of the " Light-hating People ;" 
and to their religious familiarity with these abodes of the dead, the 



PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 



423 



reflecting reader will be disposed to trace that general desire for 
martyrdom which, in the second and third centuries, astonished the 
authorities of Rome, and crowded the tribunals of all the provinces. 
Strange as that insensibility to suffering and death may seem, its ori- 
gin is naturally to be imputed to the strong influence of place, ope- 
rating on the minds of men who, by daily contact with the venerable 
remains of their ancestors, had overcome the instinctive dread of 
dissolution, and in whom vivid impressions of religion, and the hope 
of immortal glory, together with the extraordinary estimation in 
which the memory of the martyrs was held, had created a passion- 
ate longing for similar honors. 



CHAPTER XXI. 



OF SACRED SEASONS. FESTIVALS AND FASTS. 

§ 1. Preliminary Remarks. 1 

The primitive church were not careful to prescribe a specific time 
or place for the celebration of their religious festivals. The apos- 
tles and their immediate successors proceeded on the principle that 
these should be observed at stated times, which might still be varied 
as circumstances should direct. These seasons were regarded as 
sacred, not for any peculiar sanctity belonging to the day, or hour, 
in which they were solemnized, in itself considered, but merely as 
being set apart from a common to a religious use. 2 Some however 
have maintained, that these festive days should be observed as holy 
time? 

The reckoning of chronology by the christian era was introduced 
in the sixth century by Dionysius, a Roman abbot, and in the seventh 
and eighth centuries, was denominated the Bionysian era. 4 Previ- 
ous to the introduction of this system of chronology, time was reck- 
oned, by the Jews from the creation of the world, by the Romans 
from the founding of Rome, or by consulships, or by the reign of 
their emperors. The calendar was revised by Julius Caesar forty- 
five years before Christ, and the year made to begin on the first of 



424 OF SACRED SEASONS. 

January instead of the first of March. The Dionysian era began 
A. D. 531, but it has since been subject to certain modifications, of 
which the most important are the correction of the epact, and the 
reduction from the 25th of March to the 25th of December. 

It is not distinctly known when the reckoning of time by an eccle- 
siastical year began in the church. The Jews had a civil year 
which dated from the creation of the world, and began on the first 
day of the month Tisri, corresponding to the first half of September 
and styled iisiEfi ir&th. Their ecclesiastical or religious year hav- 
ing the same name began on the first of the month Nisan, corres- 
ponding with the latter part of March. The passover followed im- 
mediately, and all their festivals were reckoned from this date. 5 
From the authorities quoted in the above reference, it is probable 
that the ecclesiastical year in the christian church was adopted from 
the Jewish, and corresponded with it. In the fifth century the feast 
of the annunciation, March 25th, which also has an intimate relation 
to the 25th of December, was accounted the beginning of the eccle- 
siastical year, corresponding very nearly with the religious reckon- 
ing of the Jews. This became a fixed point for the church from which 
to date all their festivals, or as Chrysostom expresses it, it was tiqcj- 
TTj jcal Qi'£a jbiv eoqtgjv tov Xqlcttov. This feast, according to the 
council of Toletum, X. c. 1, was to be held on the 18th of Decem- 
ber, on the last sabbath of Christmas, as in Milan ; or on the 5th or 
6th of January, as in the Ethiopian and Armenian churches respec- 
tively. In France it was observed on the 25th of March as late as 
the sixteenth century, and in England even down to the eighteenth 
century. 

The Western church generally may very naturally be supposed 
to date their ecclesiastical year from the advent of Christ, in imita- 
tion of the church at Rome. Between the seventh and ninth centu- 
ries this festival was extended to include six sabbath days. This 
number was afterwards reduced. 

The Eastern church, like the Western, celebrated the Advent for 
a series of days, but differed entirely from that church in the reck- 
oning of their religious year. This they began from the feast on the 
erection of the cross, crouch-mas-day, Sept. 14th. 6 

This mode of reckoning time, by ecclesiastical and civil years 
must have caused much confusion and inconvenience. And some 
important reasons must have led to the adoption of a system of chro- 



PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 425 

nology so complicated and inconvenient. The primitive church 
were probably influenced in their adherence to this arrangement by 
their desire to embrace in their sacred seasons all the leading inci- 
dents of our Saviour's life. The Julian reckoning of time from the 
first of January they rejected because of its relation to pagan chro- 
nology. For many centuries this day was stigmatized by them as a 
day for fasting and penance, or as a day fit only to be observed by 
fools and hypochondriacs, the observance of which was forbidden by 
various ecclesiastical councils in the sixth and seventh centuries. 7 

The names of months and weeks, and the consequent division of 
time by them, the church in general derived from the Roman calen- 
dar. But they rejected the names of January and February as be- 
ing associated with paganism. For the same reason they rejected 
the reckoning by Calends, Nones, and Ides. They divided the year 
into fifty-two weeks, and gave to each a specific name as hebdomas 
magna, hebdomas authentica, muta, poenosa, luctuoso, cruris, indul- 
gentiae, paschalis, pentecostalis, trinitatis, etc. They uniformly 
began the week on Sunday, which they styled the Lord's day, xvgi- 
ayJl rjfisga, and the weeks which followed were denominated, Advent, 
Epiphany, etc. They manifested the same zealous opposition to 
paganism by rejecting the Roman names of the days of the week, 
Monday, Tuesday, dies Lunae, Martis, etc. each being named af- 
ter some pagan god. Some ascetics retained Sunday, dies Solis, 
but only in a mystical sense relating to the sun of righteousness. 
But the names of the others they uniformly refused, and substituted 
in their place the appellations Feria prima, secunda, etc. for Mon- 
day, Tuesday, etc.* 

The festivals of the church are divided into the following classes : 
weekly and annual ; moveable and immoveable, i. e. fixed to a certain 
day of the month on which they always occur ; higher, middle and 
lower ; universal and particular ; ancient and modern ; civil and ec- 
clesiastical; secular mid religious. Even as early as the second 

* It is a little singular that our names of the days of the week had an ori- 
gin similar to that which was so obnoxious to the primitive church, as may 
be seen by observing their Saxon derivation. Sunnadaeg, Sun's day; Mon- 
andaeg, Moon's day ; Tuesdacg, day of Tuscio, i. e. Mars; Wodensdaeg, day 
of Woden, or Odin, a northern deity ; Torsdacg, day of Thor, a deity an- 
swering to Jupiter ; Frydaeg, day of Frigga, the Venus of the North ; Sae 
terdacg, day of Sacter, i. e. Saturn. 8 — Tr. 
54 



426 OF SACRED SEASONS. 

century the birth day of the emperor was celebrated in the church 
as a day of thanksgiving and prayer. Under Constantine the Great, 
these secular festivals became very numerous. 9 It is worthy of re- 
mark that by the nativity, t« ytve&kia, the church generally denoted 
not the natural birth but the death of the person commemorated by 
the festival, the deceased being supposed at death to be born to a 
new and nobler state of being. The nativity however of our Lord, 
of John the Baptist, and of the "Virgin Mary, is to be understood in 
its appropriate and obvious signification. 

All their religious festivals were observed by the primitive church 
as a voluntary act, and never as an imperative duty. Their senti- 
ments on this subject are fully expressed by Socrates, 10 and reca- 
pitulated by Nicephorus. 11 " Neither Paul nor the evangelists im- 
posed any yoke of bondage upon those who received instruction 
from them ; but they submitted the observance of the passover and 
of other festivals to the option of all. — So that neither the Lord Jesus, 
nor his apostles gave any law respecting these observances to en- 
force them by penalties and threatenings, as were the laws of Moses 
upon the Jews." For similar sentiments of the fathers see referen- 
ces. 12 There were, however, some who very early maintained a 
different opinion ; and in the fourth century various decrees of ec- 
clesiastical councils were passed enjoining the observance of feast- 
days as a duty. 13 But even then, these duties were required rather 
as a rule of christian practice, than as a doctrinal precept. 

The number of religious festivals was at first small. The most 
ancient rubrics mention only those of the Passion,]of Easter, and of 
Whitsunday, commemorative of the death and resurrection of Christ, 
and the descent of the Holy Spirit. Christmas was not observed as 
a sacred religious festival until the fourth century, when it became 
customary to observe saints' days ; among which, this was the most 
sacred. The earliest authorities on this point, are Clemens of Alex- 
andria, Origen, and Jerome, as quoted above. From the council of 
Trent we learn that, for the first four hundred years, the festivals of 
the church were, 1. The Lord's day ; 2. that of the Passion ; 3. of 
the Resurrection ; 4. the Ascension ; 5. Pentecost ; 6. the Nativity 
and Baptism of Christ. 14 For later acts of councils, see references. 15 

The object and end proposed in observing those sacred seasons, 
was to call to mind the benefits of the christian dispensation, — to 
excite Christians to holy living, — to offer thanks for providential 



PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 427 

mercies ; and to aid in the cultivation of the christian graces. These 
graces the primitive Christians sought particularly to cultivate on 
such occasions. Freed from worldly cares, that they might devote 
themselves to the duties of religion, they joyfully celebrated their 
religious festivals. So carefully were they conscientiously to guard 
against all improper indulgences, and idolatrous customs on those 
days, that they sought the interposition of the civil authority to pro- 
tect them in the quiet observance of them, and to prohibit the vain 
amusements and recreations which were inconsistent with the solem- 
nities of the occasion. 

It is an interesting characteristic of the discourses which were de- 
livered on these occasions, that they related to the most important 
topics of religion ; all the benefits of Christianity, and the whole sa- 
cred history were set forth ; the incarnation, the life and death of 
our Lord, and all the mysteries of the sacred Trinity, were particu- 
larly the topics of discourse. Even the Sabbath day, according to 
Eusebius, had a three-fold origin, TQslg agxag t^ovcra, emblematical 
of the sacred Trinity. So the three great feasts were supposed to 
embrace the three great principles of the christian religion, and were 
organized in accordance with the belief in a triune God. For the 
same reason, it became customary at a later period to celebrate 
each festival for three days only. Epiphanius, in one of his dis- 
courses on such an occasion, dwells upon the incarnation of Christ, 
God manifest in the flesh ; on his death, and baptism by water and 
the Holy Ghost ; the fall of Adam, and his restoration to eternal 
life ; the heavenly state, etc. In the references, the reader is direc- 
ted to this and other discourses of the fathers on these festivals. 16 

It is particularly striking to observe how differently christian and 
pagan festivals were celebrated. Philo the Jew mentions the fol- 
lowing, as common scandals which occur at such idolatrous festivals, 
— negligence, indolence, carousing, surfeiting, noisy mirth, sensuality, 
convivial meetings at unseasonable hours, the gratification of particu- 
lar lusts, inordinate excess, intemperance, self-inflicted ignominy ; 
sleeping on the day which invites peculiar watchfulness, in a word, 
every unnatural excess. Every virtue is derided, everything praise- 
worthy is condemned, and every unworthy deed commended. 17 
Gregory Nazianzen, on the contrary, earnestly remonstrates against 
the celebration of Epiphany by ornamental decorations, music, or 
sweet odors, or any voluptuous enjoyment. Extravagant expendi- 



428 OF SACRED SEASONS. 

tures in dress, feasting and carousing, and wanton excesses of every 
kind he condemns. " Let us leave all such," he adds, " to the Gen- 
tiles and their gods, who, themselves devoted to every sensual pleas- 
ure, are fitly worshipped in the same way. But we who worship 
the incarnate Word, if we find pleasure in anything, let it be in 
meditating upon the divine law, and especially, in the recital of those 
things which harmonize with the present occasion." 18 

Constantine the Great enacted particular laws for the due observ- 
ance of those days, 19 which were again revised both by the elder 
and younger Theodosius. 20 By those laws all theatrical exhibitions 
were forbidden, except on secular festivals commemorative of the 
birth or coronation of the emperor. Neither were they allowed in 
the interval between Easter and Whitsunday. 21 Courts of justice 
were also suspended on most of those days, and civil persecutions 
prohibited. 22 Among the positive duties required on such occasions 
were deeds of mercy and charity, attendance on public worship, not 
only of the house of worship, but of private dwellings, and the wear- 
ing of suitable apparel. The rich were to send presents of food to 
the poor, and prayers were to be offered by the congregation not 
kneeling, but standing. If any master proposed to manumit his 
slaves, this was also required to be done on those days. 23 

Since the fourth century, it has been customary to celebrate joy- 
ful festivals by decorations with evergreens, by strewing of flowers, 
illuminations, and the burning of incense. 

It is uncertain whether the love feasts of the primitive church were 
a part of the sacrament or not. That they were celebrated in con- 
nection, is sufficiently evident. 24 At first they preceded the sacra- 
mental season, and were an ordinance introductory to this. It was 
afterwards made to follow that season. In the fourth century these 
feasts became the occasion of such excesses that the intervention of 
ecclesiastical councils was required to correct them. They were 
subsequently prohibited altogether, and discontinued in the sixth or 
seventh century. 25 See chap. XVI. § 13. 

The sacrament of the Lord's supper was celebrated on all reli- 
gious festivals, as the most important of the festivities of the occa- 
sion. 

§ 2. Of tee Sabbath. 

The primitive church observed both the Jewish and the christian 
sabbath. The Jewish converts considered the abrogation of the cere- 



OF THE SABBATH. 429 

monial law, and of the sabbath, to relate only to their exemption 
from its burdensome rites ; and religiously observed the day as holy. 
Converts from paganism, on the contrary, contemplated Christianity 
as a dispensation altogether new, and the religion of the Jews as to- 
tally abrogated. The resurrection of Christ was to them a fixed 
point, the beginning of this new dispensation, the new passover from 
bondage to freedom, from death to life. This great event they re- 
fused to commemorate on the same day which the Jews observed 
for another end, and for this purpose they selected the first day of 
the week. The import of the christian sabbath they accounted more 
significant and important than that of the Jewish. The one com- 
memorated the completion of the work of creation ; the other, the 
beginning of a nobler work by the great Creator himself, who was 
light and life to all. 

The silence of the writers of the New Testament relative to the 
christian sabbath, is no matter of surprise. It is in strict accordance 
with that law of liberty which is the basis of the christian dispensa- 
tion. But there are various passages which evidently refer to this 
institution. The divine Word, by whom all things were made, is 
styled Light and Life, with evident reference to the work of creation. 
To this we may add Acts 20: 7. 1 Cor. 16: 2. Mark 16: 2, 9. John 
20: 19, 26, and especially Rev. 1: 10. 

The author of the epistle of St. Barnabas introduces the Lord as 
saying, ' The sabbaths which you now keep are not acceptable to 
me ; but those which I have made, when, resting from all things, I 
shall begin the eighth day, that is, the beginning of the other world.' 
" For which cause," he adds, " we observe the eighth day with glad- 
ness, in which Jesus rose from the dead, and, having manifested 
himself to his disciples, ascended into heaven." 2 

Justin Martyr, who lived in the fore part of the second century, 
says that they, Christians, neither celebrated the Jewish festivals, nor 
observed their sabbaths, nor practised circumcision. 3 In another 
place he says that they, both those who lived in the city and they 
who lived in the country, were all accustomed to meet on the day 
which is denominated Sunday, for the reading of the Scriptures, 
prayer, exhortation, and communion. See chap. XVI. § 4. The 
assembly meet on Sunday, because this is the first day on which 
God, having changed the darkness, and the elements, to ay.oTog y.al 
rrjv vh\v TQSTiaag, created the world : and because Jesus our Lord on 
this day arose from the dead. 



430 OF SACRED SEASONS. 

Pliny asserts that they, the Christians, were wont to meet on a cer- 
tain clay, stato die, and sing hymns to Christ as God. 5 

Ignatius, in the first century, exhorts the Magnesians, c. 9, no 
longer to sabbatize, i. e. observe the Jewish sabbaths, but to keep the 
Lord's day. Other authorities are quoted from Tertullian, 6 Clemens 
Alexandrinus, 7 and Cyprian, 8 from all which it must be admitted 
that the observance of the Christian sabbath had already become uni- 
versal in the second century, as a usage enforced by common con- 
sent and the authority of tradition, agreeably to the declaration of 
Augustine. 9 

Athanasius, however, in the beginning of the third century, ex- 
pressly declared that the Lord changed the sabbath into the Lord's 
day, and adds, " We observe the Lord's day because of the resur- 
rection. 10 

The account which Eusebius gives of this subject is, that the 
Logos, the Word, in the New Testament, transferred the sabbath 
of the Lord God unto this day, i. e. to the christian sabbath, as the 
true image of divine rest, and the first day of light, when the Saviour, 
bursting the bars of death, completed a work more excellent than 
that of the six days of creation, and entered the gates of heaven, to 
enjoy his glorious rest. " This day," he observes, " Christians 
throughout the world celebrate, in strict obedience to the spiritual 
law. Like the Jews they offer the morning and evening sacrifice, 
with incense of sweeter odor ;" referring to their confessions, suppli- 
cations, and prayers, and the melody of their psalms and hymns and 
spiritual songs. The day, he also says, was universally observed as 
strictly as the Jewish sabbath, whilst all feasting, drunkenness, and 
recreation, was rebuked as a profanation of the sacred day. — Com- 
ment, in Ps. 91. 

The Jewish Christians, while they observed the seventh day as 
the sabbath, did not omit the first day in commemoration of the re- 
surrection. This would probably have been a forfeiture of the chris- 
tian name. But the exhortations which were given against judaizing 
and sabbatizing, are directed apparently against an undue care in 
keeping the Jewish sabbath. 11 This was uniformly censured as 
prejudicial to the freedom of christian worship ; but no specific limi- 
tations were set to those things which might be done consistently 
with christian liberty and a good conscience in celebration of the 
Jewish sabbath. Neither did the decrees of councils and of empe- 
rors, relating to the observance of Sunday, interfere with the usages 



OF THE SABBATH. 431 

relating to the Jewish sabbath. 12 It was even styled by Gregory 
Nazianzen the kindred of the christian sabbath. 13 Both were ob- 
served as joyful festivals, on which it was forbidden to fast, with the 
exception of Easter eve, commemorative of that night when our 
Lord lay entombed in the sepulchre. 

The rules relating to the observance of Saturday, or the Jewish 
sabbath, were chiefly of a negative and prohibitory character. Fast- 
ing and kneeling in prayer were forbidden, as on the sabbath. La- 
bor was not prohibited, which is the more remarkable inasmuch as 
it was suspended even on other festivals. 15 Neander erroneously 
asserts that the communion was administered on this day. 16 But 
public worship was held, and the mysteries celebrated, as on the 
Lord's day. To this remark, however, the church at Rome and 
Alexandria are an exception. It was at a later period observed as 
an evening festival preparatory to the Lord's day, and was solem- 
nized by vespers and vigils. This is the true import of the religious 
observance of Saturday. It was preparatory to the Lord's day, 
designed to lead on and rightly introduce this great day of our Lord. 
But the Roman and the Oriental churches differed essentially in their 
observance of the day. The former kept it as a fast, 17 the latter as 
a festival. 18 

The Lord's day, however, was uniformly regarded as more sa- 
cred than Saturday. And after the fourth century was thus honored 
not only in the church, but also in the state. Ignatius says that all 
who loved the Lord kept the Lord's day as the queen of days, a re- 
viving, life-giving day, best of all our days. Such epithets abound 
in the ancient homilies of the fathers. But the appropriate name of 
the day was the Lord's day. The name of Sunday, die solis, was 
rejected, because of its relation to idolatry; and when at length it 
was received into use, it was only in a metaphorical sense, in rela- 
tion to Christ as the Light of the World and the Sun of Righteous- 
ness. 19 It is also worthy of note that the first day was very gene- 
rally called the eighth day. 

The heretical sects of the day are severely censured by the fathers 
for their disregard of the sabbath. And yet it does not appear that 
any one absolutely neglected the day. It would seem rather that 
they were less scrupulous in the two cardinal points by which, in the 
view of the primitive Christians, the day was desecrated — -fasting, 
and kneeling in prayer. To fast in token of sorrow on this glad day, 



432 OF SACRED SEASONS. 

and to kneel whilst commemorating the day when our Lord arose, 
was a violent impropriety, which failed not to awaken the sore dis- 
pleasure of the church, and call forth the anathemas of her councils. 
It is not distinctly known whether these sects allowed labor to be 
performed on the Lord's day or not. 

§ 3. General View of the sacred Seasons, and of the Period 
of the three great festivals. 

The most ancient of all the festivals of the church is that of Eas- 
ter, in memory of our Lord's resurrection. The high antiquity and 
importance of this festival is sufficiently evident from the fact that the 
ecclesiastical year began with it, and that originally it was commem- 
orative both of the death and resurrection of our Lord. It is known 
in the oldest writings extant as nduxa avaaiaaipov, feast of the re- 
surrection. 

After this, the most ancient feast is that of Whitsunday, commem- 
orative of the descent of the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost. 
It is really a continuation and conclusion of the festival above men- 
tioned. The entire period of seven weeks between Easter and 
Whitsunday was one continued festival, styled the Pentecost, during 
which time it was not allowed either to kneel in prayer or to fast. 
The present Whitsunday is probably of no higher antiquity than the 
Ascension feast, which some writers, confounding the feast with the 
fact which it commemorates, assert to be of apostolic origin. It was 
coeval with the martyr feasts, in honor of saints, of which we have 
no knowledge earlier than the second, third, and fourth centuries. 

The earliest of these festivals of which we have any record is that 
in memory of Polycarp, as related by Eusebius, who copies the 
epistle, sent by the church over which Polycarp presided, to the sis- 
ter churches. In this epistle it is said, " The Lord grant that we 
may, with joy and gladness, celebrate the birth-day of his martyrdom, 
both in memory of those who have heretofore undergone and been 
victorious in this glorious conflict, and also for the instruction and 
preparation of such as shall hereafter be exercised therein." * The 
Greek church, as early as the fourth century, celebrated the feast of 
All Saints. 

The institution of Christmas as a festival was at a period subse- 
quent to that above mentioned, and dates no farther back than the 



GENERAL VIEW. 433 

fourth century. After the introduction of this feast, which became 
the occasion of many others, the festivals of the church began to be 
reduced to system and method, not in the order of antiquity, but ac- 
cording to their design and end ; so that towards the end of the fourth 
century the sacred seasons were arranged in three great cycles, set- 
ting forth in chronological order the leading incidents of our Saviour's 
life. The three high feasts were thus intended specifically to com- 
prehend and to honor the most momentous events of the same. 

These festivals were also preceded by preparatory fasts. Before 
Christmas and Easter, both the Latin and Greek churches agreed 
in keeping the advent and quadragesimal fasts, though they differed 
in regard to the time during which these ought to continue. The 
entire period between Easter and Whitsunday was a continued festi- 
val, in which it was unlawful to fast, but even this did not prevent 
the Greek church from observing a short fast before this day. The 
following extract from Chrysostom will illustrate the views of the 
fathers on this subject. " In six days God executed all his work, and 
rested on the seventh. So in these last days the divine Logos who, 
to save that which was lost, in mercy became flesh, appointed festi- 
vals corresponding to the days of the creation. The first is the na- 
tivity in the flesh ; the second, epiphany ; the third, the day of his 
passion ; the fourth, the day of his glorious resurrection ; the fifth, 
his reception into heaven ; the sixth, the descent of the Holy Ghost ; 
the seventh, the great day of general resurrection, which has no suc- 
cession nor end. For that is an eternal festival, or perpetual sab- 
bath, and rest for the people of God, to be celebrated with great joy 
and gladness, by those that shall be heirs of such things as eye hath 
not seen nor ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of man, — 
which God has prepared for them that love him." 2 The last men- 
tioned is, evidently, not a feast of the church, but the same as the 
eternal sabbath, and the heavenly hallelujah, of which the writers of 
that day so frequently speak. 

The Greek church, according to the annalist Michael Glycas, ob- 
served six principal feasts ; first, the birth ; second, the baptism ; 
third, the death ; fourth, the resurrection ; fifth, the ascension of 
Christ, and sixth, the descent of the Holy Ghost. These had a mys- 
tical relation to the six days of creation, and were emblematical of the 
new creation by Christ. Two of these were uniformly celebrated in 
connection, constituting a threefold division. 
55 



434 OF SACKED SEASONS. 



§ 4. Of Christmas, the Festival of Christ's Nativity. 1 

This festival begins with the advent on the last of November, and 
continues until epiphany, January 6th. But both the Latin and 
Greek church, since the latter end of the fourth century have agreed 
in observing the 25th of December more particularly. The advent 
is preliminary and preparatory to this, and the epiphany closes this 
sacred festival in honor of the incarnate Saviour. Many, misled by 
the term acpi^ig, adve.nt, as it occurs in the earliest of the fathers, 
have supposed that the advent, as a festival, was of apostolic origin ; 
whereas the first authentic mention is in the council of Mascon, c. 3, 
A. D. 582. 

In regard to the nativity, it appears from an oration of Chrysostom 
on this occasion, in the year 386, that this festival had been introdu- 
ced ten years before, for the first time, into Antioch and Syria, and 
that others claimed for it a high antiquity, asserting that it was 
known from Thrace even unto Spain. 2 Epiphany was observed at 
an earlier period ; his entrance upon his public ministry being an 
event of greater interest than that of his birth, Clemens Alexandrinus 
censures those who seek too anxiously the Saviour's birth. 3 

Epiphanius affirms that the birth of Christ occurred on the 6th of 
January, 4 which again Jerome denies. 5 

Augustine recommends a suitable remembrance of the day, but 
does not honor it as a solemn festival. He expressly asserts that the 
church, by common consent, held it on the 25th of December. 6 In- 
deed it may be confidently affirmed that in the third century, and 
the first half of ihe fourth, the church were not agreed, either in re- 
gard to the time, or reasons for observing this festival ; and that the 
Eastern and Western churches differed totally in their manner of 
celebrating it. About the end of the fourth century, it was finally 
agreed that Christmas and Epiphany should be observed as two dis- 
tinct festivals, the one, on the 25th of December; the other, on the 
6th of January. 7 From that time, this arrangement has been very 
generally observed.* 

* The following passage from Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromat, 1. i. p. 340, 
ab. 249, is almost the only genuine passage of an Ante-Nicene writer which 
can be supposed to allude to any festival commemorative of the advent of 
our Lord. After giving a list of the Roman emperors till the death of Com- 



OF CHRISTMAS. 435 

The reason for celebrating Christmas eve with so much solemnity- 
was, that though neither the day nor the year of our Saviour's birth 
was known, it was received as an acknowledged truth that he was 
born in the night® Accordingly whilst other vigils had fallen into 
disuse, or been exchanged for evening vespers, this was extended to 
continue through the whole night. But these watchings finally were 
discontinued, and instead of them, three services were read on that 
day. 

When the representatives of Adam and Eve on Christmas eve 
was first introduced is not known. It had a mysterial relation to the 
first and second Adam, and was a device of the fourth or fifth cen- 
tury. 9 

modus, A. D. 192, and stating what years of certain emperors the Saviour 
was either born, or baptized, or crucified, he says : " There are some who 
over curiously assign not only the year, but the day also of our Saviour's na- 
tivity, which they say was in the 28th year of Augustus, on the 25th of Pa- 
ehon, (20th of May). And the followers of Basilides observe also the day of 
his baptism as a festival, spending the whole previous night in reading; and 
they say it was on the 15th year of Tiberias Caesar, on the ]5th of Tybi, 
(10th of January), but some say it was on the 11th, (6th) of that month. 
Among those who nicely calculate the time of his passion, some say it was 
on the 16th year of Tiberias Caesar, the 25th of Phemenoth , (22d of March) ; 
others say, the 25th of Pharmuthi, (21st of April) ; and others, that it was 
on the 19th of Pharmuthi, (15th of April), that the Saviour suffered. Nay, 
some of them say that he was born in Pharmuthi, the 24th or 25th day, 
(April 20th or 21st)." 

The reasons for observing the 25th of December in commemoration of our 
Lord's advent, may have been various. Some may have honestly believed 
this to be the true day of his nativity, and others may have felt it desirable 
to have a christian festival at some other season of the year than the fifty 
or sixty days immediately succeeding the vernal equinox, into which all the 
older festivals were clustered. The designation of this day was first made 
about the middle of the fourth century. 

From the first institution of this festival many of the western nations seem 
to have transferred to it many of the follies which prevailed in the pagan 
festivals at the same season, such as adorning fantastically the churches, 
mino-ling puppet-shows and dramas with worship, universal feasting and mer- 
ry-making, Christmas visits and salutations, Christmas presents and jocular- 
ity, and Christmas revelry and drunkenness. Christmas holidays have borne 
so close a resemblance, whenever they have been observed, to the Roman 
Saturnalia, Sigillaria, etc., and to the Juel feast of the Goths, as to afford 
strong presumption of an unhappy alliance between them from the first. See 
Murdock's Mosheirn, second ed. pp. 279, 280, from which the above note is 
taken. — Tr. 



436 OF SACRED SEASONS. 

The death of the martyr Stephen was commemorated December 
26th. The event evidently occurred in August, A. D. 36. But 
after the pretended discovery of his relics, it was commemorated on 
the 6th or 7th of January, and then again, was changed to Decem- 
ber 26th as above mentioned. 

On the third of the Christmas festivals, was St. John's day ; 
and the fourth was celebrated in memory of the slaughter of the 
children of Bethlehem by Herod, styled InnocenVs day. Authori- 
ties are given in the index to show that the entire interval between 
Christmas and Epiphany was observed as a continued festival. 10 

To show in what consideration this festival, commemorative of 
our Lord's nativity was held by the ancient church, a brief extract 
from Chrysostom is here inserted. After asserting that this is more 
venerable than any other relating to Christ, inasmuch as all others 
depended upon his incarnation, he adds : " But we do not give this 
festival the preference merely on this account ; but because the 
transaction on this day was, of all others, the most stupendous. For 
that Christ when once man should die, was a thing of course. But 
that when he was God he should be willing to become a man, is be- 
yond measure wonderful, and astonishing. Transported with this 
thought St. Paul in rapture exclaims, ; Without controversy great is 
the mystery of godliness, God was manifest in the flesh.' For this 
reason chiefly I love and venerate this day, and commend it to your 
consideration that I may make you partakers of the same sentiments. 
I therefore pray and beseech you, Come with all diligence and alac- 
rity, every man first purifying his own house, to see our Lord wrap- 
ped in swaddling clothes and lying in a manger ! Tremendous 
thought! Oh sight of wonder!" 11 "I am not now astonished," 
exclaims another, " at the creation of the world, at the heavens, at 
the earth, at the succession of days and seasons ; but I wonder to 
see God enclosed in the womb of a virgin, the Omnipotent lain in a 
manger, the eternal Word clothed with flesh !" 12 

§ 5. Easter, ok the Festival which commemorates the Death 
and Resurrection of our Lord. 

This great event is a cardinal point in the christian system on 
which depend our faith and hope. So important was the doctrine 
of Christ's resurrection in the view of the primitive church that, not 



EASTER. 437 

only was an annual. festival set apart to commemorate it ; but the 
Lord's day was made a weekly memorial of the same event. This 
festival was therefore celebrated with great solemnity. It was sty- 
led by Gregory Nazianzen, the king of days, the festival of festivals ; 
excelling all others as far as the sun outshines the stars. 

Unlike the Christmas festival, this was a moveable feast. However 
the ancients might differ respecting the time for celebrating Christ- 
mas whether in December, April, May, August, or September, all 
agreed that it should be held uniformly on some given day. But 
this festival was restricted to no prescribed day ; a circumstance 
which gave rise to great contentions, by which the church was sore- 
ly agitated and divided for several centuries. 

This festival, like that of Christmas, was preceded by a season of 
fasting. This fast at first continued forty hours, corresponding to 
Friday and Saturday before Easter, and comprising the period du- 
ring which our Saviour lay in the grave. It was moreover in the be- 
ginning a voluntary fast. But it became in process of time a pre- 
scribed and necessary duty, not only for penitents and catechumens, 
but for all believers to observe this fast for their own spiritual im- 
provement. In the fifth and sixth centuries, the fast was extended to 
thirty-six days. The four additional days which complete the sea- 
son of Lent were added either in the sixth century by Gregory the 
Great, or in the eighth by Gregory II. This fast, styled the carni- 
val, from caro vale, 1 began with Ash Wednesday and ended with the 
Saturday before Easter. That day was observed with great solem- 
nity, and was denominated the Great Sabbath. 

The entire week before Easter, beginning with Palm Sunday, was 
kept as holy time ; but the fifth, sixth, and seventh, were regarded 
as peculiarly sacred above the other days of this week. The week 
was denominated the great week and passion week. 

The fifth day, called Maundy Thursday, dies mandati, was a 
communion day, dies mysteriorum, eucharistiae, panis, indulgentiae, 
etc. And, for a long time after the ancient love-feasts were discon- 
tinued, this day was observed as a feast of love. With these cere- 
monies was also joined that of washing the feet by catechumens and 
candidates for baptism. The creed was also publicly rehearsed by 
them on this day, and pardon was extended to the penitent, hence 
called dies indulgentiae. 

The sixth day of passion week is Good Friday, from the good 



438 OF SACRED SEASONS. 

derived from the death of Christ. The day was observed as a strict 
fast. The customary acclamations and doxologies were omitted, 
and nothing but the most plaintive strains of music, such as xvqls 
ifoqaov, etc. was allowed. No bell was rung on this occasion. None 
bowed the knee in prayer, because thus the Jews reviled Jesus, Matt. 
27: 29. Neither did any present the kiss of charity, for Judas be- 
trayed his Lord with a kiss. The sacramental elements were not 
consecrated, the altars were divested of their ornaments and the 
gospel of John was read, because he was a faithful and true witness 
of our Lord's passion. 

The seventh day of this week, the Great Sabbath, as it was called, 
was observed with rigorous precision as a day of fasting. Religious 
worship was celebrated by night, and the vigils of the night were 
continued until cock-crowing, the hour when the Lord was supposed 
to have arisen. At this instant the stillness of these midnight vigils 
was suddenly interrupted by the joyful acclamation, The Lord is 
risen, the Lord is risen ! the Lord is risen indeed ! 

This day was particularly set apart for administering the ordi- 
nance of baptism, with a reference to the baptism wherewith Christ 
was at this time baptized, and for the consecration of the holy water. 
The Scripture lessons for this day were various selections from the 
prophets. 

The day of Easter was celebrated with every demonstration of 
joy as a second jubilee. In connection with appropriate devotional 
exercises, it was customary to celebrate the day by deeds of charity 
and mercy — by granting liberty to the captive, freedom to the slave, 
and pardon to the criminals. Charities were dispensed to the needy. 
Courts of justice were suspended. Each participated in the general 
joy and felt his bosom swell with the " wide wish of benevolence." 

The week following Easter was observed as a continuation of the 
festival. The time was spent in reading the Scriptures, celebrating 
the mysteries and other appropriate exercises. During this time 
they who had been baptized at Easter appeared arrayed in white, 
in token of that purity of life to which they were bound by their bap- 
tismal vows. On the sabbath following, they laid aside their gar- 
ments of white, and after this became integral members of the 
church. The day was called White Sunday from their appearing 
in white for the last time. It was also denominated the Octave of 
Easter, New Lord's day, etc. 



whitsunday. 439 

§ 6. Pentecost or Whitsunday. 

This season has reference to the ascension of our Lord and the 
commencement of the christian church by the descent of the Holy- 
Ghost. The foregoing high feasts comprise the great events of his 
earthly existence. This sets forth his exaltation at the right hand of 
God, where he fulfilled his promise of sending the Holy Spirit, the 
Comforter ; and, as the invisible head of the church on earth, he 
continued still to govern it by his miraculous agency. Herein was 
manifested the first display of his heavenly grace ; so that though he 
dwelt no more with us, he was still, as during his abode on earth, 
full of grace and truth. 

The feast in question is based on historical and doctrinal truth, 
which, like those facts on which the other great feasts rely, is sub- 
stantiated by historical evidence. The ascension of our Lord is an 
historical fact; and this festival is based on the most important cir- 
cumstance connected with that fact — the effusion of the Holy Ghost 
on the day of Pentecost. 

Both the Greek and Latin churches agree in beginning this sacred 
festival with the Ascension Feast, and end it with Pentecost. The 
Greek church admit of no Trinity Feast within this sacred season, 
but in the place of it celebrate the feast of All Saints and Martyrs. 
The former can claim no higher antiquity than the ninth century, 
and probably was not fully established until the fourteenth. But 
there was very early a feast day of the Apostles, in the Western 
church, which afterwards became the feast day of Philip and James. 
This was in all probability the origin of the modern Whitsunday, be- 
ing much earlier than that of All Saints, instituted A. D. 834, or, 
according to others, 751, or 610. 

The Ascension feast was established in the fourth century as one 
of the great festivals ; but it may have been celebrated, notwith- 
standing, at a period still earlier. Nor need it appear surprising that 
two events were commemorated by one festive season. For the 
same is true of the Jewish festival, which included the feast of first- 
fruits and of the promulgation of the law, Ex. 23: 16. Lev. 23: 14—21. 
Num. 28: 26. Indeed this festival, in many respects, bears a very 
close analogy to that of the Jews ; and evidently is little else than a 
modification of it. The converts of that day, when the Holy Ghost 
descended, were the first-fruits of the Spirit. Jerome elegantly con- 



440 OF SACRED SEASONS. 

trasts this with the giving of the law on Sinai : " Utraque facta est 
quinquagessimo die, a Paschate ; illo, in Sina ; haec, in Sion. Ibi 
tcrrae motu contremuit mons ; hie, domus apostolorum. Ibi, inter 
flammas ignium et micantia fulgura, turbo ventorum, et fragor toni- 
truorum personuit ; hie, cum ignearum visione linguarum, sonitus 
pariter de coe!o, tanquam spiritus vehementis advenit. Ibi, clangor 
buccinae, legis verba perstrepuit ; hie, tuba evangelica Apostolorum 
ore intonuit." ] 

The feast has been celebrated at different times for one day, for 
seven days, and again for three. 2 The religious solemnities of this 
occasion were very much the same as on the other great festivals. 
It was one of the three baptismal seasons, 3 and derives the name of 
Whitsunday or white-Sunday from the circumstance that so many 
were clad in white on this day at their baptism. Homilies were de- 
livered as on the other festivals, and the sacrament administered. 4 

As an instance of the extravagant folly of popish superstition, it 
may not be impertinent to add that the Catholics were accustomed 
to throw down fire from the arches above, to denote the cloven 
tongues. Flowers of various hues were scattered, in token of the 
various tongues and gifts of the Spirit. And doves were let loose to 
flutter about the church as an emblem of the Spirit's presence. 5 

§ 7. Festivals in Honor of the Virgin Mary. 

No instance of divine honor paid to Mary is recorded of an earlier 
date than the fifth century. Cyril of Alexandria and Proklus of Con- 
stantinople were the first to pay these honors to her. Festivals to 
her memory began to be held about the year 431, 2 but were not gen- 
erally observed until the sixth century. From this time until the 
sixteenth century they were general in all the Western churches, 
though differing in number and in rank, in the several countries of 
Europe. 3 The Greek church observe only three great festivals of 
this description. 

The following is a brief enumeration of the principal festivals in 
question. 

1. The festival of the Purification. Candlemas, Feb. 2, instituted 
in the sixth century. 4 

2. Of the Annunciation, popularly styled Lady Day, March 25, 
an early festival, styled by St. Bernhard, radix omnium festorum. 5 



FESTIVALS IN HONOR OF THE MARTYRS. 441 

3. Of the Visitation of Mary to Elizabeth, instituted by Urban 
VI, J389. 6 

4. Of the Assumption of Mary into heaven, Aug. 15, early insti- 
tuted. 7 Mary was the tutelary divinity of France ; and for this rea- 
son this day was observed with peculiar care. It was also the birth 
day of Napoleon, and accordingly was observed under his dynasty 
as the great festival of the nation. 

5. Of the Nativity of Mary, Sept. 8, instituted in the Eastern church 
in the seventh century; in the Western, in the eleventh or twelfth. 8 

6. Of the naming of Mary. A. D. 1513. 

7. Of Conception. This feast, according to Bellarmin, was not 
necessarily dependent upon the question so fiercely discussed in the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries respecting the immaculate concep- 
tion. 9 

§ 8. Festivals in Memory of the Martyrs. 

These festive occasions are often styled the birth days of the mar- 
tyrs, [.taQTVQCQv ytviShu, natilitia. They never relate, however, to 
their natural birth, but to their death, at which they were born to a 
new and nobler life above. Nemo, ante ohitum, beatus, was an 
established maxim of the church. " When you hear of the birth day 
of a saint," says Peter Chrysologus, think not that it relates to his 
carnal birth on earth, but to the day when he was born from earth 
to heaven, from toil to rest, from labor to repose, from trials to joys 
unfading and eternal ; from earthly vanities to a crown of glory. 2 

The earliest festival of this kind was that of Polycarp. Another 
which was observed with great solemnity, was the feast of the Mac- 
cabees, founded on the heroic death of the mother and her seven sons. 3 
These festivals were preceded by vigils, and celebrated around the 
graves of the martyrs, where their lives were read, and eulogies 
pronounced, the sacrament administered, and public enlertainments 
given gratuitously by the rich. But these entertainments became, 
in time, the occasion of shameful excesses, and were suppressed. 
It is worthy of note that the fathers indignantly repel the charge of 
paying religious honors to the martyrs, and assert that they only cel- 
ebrate these festivals to provoke the living to emulate the deeds of 
the sainted dead, and to follow after those who, through faith and 
patience, inherited the promises. 4 

56 



442 OF SACRED SEASONS. 



§ 9. Of St. John's Day. 

This commemorates the birth of the Baptist, as Christmas does 
that of Christ. Both are veiled in equal uncertainly, hut the former 
is known to have preceded the latter by six months, and i3 accord- 
ingly held June 24. Thus the sun of the Old Testament is made to 
set at the summer solstice, and that of the New Testament to rise in 
the winter solstice. 1 In the year 506, it was received among the 
great feasts, like Easter, Christmas, and other festivals ; and was 
celebrated with equal solemnity, and in much the same manner. 2 

§ 10. Of the Apostles' Days. 

The reasons for observing these were the same as for observing 
the martyr feasts; nor is there any instance of the appointment of 
such a day for any apostle or evangelist who was known not to have 
suffered martyrdom. The Apostolical Constitutions, VIII. c. 33, 
make mention of the apostles' feast, and direct that slaves shall be 
exempt from labor on that day, which intimates that it was regarded 
as one of the great feasts. But none of the apostles is specified, 
neither is the time of observing it mentioned. The idea of a gene- 
ral feast of this character was often entertained, though the festival 
was but inconstantly observed. The Oriental church celebrated it 
immediately after Whitsunday, and in connection with it ; but the 
churches generally were not agreed either in regard to the day, or the 
persons who should be honored by it. At one time Peter's and Paul's 
day is mentioned ; 2 at another, that of Philip and James; 3 then the 
twelve collectively. 4 But separate festivals were, in time, pre- 
scribed for all together with the evangelists Mark and Luke. 

Festivals were, in process of time, established also in great num- 
bers for the saints of distinction, though they died not as martyrs. 
The Eastern church was the first to appoint such festivals. In the 
Western church they were regarded most from the time of Charle- 
magne to Gregory VIII. 5 

The right of canonizing saints originally belonged to the bishops, 
but the privilege was restricted by councils. 6 The first instance of 
canonization by the pope occurred A. D. 995. The privilege con- 
tinued to be exercised occasionally until the twelfth century, when it 
began to be boldly asserted and defended, 



OF FASTS. 443 

The feasts of All Saints, Nov. 1, and of All Souls, Nov. 2, were 
instituted, the former in the seventh and the latter in the tenth cen- 
tury. 

A farther sketch of the endless festivals of the Catholics would be 
inconsistent with the design of this work. Suffice it to say that they 
fill up the entire year in the Roman Calendar, so that there is not a 
day which is not dedicated to the memory of one or more of their 
saints. For a further account of the festivals of the church, the 
reader is referred to the 3d vol. of Augusti's original Work. 

It appears that the earliest professors of the christian faith were 
disposed conscientiously to abstain from public religious ceremonies, 
and were more than content to be even destitute of temples, altars, 
priests, and sacred pomp or show. They received in its literal and 
broadest meaning the precept of our Saviour, that his disciples 
should worship God in spirit and in truth ; and they thought that 
they had discovered, in the overthrow of the Jewish polity and ihe 
destruction of the temple, an intimation of the Divine will that reli- 
gious worship should be no longer limited by time and place. The 
Jewish Christians, indeed, continued to evince an attachment to places, 
times, and seasons ; but the early Gentile converts regarded temples 
and altars as remnants or indications of heathen superstition, — an 
opinion which is strongly developed, for example, in the Apologies 
of Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, and Tertullian, and even in the 
writings of Origen (contra Celsum, lib. viii.) 

In course of time, however, when Christianity was protected, and 
even adopted, by the state, and opportunity was thus given of estab- 
lishing public forms and ceremonies of worship without fear of dan- 
ger, and when it seemed expedient to recommend it to the favor of 
half-converted pagans by outward pomp and circumstance, it was 
thought to be at once safe and seasonable to increase the number of 
sacred solemnities, both ordinary and extraordinary, to restore many 
parts of the Jewish ritual, and even to incorporate into the system of 
christian worship various rites and ceremonies from the customs of 
the declining pagan superstition. And it is to this period of church 
history, and to these mistaken principles of polity, that we may 
chiefly refer the origin of stations, processions, and pilgrimages. 
But to speak of these in detail would carry us too far out of the de= 
partment of Christian Antiquities into the region of ecclesiastical su« 
perstition and folly. 



444 OF SACKED SEASONS. 



§ 11. Of Fasts. 



a) Practice of the Early Chrislia7is. The doctrine and practice 
of our Lord and his apostles respecting fasting may be thus descri- 
bed. Our Saviour neglected the observance of those stated Jewish 
fasts which had been superadded to the Mosaic law, and introduced 
especially after the captivity, to which the Pharisees paid scrupulous 
attention, Matt. 11: 18, 19 ; and he represented such observances as 
inconsistent with the genius of his religion, Matt. 9: 14 — 18 ; and 
parallel passages, Mark 2: 15—22. Luke 5: 33—39. The practice 
of voluntary and occasional fasting he neither prohibited nor en- 
joined ; he spoke of it, however, as being not unsuitable on certain 
occasions, nor without its use in certain cases, Matt. 9: 15. 17: 21 ; 
be fasted himself on a great and solemn occasion, Matt. 4: 2 ; and 
he warned his disciples against all ostentatious and hypocritical ob- 
servances of this kind, Matt. 6: 16 — 18. The doctrine of the apos- 
tles on this subject was to the same purport, neither commanding 
the practice of fasting, nor denouncing it as unlawful, unless either 
the observance or omission should involve a breach of some moral 
and christian duty, Rom. 14: 14-22. Col. 2: 16—23. 1 Tim. 4: 
3 — 5. In practice, the apostles joined fasting with prayer, on solemn 
•occasions, Acts 13: 2, 3. 14: 23. 

It does not appear that much value was attached to the practice of 
fasting, in the age immediately succeeding that of the apostles. In 
the Shepherd of Hernias it is spoken of in disparaging terms. 
"Nothing is done, nothing is gained, for virtue by bodily abstinence ; 
rather so fast, that you do no wrong, and harbor no evil passion in 
your heart." It appears rather singular that we find so little notice 
taken of fasting by the writers of the first centuries, if we take into 
account the spirit of the times, and especially the doctrines of Mon- 
tanus, the tenets of the new Platonic school, and the progress of 
Gnosticism, which taught that matter was essentially evil. But it 
seems that the observance of fasts was introduced into the church 
slowly and by degrees. We learn from Justin Martyr that fasting 
was joined with prayer, at Ephesus, in the administration of baptism ; 
which is worthy of being remarked as an early addition to the origi- 
nal institution. In the second century, in the time of Victor and 
Irenaeus, it had become usual to fast before Easter ; and Clement of 



OF FASTS. 445 

Alexandria speaks of weekly fasts. Tertullian, a Montanist, in his 
treatise De Jejunio, complains heavily of the little attention paid by 
the Catholic church to the practice of fasting ; and hereby gives us 
to understand that, in his days, a large portion of orthodox Christians 
exercised that liberty of judgment which had been sanctioned by the 
apostles. Origen, in his voluminous writings, adverts to the subject 
only once; namely, in his tenth homily on Leviticus. And here he 
speaks in accordance with the apostolical doctrine. It appears, 
however, from his observations, that at Alexandria Wednesdays and 
Fridays were then observed as fast days ; on the ground that our 
Lord was betrayed on a Wednesday, and crucified on a Friday. 
The custom of the church at the end of the fourth century may be 
collected from the following passage of Epiphanius: " In the whole 
christian church the following fast days, throughout the year, are 
regularly observed. On Wednesdays and Fridays we fast until the 
ninth hour (i. e. three o'clock in the afternoon) ; except during the 
interval of fifty days between Easter and Whitsuntide, in which it is 
usual neither to kneel nor fast at all. Besides this, there is no fast- 
ing on the Epiphany or Nativity, if those days should fall on a 
Wednesday or Friday. But those persons who especially devote 
themselves to religious exercises (the monks) fast also at other times 
when they please, except on Sundays and during the. fifty days be- 
tween Easter and Whitsuntide. It is also the practice of the church 
to observe the forty days 7 fast before the sacred week. But on Sun- 
days there is no fasting, even during the last mentioned period. 
(Comp. DocLr. de fide.)" But even at this late date there was no 
universal agreement in the practice of the church in this matter, 
neither had fusts been established by law. The custom, so far as it 
existed, had been silently introduced into the church, and its observ- 
ance was altogether voluntary. This fasting consisted, at first, in 
abstinence from food until three o'clock in the afternoon. A cus- 
tom was afterwards introduced, probably by the Montanists, affecting 
the kind of food to be taken, which was limited to bread, salt, and 
water. 

b) Practice of Later Times. But fasting, after a time, ceased to 
be a voluntary exercise. By the second canon of the council of Or- 
leans, A. D. 541, it was decreed that any one who should neglect to 
observe the stated times of abstinence should be treated as an offen- 
der against the laws of the church. The eighth council of Toledo, 



446 SACRED SEASONS OF THE FURITANS. 

in the seventh century, (can. 9,) condemns any who should eat flesh 
during the fast before Easter, and says that such offenders deserve 
to be forbidden the use of it throughout the year. In the eighth 
century, fasting began to be regarded as a meritorious work ; and 
the breach of the observance, at the stated seasons, subjected the 
offender to excommunication. In later times, some persons who 
ate flesh during the appointed seasons of abstinence were punished 
with the loss of their teeth (Baronius, Annal. ad. an. 1018.) 

Afterwards, however, these severities were, to a certain extent, 
relaxed. Instead of the former limitation of diet on fast days to 
bread, salt, and water, permission was given for the use of all kinds 
of food, except flesh, eggs, cheese, and wine. Then eggs, cheese, 
and wine were allowed, flesh only being prohibited ; an indulgence 
which was censured by the Greek church, and led to a quarrel be- 
tween it and the western. In the thirteenth century, a cold colla- 
tion in the evening of fast day3 was permitted. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. 

The subject of the Fasts and Thanksgivings of New England is 
an interesting and neglected portion of the history of our puritan 
forefathers, which the author has great pleasure in presenting to the 
reader, from the hand of a distinguished antiquary and historian, 
the Rev. Joseph B. Felt of Boston ; who, with his accustomed dili- 
gence and patient research has investigated this portion of our eccle- 
siastical history, and has very kindly embodied the result of his in- 
quiries in the following treatise for this work. 

Fasts and Thanksgivings of New England, with additional Re- 
marks on such days in other parts of the United States. 

1. Preliminary "Remarks. Natural religion, as enlightened by 
original revelation however deteriorated, has long instructed man, 



FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 447 

that he has sins enough for humility and mercies enough for grati- 
tude. Hence it is, that ancient as well as modern nations, the his- 
tory of whose worship has come down to our day, have had their 
seasons for giving expression to such affections of the soul. Hence, 
also, the wisdom of God in requiring this service from his once fa- 
vored people. In accordance with such example, the primitive 
Christians adopted days, commemorative of events, as full of inter- 
est to them, as others had been to the Jews. These days were so 
far increased by the Catholic church and so far observed by the 
Episcopal church of England, as to meet, for the most part, with 
the disapprobation of Dissenters. Among the last denomination^ 
who sought for greater simplicity in the forms of worship, was the 
celebrated John Robinson. His church in Leyden believed with 
him, that no. other holy days should be observed, except sabbaths 
and occasional fasts and thanksgivings. The portion of his flock, 
who resolved to forsake Europe and make their home in America,, 
for the sake of purer society and the spread of the gospel,* had sev- 
eral seasons of fasting and prayer, as preparatory to so important an 
enterprise, within a few months, before they sailed for South Hamp- 
ton. So disposed, they would sooner have thought of parting with 
all their worldly substance, than of omitting duties of public thanks 
and humiliation before their Maker. The same times, which they 
hallowed in their European pilgrimage, were engraved too deeply 
on the calendar of their sacred occasions, to be thus forgotten in 
their more perilous, needy and changeful pilgrimage in this coun- 
try. Hence, with their hopes and fears, their purposes and piety, 
they brought hither the observance of fasts and thanksgivings. 

2. Reasons for such days. As well known to those who have 
investigated the history of the planters at Plymouth, they had 
reasons for preferring these days to similar ones of the Episco- 
pal order. They discountenanced the rubric, clerical robes and 
bands, marriage with a ring, baptism by the sign of a cross, and 
such particulars — enjoined by canonical rules of England— because 
adopted from the Papal forms, and fitted to turn back the liberty of 
Protestantism to the bondage of Romish hierarchy. So, for a like 
cause, they cast off the confinement of holy seasons except sabbath, 
to particular days and months of each successive year. Their ar- 
guments for such an alteration had much force to their perception, 
* Prince's New England Chronology, pp. (36, 69, 70. 



448 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. 

when they saw how much the high church party, in their native land, 
leaned towards Papacy, and how bitter were their prejudices against 
those who were non-conformists, but who earnestly sought for great- 
er purity in doctrine and more simplicity in ceremonies. As an ad- 
ditional weight in the scale of their judgment, they had not forgot- 
ten, that adherence to Romish rules was one of the chief means, 
under the reign of Mary, which contributed to the relapse of Protes- 
tantism to Papacy. They were not so far unacquainted with human 
nature, as to be ignorant, that it possessed a principle which is 
wrought on by the association of appearances, and which, when hav- 
ing repudiated error, and still retaining its forms, is far more likely 
to fall back upon it, than if having altogether renounced both one and 
the other. Their reason for deviation from established custom, as 
now in view, was much stronger in their time than it was subsequent- 
ly, when Congregationalism had risen from its infancy and numer- 
ous depressions to the stature and energy of manhood, so as to have 
little fear of an inroad upon its privileges. They well knew, that 
the fasts and thanksgivings of the conformists were designed, like 
their own, to improve the moral affections and keep man within the 
salutary restraints of duty ; and that the effects of these seasons, 
when properly observed by any sect, were of so desirable a kind. — 
Hence it was that serious Episcopalians considered the distinction 
which the Puritans made, relative to this subject, as more the result 
of needless fear than of real cause. 

Thomas Lechford, a respectable lawyer, who resided several 
years in Massachusetts and returned to England in 1641, — made 
the subsequent remark on our ecclesiastical usages.* " There are 
dayes of fasting, thanksgiving and prayers upon occasions, but no 
holy dayes,f except Sunday. And why not set fasting dayes and 
times, and set feasts, — as well as set Synods in the Reformed 
Churches ? And why not holy dayes as well as the fifth of Novem- 
ber, and dayes of Purim among the Jews?" This author hereby - 
seems to imply, that there could be no more harm in complying 
with the prescribed religious seasons of Episcopacy,— than there was 

* News from New England in 3d Ser. Vol. 111. p. 79 of Mass. Hist. Coll. 

t Lechford here appears to mean those holy days, that were kept in the 
established church. The Puritans so far held their fasts and thanksgivings 
holy, as to require, by penal enactments, that they should be spent with the 
sacredness of the sabbath. 



FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 449 

in keeping similar, days, appointed by Presbyterian synods, as those 
of Geneva, — or in the Jewish observance of the stated Feast of Lots, 
or in obedience to the law of king James, which required every fifth 
of November to be spent, as a national thanksgiving for the discov- 
ery of the gunpowder plot.* But had the primitive settlers of our soil 
met this argument, they would probably have replied in the follow- 
ing train of thought : We have no serious objections to these occa- 
sions. The synods of Reformers were calculated to keep them 
from papal hierarchy. The commemoration of deliverance from 
the powder plot was fitted for a like effect. The celebration of the 
Jews' being preserved from the machinations of Haman, guarded 
them against idolatry. The fixedness of these seasons was suited 
to produce opposite results from the fixedness which belongs to most 
of the holy days kept by the established church ; — and, therefore, 
we do not reject the former as exerting a bad influence, — while we 
do the latter for such a tendency. 

3. Continuance. With views of this sort in relation to fasts and 
thanksgivings, the colonists of Plymouth felt obligated to continue 
them in their newly adopted residence, — as suited to benefit them and 
their posterity. In a purpose so consistent with their profession, and 
expectations of help mainly from the hand of Omnipotence, they were 
not altogether without fear of having their liberty in this, as well as 
other respects, interrupted. The powerful exertions of bishop Laud 
and his friends to crush all innovations on the ritual of Episcopacy, in 
British America, reached them in various ways. The settlement at 
Weymouth, in 1622, was intended as one check to their religious free- 
dom. The party formed at Plymouth, in 1624, — under the Rev. 
John Lyford, and sustained by the leading members of the company 
for this colony in London, had a like object. Still the Puritans, 
amid their perplexities, held fast to their creed with its practice. 
They excluded Mr. Lyford and his followers, who resorted to Glou- 
cester the same year. At this location, there appear to have been 
persons of various persuasions, who probably observed fasts and 
feasts either at set dates, or as occasion suggested. The first occu- 
pants of Naumkeag, afterwards Salem, in 1626, with Roger Conant 
at their head, were the adherents of Mr. Lyford. They, of course, 
did not fully come into the ways of Plymouth. When Governor 
Endicott reached Salem, in 1628, though he may not have en- 

* In 1605. 
57 



450 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. 

tirely separated from the conformists, yet be believed in the eccle- 
siastical order, taught by John Robinson. In a letter of his to Gov- 
ernor Bradford, dated May 11, 1629, he remarked on a conversa- 
tion, which he had recently held with Dr. Samuel Fuller. His 
words were, " I rejoice much, that I am by him satisfied touching 
your judgment of the outward form of God's worship. It is, as far 
as I can yet gather, no other than is warranted by the evidence of 
truth, and the same, which I have professed and maintained ever 
since the Lord, in mercy, revealed himself unto me, being far from 
the common report, that hath been spread of you, touching that par- 
ticular." Of course, the author of this passage was ready to har- 
monize with the inhabitants of Plymouth, as to the observance of 
fasts and thanksgivings. Succeeding emigrants to Salem, in 1629, 
were the Rev. Messrs. Higginson, Skelton, and others, who were of 
the class, called in England church puritans, and who still cleaved 
to the Episcopal denomination when embarking from their native 
shores. In their farewell address on so trying an exigency, they 
said, " We do not go to New England as Separatists from the church 
of England, though we cannot but separate from the corruptions of 
it ; — but we go to practise the positive part of church reformation 
and propagate the gospel in America." Here is an intimation, that 
they intended to cast off such forms, — as to holy days, — which, 
they thought, did not accord with the simplicity of the gospel. So 
inclined, they kept several fasts on their passage,* and, when 
reaching Salem, they were prepared to fall in with the views of Gov- 
ernor Endicott. As evidence of such a disposition, they, as mem- 
bers of his council decided, that it was best for John and Samuel 
Brown to leave the settlement, because they set up Episcopal wor- 
ship. These two gentlemen charged such authorities with being 
separatists, and asserted, that as for themselves, ihey would "hold 
fast the forms of the church established by law." Subsequent emi- 
grants to Massachusetts, for the most part, seconded the practice of 
the Salem colonists. 

The planters of Connecticut carried thither, in 1635, similar con- 
formity. So it was with those of Saybrook in the same year. 

The first settlers of Providence, under Roger Williams, in 1636, 
and of Rhode Island, under John Clark, in 1638, differed as is well 

* Hutchinson's Collections of papers. Journal of Rev. Francis Higgin- 
son, pp. 37,39,41,46. 



FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS, 451 

known, from the rest of New England so far, as to withhold from 
civil rulers the power of law to enforce any occasional religious sea- 
sons.* Still such rulers were at liberty to recommend fasts and 
thanksgivings. 

New Haven, while a separate colony from Connecticut, followed 
the course of Massachusetts, as to these days. " Soon after they 
arrived (in 1638) at Quinnipiack, in the close of a day of fasting 
and prayer, they entered into what they termed a plantation cove- 
nant, "f The first records of their government, for about sixteen 
years, however, make no mention of fasts and thanksgivings. J But 
their laws prove beyond a doubt, that these days were kept from 
their first organization, as a distinct colony.§ 

We now look at Maine. "Various, unsuccessful attempts were made 
to settle this part of our country, then extending only to the Kenne- 
beck river, at an early period. Its chief proprietor, Sir Ferdinand© 
Gorges, being an Episcopalian, naturally selected rulers for it of 
his own persuasion, who promoted the cause of the national church. 
Hence it was, that this colony, for the most part, did not adopt the 
Congregational forms. Thomas Jenner, a dissenting minister, in a 
letter of 1641, addressed to Governor Winthrop, observed, that while 
preaching at Saco, he had " not troubled the people with church 
discipline." He also stated, that he had advanced his opinion 
against " papal practices." These, as he subjoined, "1 saw the peo- 
ple here were superstitiously addicted to." For such a step, he was 
charged by Mr. Vines, an inhabitant of that town, with striking " at 
the church of England. "|| This shows how very little Congrega- 
tional customs were then tolerated in one of the few settlements of 
Maine. So it was at Falmouth, occupied in 1628, where a church 
of conformists was soon established ; and at York, colonized in 
1630, where its proprietor apparently purposed to have a bishop's 
diocese. From the wane of the royal cause in England, and the 
death of Charles I, in 1648, the sway of the national church dimin- 
ished in this section of British America. At length, proposals be- 
gan to be made by the people of Maine, in 1651, to come under the 

* Letter from Hon. William Staples. 

t Trumbull's History of Connecticut, Vol. 1. p. 97. 

X Letter from Prof. James L- Kingsl.ey. 

§ New Haven Colony Laws, p. 33. 

|j Hutchinson's Collection of papers., pp. 111. 11?. 



452 SACKED SEASONS OF THE FtfRITANS. 

jurisdiction of Massachusetts, as a means of preserving social order 
among them, and even their very existence. The next year, a 
majority of the inhabitants there assumed a like relation ; and thence, 
religious observances of dissenters prevailed among them. 

From Maine we turn to New Hampshire. This colony was, at 
first, under Episcopal control. Dover and Portsmouth, both settled 
in 1623, appear to have been so influenced. The latter place soon 
had a church of conformists. But the occupation of Exeter by John 
Wheelwright and company, and of Hampton by Stephen Batchelor 
and associates, in 1638, introduced the Puritan forms there, as they 
had been at Dover in 1633, and were subsequently at Portsmouth 
about 1641. So that New Hampshire, as to the part claimed by 
Massachusetts, and also, to the other part not so claimed, had 
thrown off, by the last date, Episcopal conformity and adopted the 
Congregational order. Such a change was accelerated by the dis- 
tractions of England, and the consequent temporary invalidation of 
Mason's claims. When New Hampshire resumed the powers of a 
colony, in 1679,* they retained their prevailing attachment to the 
fasts and thanksgivings of the non-conformists. When their Assem- 
bly were about to meet in 1680, a public fast was observed to ask 
for a blessing on their proceedings. At the same time, however, 
while their charter allowed freedom of conscience to all Protestant 
denominations, it particularly required, that encouragement should 
be given to Episcopalians.! 

The stamp, thus put on the public sentiment of the preceding por- 
tions of New England, has never been effaced. Though the most 
of them have been changed from colonies to independent states, 
they still preserve the religious customs of their fathers. 

No relinquishment of fasts and thanksgivings was made in Ver- 
mont or in Maine, when they assumed State privileges. With re- 
gard to the former of these two Slates, J they began to observe such 
days in 1778, and have not since faltered in so doing. 

4. Mode of their appointment. In Plymouth colony this was done 
by the civil authority. § The practice there was embodied in a law 



* Belknap's New Hampshire, Vol. 1. p. 177. 

t Farmer's Belknap, p. 88. 

X Letter from Hon. Charles K. Williams. 

§ Winslow's Relation in Mass. Hist. Collections, 1st Ser. Vol. VIII. p. 275. 



FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 453 

of 1637 — " that it be in the power of the governor and assistants to 
command solemn daies of humiliation by fasting, and also for thanks- 
giving as occasion shall be offered."* When deputies became a 
part of the General Court, they sometimes acted with the other 
branch of government in the designation of these seasons. Such 
times were also proposed and observed by the churches, either sin- 
gly or collectively, as circumstances seemed to indicate. They 
were so continued by church and state in Plymouth colony till the 
arrival of the second charter of Massachusetts in 1692, when the 
former was incorporated with the latter colony. 

The mode of Plymouth, as just described, did not materially dif- 
fer from that of Massachusetts. Here, with respect to a fast at the 
choice of ministers for the Salem church in 1629, Mr. Gott informs 
us, that it was ordered by governor Endicott.f While the General 
Court was solely composed of magistrates till 1634, the governor, as 
their head and through their advice, did exercise like power. Sub- 
sequent to this, until the arrival of the second charter in 1692, he did 
not entirely lay aside such a practice. Besides, the council in their 
own name, even while there were chief magistrates, issued procla- 
mations. The first printed document of this class, in the Massachu- 
setts archives, is of the following tenor.j: " At a Council held at 
Boston September 8th, 1670. The council taking into their serious 
consideration the low estate of the churches of God throughout the 
world, and the increase of sin and evil amongst ourselves, God's hand 
following us for the same. Do, therefore, appoint the two and twen- 
tieth of this instant September, to be a day of public humiliation 
throughout this jurisdiction, and do commend the same to the sever- 
al churches, elders, ministers and people, solemnly to keep it ac- 
cordingly ; hereby prohibiting all servile work on that day. 
By the Council, 

Edward Rawson, Secret.'''' 

The term Council, as used here and elsewhere, included the name 
of the governor. In the same collection is a manuscript proclama- 
tion for thanksgiving in 1671, and similar papers for two fasts of 
1675 and 1677, issued by such a body. The first printed proclama- 
tion for a thanksgiving to be found in the like depository, is of April 

* MS. Plymouth Colony Records. 

t Letter from Mr. Charles Gott to governor Bradford. 

X Massachusetts Archives. Ecclesiastical, Vol. I. p. 17. 



454 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. 

23, 1691, and is headed, " By the Governor and Council."* But, 
however, fasts and thanksgivings were appointed in Massachusetts 
singly by the council, and also, by the governor through their ad- 
vice, down to the year last named ; still days of this description 
were more frequently ordered in the name of the General Court. 
As well known there was a suspension of this custom on the part of 
our colonial authorities in New England, under the presidency of 
Sir Edmund Andros, from 1686 to 1689. He, being zealous to pro- 
mote the observances of the national church, had no disposition to 
order those of the Puritans. While the rulers, chosen by the peo- 
ple of Massachusetts were in power, they allowed the church to 
keep as many fasts and thanksgivings as they chose. Accordingly 
we find among their laws one of the succeeding tenor, passed in 
1641. " Every church of Christ hath freedom to celebrate dayes 
of fasting and prayer and of thanksgiving, according to the word of 
God."? This was a confirmation of previous custom which, as be- 
fore, has ever since remained in New England. 

With respect to this subject, as in the hands of the legislature, 
they continued some variation in the proclamations under the second 
charter. These documents were issued in the name of governor, 
council and representatives, as in 1693; of his Excellency and 
council, as in 1700 ; and of governor by advice of council, as in 
1733. The last mode of phraseology was that, which was general- 
ly adopted after 1700, and so continued till the adoption of the con- 
stitution in 1780. But whatever variation of this kind existed, the 
representatives always claimed the right of having a concern in the 
appointment of fasts and thanksgivings. So inclined, they did not 
find their whole course smooth in relation to these seasons. 

In 1696 they were severely reproved by the council for interfe- 
rence with them about the particular date, when such an occasion 
should be kept. This difference did not call in question the propri- 
ety of the house to request the governor that he would designate 
seasons of this sort by eonsent of the council. In 1721, the repre- 
sentatives moved for a joint committee of this body and of them- 
selves, to prepare a proclamation for a fast. The council declined 
such a proposition, because they deemed it an anticipation of the 

* Mass. Archives. Ecclesiastical, Vol. 11. p. 57. 

t Massachusetts laws revised in 1649, and printed at Cambridge, 1660, p. 25. 



FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 455 

governor's right.* But " he willing to conform to the house so far 
as would consist with maintaining his right of issuing proclamations, 
mentioned in the proclamation which he soon after published, that 
the appointment was by advice of council and upon motion from the 
house of Representatives. But the house refused to meet him, and 
declared they had never made any such motion, and ordered that no 
members of the house should carry any proclamations to their towns 
for the present. The day was, however, observed as usual, except 
that one of the representatives (William Clark) of Boston would not 
attend public worship, but opened his warehouse as upon other 
days." The difficulty here described, arose from the purpose of 
the house to unite with the council to prepare such a document in- 
dependently of the governor, though to be published in his name. 

The author, whose language on this topic has been just quoted, re- 
lates that, as stated by the board, the attempt of the representatives 
to participate in the composition of the order in question, was unpre- 
cedented. But there is a mistake on this point. For, it had been 
no uncommon thing for the house to draw up proclamations for fasts 
and thanksgivings and forward them to the council and governor for 
their approbation. Nor were these papers rejected as being improp- 
er. The chief magistrate, Samuel Shute, with whom the preceding 
difficulty took place, in his protest against Massachusetts before par- 
liament in 1723, which well nigh caused the nullification of our char- 
ter, charged the house with undue interference in the appointments 
of fasts and thanksgivings. On this subject, Doctor Douglass stated 
in 1749, that such days " ever since governor Shute's complaints, 
have been appointed by the governor and council, at the desire of the 
house of representatives."! The practice, here mentioned, lasted 
till 1779. The next year it was discontinued. From this time, 
when the senate was formed, and, in most respects, assumed the pre- 
vious duties of the council, fasts and thanksgivings have been recom- 
mended by the chief magistrate with advice of council. 

As the genius of ecclesiastical and political usages of Massachu- 
setts pervaded those of New Haven and Connecticut, the mode of 
designating fasts and thanksgivings in the two latter colonies, was es- 
sentially the same as that in the former. Relative to more modern 

* Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. 3d ed. Vol. 11. p. 223. 
t Douglass' History of America, Vol. t. p. 495. 



456 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. 

practice of Connecticut, we have the ensuing account. " The pres- 
ent mode is by the governor alone. This has been the practice since 
May, 1833. Before that time, the governor designated the day ; but 
previous to the adoption of the constitution in 1818, which abolished 
the October session of the general assembly, the governor submitted 
his proclamation to the two houses of that body, and had their ap- 
probation. Between 1818 and 1833, the practice was the same, as 
it is now from the necessity of the case, because the general assem- 
bly was not in session at or near the time of issuing the proclama- 
tion."* 

Concerning the appointment of fasts and thanksgivings in Rhode 
Island, we have the subsequent passage. These days " were, in the 
earlier times of the state, occasionally recommended by the legisla- 
ture. In 1789 commenced the annual thanksgiving in this state. 
The subject was introduced into the General Assembly by the late 
Judge Bicknell, then a representative from the town of Barrington, 
in pursuance of instructions from his constituents. Since then, a day 
has been set apart every year for that purpose, except only in 1801. 
Resolutions are generally introduced into the legislature at their ses- 
sion in October, recommending ' to the good people' of the state, to 
observe a certain day, as a day of public thanksgiving and praise, 
and requesting the governor to issue his proclamation of the resolu- 
tions so passed. Public fasts have never been recommended by our 
legislature at any stated seasons. I believe fasts and thanksgivings 
are and have been long held by advice of clerical bodies and individ- 
ual churches. ,, t 

In relation to New Hampshire, we present the following : " Our 
records as far back as 1698, show the appointment of fasts and 
thanksgivings by the governor with advice of his council." No 
doubt the representatives claimed and exercised the privilege of pro- 
posing such seasons to the chief magistrate. " I find from 1776, that 
a committee of the assembly was generally appointed to prepare a 
form for a proclamation, which would be adopted by the assembly 
and concurred in by the council, and receive the signature of the 
governor, then called president."! Since New Hampshire adopted 



* Letter from Hon. Thomas Day. 

t Letter from Hon. William Staples. 

; Letter from Josiah Stevens, Jr. Esq. Secretary of State. 



FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 457 

their constitution in. 1792, their fasts and thanksgivings have been 
appointed as in Massachusetts. 

Concerning the mode under consideration, as practised in Ver- 
mont, we have the subsequent information. " Previous to the adop- 
tion of any constitution, and while the powers of government were 
exercised by a council of safety, they appointed a day of thanksgiv- 
ing by resolution. After the first constitution, the general assembly 
in March 1778, appointed a day of fasting and adopted a form of 
proclamation, and in October of the same year, they appointed a day 
of thanksgiving, and requested the governor to issue his proclama- 
tion therefor. There have been no resolutions of the general as- 
sembly in relation to fasts since 1778, but they have been appointed 
by the executive ; the proclamation has been issued by the governor, 
by and with the advice of the council. Resolutions for the appoint- 
ment of days of thanksgiving, are annually passed by the legislature, 
and, for nearly fifty years, the form has been to request the gover- 
nor to appoint a day of thanksgiving, fixing the day."* 

5. Penalties. Another topic, connected with the fasts and thanks- 
givings of New England, are the penalties for not duly observing 
them. 

As the magistrates of Plymouth colony ordered such days in 1623, 
and were empowered by law so to do, in 1637, it is implied that a 
penalty was affixed there to the violation of them, at a very early 
period. In 1650,i every person neglecting public worship, is re- 
quired to pay 10s. or be publicly whipped. As this worship appears 
to have included that of fasts, thanksgivings and lectures, a corre- 
sponding inference may be drawn as to the fine of not keeping them. 
In 1682, " it is enacted that none shall presume to attend servile 
worke, or labour, or attend any such sports on such dayes, as are or 
shalbe appointed by the Court for humiliation by fasting and prayer, 

or for publicke Thanksgiving, on penalty of shillings." The 

sum here omitted was probably 10s. The law, just described, con- 
tinued in force till the annexation of Plymouth with Massachusetts. 

As the rulers of Massachusetts colony had authority to command 
the observance of fasts and thanksgivings, they had like power to 
enforce the keeping of them. 

* Letter from Hon. Charles K. Williams, 
t Plymouth Colony Laws. 

58 



458 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. 

In 1646,* the ensuing law was passed. '♦' Whereas the ministry of 
the word is established according to the order of the gospel throughout 
this jurisdiction, every person shall duely resort and attend thereunto, 
respectively on the Lord's dayes and upon such public fast dayes 
and dayes of thanksgiving, as are to be generally observed by ap- 
pointment of authority." This law required, that each individual, 
unnecessarily absent from such public meetings, should be fined 5s. 
It will be perceived here, that the penalty for neglecting public wor- 
ship on fasts and thanksgivings, was equal to that of neglecting like 
service on the sabbath. With such a regulation Edward Randolph 
found fault, in his statement to the royal council, in 1676. f His 
words were, " Whoever shall observe Christmasse day| or the like 
festivity, by forbearing to labour, feasting or other way, shall pay 
5s. ; and whosoever shall not resort to their meetings upon the 
Lord's day and such days of fasting and thanksgiving as shall be 
appointed by authority, shall pay 5s. No days, commanded by the 
lawes of England, to be observed or regarded." How long such a 
fine was strictly imposed, cannot be particularly told at this late day. 
It was evidently in force, however, till 1680, because the proclama- 
tions, for fasts and thanksgivings to this year, commanded them not 
to be desecrated with " servile labour." Since the adoption of the 
Constitution in Massachusetts, all fines, as well as legislation, about 
these religious occasions, have therein ceased. 

During the separate jurisdiction of New Haven, they laid a fine 
of 5s. for each omission to attend worship on fast and thanksgiving 
days, as well as on the sabbath.^ 

With regard to fines, now in view, Connecticut pursued the course 
of the Bay colony. In 1650, they adopted the law on this subject 
previously enacted by Massachusetts. A penalty, for the violation 

* Laws of Massachusetts, edition of 1660. 

t Hutchinson's Collections of papers, p. 482. 

$ The act against the keeping of Christmas in Massachusetts, was passed 
in 1659, when there was sorne prospect, that Charles II. would be brought 
to his father's throne. This act was repealed in 1682. It is probable, that, 
from the last date, the annual celebration of November 5th, so far as it had 
declined in New England, was revived and continued to be observed by 
processions of boys arid young men, and bonfires, before the revolution of 
]775. Since then, till forty years past, this was kept up by bonfires, and is 
now, to a very limited extent, in Rhode Island. 

§ New Haven Laws, p. 38. 



FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 459 

of fasts and thanksgivings, was continued longer there, than in any- 
other part of New England. In 1791* it was enacted, that there 
should be an abstinence from servile labour and recreation, on these 
occasions, works of necessity and mercy excepted, on penalty of not 
above two dollars nor less than one. This rule, as is readily per- 
ceived, did not tally with that of 1650, so as to demand attendance 
on worship. It also made an exception as to public posts and stages, 
anciently unknown in our country. Prohibitionsf of the kind under 
consideration, were repealed in 1833. From this year, fasts and 
thanksgivings have been recommended by the executive, and not or- 
dered as formerly. 

Relative to New Hampshire,! their proclamations for such sea- 
sons, before the adoption of their present constitution, contained 
clauses like the following : " All servile work and recreation are for- 
bidden ;" but subsequently, instead of commanding, they advised to 
the observance of these days. Hence, there is implicit evidence, 
that fines were required there by law for an infringement on fasts 
and thanksgivings prior to 1792, but not afterwards. 

Respecting Rhode Island, they appear to have had no fines for the 
non-observance of these religious occasions, nor have Vermorrt and 
Maine since they became states. 

6. Periodical Observance. A question, not unfrequently asked, 
is, When did fasts and thanksgivings, in New England, become pe- 
riodical ? By the term periodical, as here applied, we understand 

* Laws of Connecticut, edition of 1796, p. 83. 

t In reference to such prohibitions, there was a singular occurrence, 
which may have produced a legal question of no small interest and concern. 
It was in the town of Colchester, under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. It 
is thus described by the original record. " Att a legal Town meeting, held 
in Colchester October 29, 1705, it was voted, that whereas there was a 
Thanksgiving appointed to be held on the first Thursday of November, and 
our present circumstances being such, it cannot with conveniency beat- 
tended on that day, it is therefore voted and agreed by the inhabitants afore- 
said, concluding the thing will not be other ways than well resented (or 
favorably received), that the second Thursday of November aforesaid shall 
be set apart for that service." Long and accredited tradition has uniformly 
related, that this suspension of a week was to afford the Trader of the place 
an opportunity to replenish his exhausted articles of sweetening, and par- 
ticularly that of molasses, — so that his customers might not forego the 
indulgence of their taste for pumpkin pies and other similar dainties. 

i Letter from Josiah Stevens Jr. secretary of the slate of New Hampshire. 



460 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. 

the following : When did fasts begin to be appointed or kept in the 
spring of every successive year, by order of the legislature ; and 
thanksgiving, in like manner, in the fall ? For an answer to these 
inquiries we must not rely altogether, as some have, on what are 
called the General Court Records, now extant. There is but a soli- 
tary minute, and this relative to land, on such records of Plymouth 
colony, for the first three years. After this, till near the close of 
their separate jurisdiction, the designation of their fasts and thanks- 
givings was seldom placed with their legislative transactions. It is 
matter of fact, that such days were appointed by their public authori- 
ties, as have no mention made of them among the proceedings of 
these rulers. No legislative records of Massachusetts, before the 
arrival of governor Winthrop in 1630, are known to have been 
preserved. Those of them which succeed, fail to notice a 
number of fasts and thanksgivings, the observance of which was 
enjoined by the civil government. Similar facts apply to Connecti- 
cut and New Haven. Only three of each sort of these days are 
found on the books of the Connecticut general assembly before 1650. 
The Journals of New Haven make not even a reference to such re- 
ligious occasions, as before stated, for about sixteen of their first 
years. But other sources of information prove, that there was no 
real deficiency of this kind. The printed Laws of New Haven show 
that fasts and thanksgivings were common with them, from their 
very commencement as a colony, and had all the conservative re- 
striction of the sabbath. Who could reasonably suppose, that for 
such periods, so deficient in being recorded as to fasts and thanks- 
givings, New England would consent to deprive themselves of these 
interesting seasons? No person, correctly acquainted with their 
views, desires, habits, and condition. And yet, were we reduced to 
the necessity of relying altogether for testimony, in the present case, 
on their general court Journals, we should conclude, that they did 
thus forget their obligations to God and to some of their best influ- 
ences and interests. 

But here the inquiry may be made, Why were the registers of 
their legislative doings so at fault ? Several causes for this may be 
assigned. The appointment of these days was so in accordance 
with the opinions, wishes, and practice of the whole country, there 
was no call for a special record to be made of them among the 
transactions of the legislature. If a parallel case of this kind be 



FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 461 

asked for, it may be found in the total omission of noticing such an 
appointment, on the records of Massachusetts General Court, since 
the adoption of their Constitution in 1780. Another cause was, that 
after deputies or representatives in Plymouth and Massachusetts 
made a part of their legislatures, they were, oftentimes, not in ses- 
sion so as to unite with the assistants or council in ordering fasts and 
thanksgivings ; and, therefore, a record failed to be made of such an 
act more frequently than would otherwise have been. Besides, 
when the representatives were in session seasonably enough to par- 
ticipate in this act, they sometimes left it to the direction of the as- 
sistants. In omissions of this sort, we should naturally think, that 
the periodical fasts and thanksgivings would be more frequently un- 
noticed on the records, because generally known and expected, than 
those of more special occasions at other parts of the year. If the 
query is put, whether these omissions were all, which are either 
suspected or known, we reply in the negative. There must have 
been, for instance, particular orders for the emission of one-penny 
pieces of the Pine-Tree money and of the Good-Samaritan shillings, 
at an early period, from the Massachusetts mint. But no orders of 
this class are visible on the Journals of General Court. In view of 
the preceding considerations, we are justified in not restricting the 
number of fasts and thanksgivings, publicly ordered by our ancient 
authorities, to the numerical notices of them on the pages of their 
legislative proceedings. Indeed, the great probability is, that many 
more of such seasons were so appointed in the first periods of New 
England, than at present, though this position is not confirmed by 
the records of their legislatures. An opinion of this kind is favored 
by the fact, that, in some years, wherein these days are mentioned 
by such records, two or three of each kind were kept in the course 
of one year. As instances on this point, Massachusetts Journals 
give two fasts in 1639, and three in 1664 ; two thanksgivings in 1633, 
and two in 1637. These were distinct from those often observed by 
the churches either individually or collectively. A disposition, so 
manifested, must have been cherished and indulged from the re- 
markable trials and deliverances, experienced by our fathers in their 
early history, as well as from their deep feeling of dependance on 
God and of their obligations to him. It would be absurd to conjec- 
ture, that the pilgrims would keep so many of these seasons in one 
year, and then neglect them altogether for several successive years, 
in which they are not once alluded to by their legislative Journals, 



462 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. 

when there were similar calls for a like observance every year 
They were a people chargeable with no such inconsistency as here 
implied ; not eaten up of zeal for a dutiful and salutary custom at 
one period, and then entirely neglectful of it at another. Hence, we 
have a confirmation of the statement, that we should not make up 
our minds solely on the existing legislative records of New England, 
as to the number and dates of their fasts and thanksgivings. 

Even from the foregoing considerations, it would not be paradoxi- 
cal to venture the opinion, that such religious seasons have been pe- 
riodical from the founding of New England. Here the question 
occurs, to what extent do legislative Journals and other coincident 
proof confirm such a position ? By the Connecticut records of Gene- 
ral Court,* it appears that periodical thanksgivings, as well as fasts, 
began to be designated in 1650. In all reasonable probability, Mas- 
sachusetts would not come short in this respect; for they were 
looked to rather as an example, than otherwise. The records of the 
latter colony, so far as preserved, show, that thanksgivings were ap- 
pointed in the fall of 1633, 1637, 1638, 1639, 1654, 1656, 1659, 
1662, 1665, 1666, 1667, 1669, 1670, 1672, 1673, 1676, 1677, 1680, 
1681, 1682, 1684, etc. Besides these festival days, the representa- 
tives left the matter of ordering one in 1648 to the council ; and a 
paper shows, that the latter body did designate another in 1671, of 
which no mention is known to have been made elsewhere. It may 
be proper to state, that there were other thanksgivings, during the 
same period, ordered at dates different from those of such days, as 
just now enumerated. 

With regard to fasts, designated by the Massachusetts authorities 
in this time, though they were more in number, as contained on legis- 
lative records, than thanksgivings, yet there were less of them, as 
periodical, than of these festivals. But the nature of the case, the 
propriety of confessing human unworthiness and interceding for di- 
vine blessing on the labors of the field, the pursuits of the sea, and 
other avocations of community in the vernal season, and the deep re- 
ligious impression of our fathers, that they ought not to omit such an 
obligation, force upon our minds the inference, that fasts would be 
even more likely to be appointed for the spring, than thanksgivings 
in the fall. It is very probable, that, if the regular journal of the 
assistants or council had been preserved, it would have supplied a 

* Extracts from Connecticut Records by Hon. Thomas Day. 



FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 463 

large part of the vacancies, as to such holy days, which appear in 
the foregoing statements and remarks. For this assertion, .we have 
the subsequent fact. From the fire of 1747, when all the minutes 
of the council for many previous years, except a few of general im- 
port, were destroyed, to 1765, there are notices of seventeen peri- 
odical appointments of thanksgivings, as well as the same number of 
periodical fasts, on the journals of this branch of the legislature, 
while the records of the general court contain only about five of such 
appointments of each kind. The reasons, so advanced to account 
for deficiencies of this sort in Massachusetts, would apply to similar 
deficiencies in the rest of New England jurisdictions. At this point, 
we may ask what should be our decision on the question before us ? 
We perceive, that we ought not to depend altogether, for a reply, on 
the General Court records of New England now extant. We per- 
ceive from the journals of Connecticut, that fasts and thanksgivings 
were periodical there, and from the same authority and concurrent 
reasons, were very probably so in other of its adjacent colonies, by 
1650. And even if Connecticut journals did not afford such testimo- 
ny, there are other considerations, which forbid the surrender of this 
inference. As to the periodical order in view, before the year just 
named, we are left to judge from the character and condition of our 
ancestors as well as from their recorded practice. This practice, so 
far as notice of it has come down to our knowledge, implies nothing 
contrary to such order, but from the manner in which it is mention- 
ed, and the fact, that, in several instances, no notice was taken of 
it, when actually existing, on the registers of legislation, strongly in- 
timates, that this order commenced at the beginning of New Eng- 
land. 

A single glance at the character and condition of the primitive 
colonists, instantly suggests, that the Puritans would almost as soon 
think of neglecting to cultivate the ground and still look for a har- 
vest, as to omit a public fast in the spring, and to gather in the abun- 
dance of their fields and still expect to be fed, as to omit the ap- 
pointment of a thanksgiving in the autumn. This appears to be a 
legitimate conclusion under all the circumstances of the case. 
Hence, may we not reasonably make up our minds, that fasts and 
thanksgivings have been periodical from the first colonization of 
New England ? 

Nor is this inference invalidated by the objection, that it in- 
volves an implication contrary to the cause, for which our fathers 



464 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. 

declined conformity with the established holy days of the Episcopal 
church. The truth is, had they kept their fasts and thanksgivings a 
single day before or after Passion week and Christmas, it would 
have broken up the associations of mind, which was the object of 
their alteration. But in allowing them the sweep of several weeks 
for such days, they had ample scope to rid themselves of the charge 
of making a distinction without any difference. 

7. Observance by oilier states. We have now reached the point, 
where notice should be taken of fasts and thanksgivings in other 
parts of the United States. It is well known, that, in such portions, 
as were under Episcopal discipline, these days were kept there, for 
a long period, according to the prescribed form of the English es- 
tablished church. The Lent and Christmas of those parts of our 
country were to them, as the periodical fasts and thanksgivings of 
the Puritans. Their other similar seasons were to them, in some 
respects, like the additional ones of Congregationalists. As a mat- 
ter of general concernment to all the British American colonies, 
they were, as previously expressed, required by the law of England, 
passed 1606, to keep an annual thanksgiving on the fifth of Novem- 
ber to commemorate the discovery of the gunpowder plot. It was 
subsequently enacted by the parliament, that there should be a fast 
for the death of Charles I, and, also, a thanksgiving for the birth and 
accession of Charles II to the throne, every successive year. While 
these laws were complied with in our Episcopal colonies, they seem 
to have been neglected, as to their religious observance, by the non- 
conformists of New England. In the year 1661, the legislature of 
Virginia incorporated the two last enactments with their laws.* Be- 
sides, when any great victory was obtained by England, or any joy- 
ful event transpired in her favor, orders were received thence by the 
colonists of our country, till the revolution of our independence, to 
keep thanksgivings, which was accordingly and punctually done. 

In addition, fasts and thanksgivings, ordered by provincial and 
national Congresses, have been observed throughout the Union. 

Having thus cleared our way of these more general particulars, 
we will now look at individual sections of our republic. In none of 
these have the periodical fasts of New England ever been appointed 
by public authorities.f Such occasions have been observed by vari- 

* Laws of Virginia, p. 4. 

t Since the above was written, the Executive of New York State has de- 
signated a general Fast for the present month of April, 1841, 



FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 465 

ous denominations of dissenters therein, whenever the exigencies of 
the temporal and spiritual condition of themselves, or neighborhood, 
or country seemed to require. Other denominations, who conform 
with the rituals of their respective churches, have had their holy 
days in the spring and winter and other established seasons. 

As to annual thanksgivings, like those of New England, the only 
States, which are known by the writer to have had them appointed 
by their chief magistrates, are New Jersey, New York, Michigan, 
Ohio and Indiana. They have been observed in New Jersey for not 
less than a half century.* They began to be appointed by De Witt 
Clinton of New York in 1819, and have been so continued till the 
present year.f For ten years they have been kept in Michigan ;| for 
six years in Ohio, and for three or four in Indiana. § In these States, 
we are credibly informed, that thanksgiving is less and Christmas 
more observed, in proportion to the population, than in New Eng- 
land. As a substitute for thanksgiving in the States, which do not 
keep it, are Christmas and other similar seasons. The manner of 
observing these, as described by Lucian Minor, Esq. relative to "Vir- 
ginia, has a particular application to nearly all such States. His 
language is : " Christmas, a four days' holiday, maintains here its 
old English character of festivity, being the nearest resemblance to 
your November thanksgiving. Those four days and one day each 
at Easter and Whitsuntide, are the only stated holidays amongst us, 
and these are enjoyed by all colors and conditions, who choose, but 
mostly by all of the slaves." 

Having thus travelled over the diversified course of our inquiry, 
we are reminded of the long continued customs, which originated in 
religious opinions of various shades and tendencies. Whatever be 
the forms or times of worship associated with these customs, so sa- 
cred a service — if dutifully performed — is alike beneficial in promo- 
ting humility for our sinful deficiencies, and gratitude for our nume- 
rous mercies ; in exalting the mind to God while an inhabitant of 
earth, and the soul to heaven, when disenthralled from its clayey 
tenement. Blessed indeed are they, who so commune with Him in 
public, as to be partakers of his sanctifying presence in private, and, 
hereafter, to be filled with His fullness forever. 

* Letter from Rev. Dr. Hillyer. t Letter from J. C. Spencer, Esq. Sec- 
retary of the State of iN. Y. X Letter from Rev. 1. M. Wead. § Letter 
from Rev. J. H. Perkins. — These four letters were written in 1840. 
59 



466 OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. 

The history of the ancient religious sects of the East, opens an 
interesting and important field of inquiry, in investigating the rites 
and customs and discipline of the primitive church. These religious 
sects, severally, separated themselves at a very early period from 
the established church ; and, in the deep seclusion and sleepless 
jealousy of Eastern bigotry, they have preserved their ancieat reli- 
gious rites unchanged through the lapse of ages. These their reli- 
gious rites, therefore, carry us back to a high antiquity, and, with 
some circumstantial variations, disclose to us the usages and customs 
of the ancient church. 

It would be interesting and instructive, for this reason, to com- 
pare the antiquities of some of the most ancient of these religious 
sects, such as the Armenians, the Nestorians, the Jacobites, the 
Copts, etc. The author has taken measures to obtain from our mis- 
sionaries a brief statement of the religious rites of several of these 
sects, and has the pleasure of laying before the reader one such ab- 
stract respecting the Armenian church, from the Rev. H. G. O. 
Dwight, missionary at Constantinople. This communication from 
him cannot fail to be alike interesting both to the antiquarian and the 
Christian. 

Origin and Pr -ogress of the Armenian Church. 

Among the sovereigns of the East, at the time of Christ, was one 
by the name of Abgar, or Abgarus, the seat of whose government 
was at Edessa in Mesopotamia!). He is called by Tacitus (An. L. 12. 
c. 12) king of the Arabs, though in the Armenian Chronicles he is 
placed among the Armenian kings, of the dynasty of the Arsacidae. 
It is said that this king was converted to Christianity merely by hear- 
ing of the wonderful works of Christ, and that he sent a special mes- 
senger with a letter to invite Christ to come to his court, where he 
promised him rest and protection from his enemies. To this request 
Christ replied that it was impossible for him to come in person, but 
that after his ascension, he would send one of his disciples, in his 
place. Eusebius and others relate that our Saviour took a handker- 



OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. 467 

chief and pressing it upon his face, an exact likeness of himself was 
miraculously impressed upon it, which he sent to Abgar as a mark 
of favor. 

Moses Chorenensis, the Armenian historian, states that our Sa- 
viour sent to king Abgar his own likeness, but makes no allusion to 
the manner in which it was procured. 

This last writer also declares, that after the death of Christ the 
apostle Thomas, in obedience to the command of the Saviour, and 
agreeably to his promise, sent Thaddeus, one of the seventy, to 
Edessa, who healed the king of an incurable disease under which 
he had been suffering for seven years, and afterwards, baptized him 
in the name of Christ. xMany other miracles are said to have been 
performed by Thaddeus, and " the whole city," says Moses, " was 
baptized." 

This is the Armenian account of the beginning of their church, 
and Eusebius bears his testimony to the same facts in every im- 
portant particular. 

The immediate successors of Abgar, however, apostatized from 
the christian faith, and by their persecutions Christianity was almost 
exterminated from the country. It would appear, however, that 
individual Christians and perhaps small bodies of them, were found 
in the Armenian territories up to the time of Dertad (Diridates) 2d, 
A. D. 259, during whose reign Christianity was revived, through 
the instrumentality of Gregory, and it has ever since been the reli- 
gion of the Armenian people. 

Gregory, called also Loosavorich, the Enlighlener,v?a3Q.ii Arme- 
nian of royal descent, who having been brought up in Cesarea, was 
there educated in the christian religion. 

Having become connected with the king's suite, and refusing to 
unite in his idolatrous worship, he was grievously tortured, and kept 
in close confinement in a cave for many years. Being at length de- 
livered, he was instrumental in the conversion of the king, and many 
of the nobles. He afterwards repaired to Cesarea, where he was 
ordained bishop, by Leonties, bishop of Cesarea, and returning to Ar- 
menia Proper, he baptised the king and multitudes of the people. 
In short, the nation now became Christian, though some of its chiefs 
soon afterwards apostatized, and through their means the king of 
Persia was enabled, for a. while, to carry on a persecution against 
the religion of the cross. At subsequent periods in the Armenian aa» 



468 OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. 

nals we read of the most violent and deadful persecutions of the Ar- 
menian Christians, by the pagan and Mohammedan kings of Persia, 
as political changes placed the former under the power of the latter. 

In the year 406, the Armenian alphabet was invented, and in 411, 
the Bible was translated into the Armenian language from the Sep- 
tuagint. 

In the year 491, a synod of Armenian bishops rejected the deci- 
sions of the council of Chalcedon, by which act they cut themselves 
off from the charity and communion of the other branches of the 
christian church, and they are to this day denominated schismatics 
and heretics by both the Greeks and the Papists. 

As to the progress of the Armenian church in after ages, little 
indeed can be said, unless we follow the examples of their own his- 
torians, and quote as evidences of her prosperity, the number of 
churches and convents erected, the great increase of religious feast 
and fast days, and of ceremonies in general, and the astonishing 
miracles performed by worldly and graceless monks. The people 
were left in almost total ignorance, while the ecclesiastics were con- 
tinually embroiled in disputes with the Greeks on points of little im- 
portance, or waging intestine wars of ambition with each other, each 
striving for the highest place. As might be expected, every species 
of irrelisfion was rife under such influences. 

The only redeeming trait was the unflinching resoluteness with 
which property, liberty, and life were frequently sacrificed to the 
Magian and Mohammedan persecutors of the Armenian church. 

2. Church officers and government. The Armenians are at present 
scattered among different nations, and subject to different political 
governments, by which their ecclesiastical polity is somewhat modi- 
fied. Originally the church was placed under one head, styled ca- 
tholicos, who usually held his seat at the imperial residence. Sub- 
sequently several different catholicoses were created by parties ris- 
ing up in different parts of the country, and taking advantage of the 
disturbed state of public affairs. At present there are three catholi- 
coses, one at Echmiadzin (which is the greatest), one at Aghtarnar, 
in the Lake Van, and one at Sis, in the ancient proyin.ce of Cilicia. 

The catholicos is the spiritual head of the church, or of that par- 
ticular portion of it over which his jurisdiction extends. He only 
can ordain bishops, and consecrate the sacred oil which is used m 
various ceremonies of the church, 



OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. 469 

The Armenians at Constantinople, with all those in Turkey in Eu- 
rope, and in Asia Minor, and Armenia Proper, were formerly under 
the jurisdiction of the catholicos of Echmiadzin ; but since that see 
has fallen within the possessions of Russia, the Armenians in those 
parts of Turkey mentioned, have been ostensibly without any spir- 
itual head ; although there is still a secret connection between them 
and Echmiadzin and several vartabeds have lately gone to the lat- 
ter place to be ordained bishops. 

There are two patriarchs, it is true, one at Constantinople and the 
other at Jerusalem ; but both these offices were established by Mo- 
hammedan authorities for their own convenience, and as neither of 
them has the power of ordaining bishops, they may be considered as 
only themselves holding the rank of bishops, ecclesiastically, though 
clothed with high political authority by the Turks. 

The Armenian patriarch at Constantinople has the power of im* 
prisoning and scourging at pleasure, members of his own flock, and 
until recently he could easily procure their banishment, from the 
Turkish authorities, whenever he pleased. The late charter given 
by the Sultan to his subjects will, however, if carried into effect, pre- 
vent him from doing this except on a regular trial before the Turk- 
ish courts. 

It will be understood from what has been said that the form of gov- 
ernment of the Armenian church is Episcopal. There are nine dif- 
ferent grades of the Armenian clergy, all of w T hich are set apart to 
their respective offices by the laying on of hands. Four of these are 
below the order of deacon, and are called porters, readers, exorcists, 
and candle-lighters. After these come the subdeacons,the deacons, 
then the priests, then the bishops, and last of all the catholicos. All 
below the bishop are ordained by the bishop, and he by the ca- 
tholicos only. The catholicos is ordained by a council of bishops. 

There is a class of ecclesiastics, called vartabeds, which may be 
considered as collateral with the order of priests. The difference 
between them is simply this: The priests are married, and in fact 
no man can be ordained priest, unless, at the time of his ordination, 
he has a wife. The vartabeds never marry, and have taken upon 
them the vow of perpetual celibacy. The priests always remain 
priests, and can never rise to the rank of bishop. The vartabeds 
may become bishops, and in fact, all the bishops are taken from that 
order, and are bound to celibacy. The vartabeds are the preachers, 



470 OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. 

(strictly speaking) but the priests never preach. The vartabeds live 
not among the people, but in convents where there are convents, 
or if not, they live by themselves within the church enclosures. 
The priests live in the midst of their flocks, and go in and out among 
them freely. In case the wife of a priest dies, he is not permitted to 
marry again, and he may then if he chooses become a vartabed. 

There are also several subdivisions of grade among the vartabeds, 
each of which has its particular ordination service. One of these, 
called by way of distinction, The supreme order of Vartabed, 
is now practically unknown ; though according to the rules of the 
church it should exist. The individual who fills this office, may be 
either a vartabed or a bishop. If the former, he may be ordained 
to it by a bishop ; but if the laiter, he must be set apart to this high 
dignity by the catholicos himself. He is considered by way of em- 
inence as an apostolical preacher ; and his labors are to be among 
the heathen alone. The spirit of missions is dead in the Armenian 
church ; and therefore, they have no further employment for such 
a class of men. 

3. Doctrines. The chief point of separation between the Armeni- 
ans on the one side, and the Greeks and the papists on the other, is, 
that while the latter believe in two natures and one person of Christ, 
the former believe that the humanity and divinity of Christ were so 
united as to form but one nature ; and hence, they are called 
Monophysites. 

Another point on which they are charged with heresy by the pa- 
pists, is, that they adhere to the notion that the Spirit proceeds from 
the Father only ; and in this the Greeks join them, though the pa- 
pists say, that He proceeds from the Father and the Son. In other 
respects, the Greeks and Armenians have very nearly the same re- 
ligious opinions ; though they differ somewhat in their forms and 
modes of worship. For instance, the Greeks make the sign of the 
cross with three fingers, in token of their belief in the doctrine of 
the Trinity — while the Armenians use two fingers, and the Ja- 
cobites one. 

The Armenians hold to seven sacraments like the Latins, although 
baptism, confirmation, and extreme unction, are all performed at 
the same time — and the forms of prayer for confirmation and ex- 
treme unction are perfectly intermingled, which leads one to sup- 



OF THE AEMENIAN CHURCH. 471 

pose, that in fact, the latter sacrament does not exist among them, 
except in name ; and that this they have borrowed from the papists. 

Infants are baptized both by triple immersion, and pouring water 
three times upon the head, — the former being done as their books 
assert, — in reference to Christ's having been three days in the grave, 
— and probably suggested by the phrase, — buried with him in 
baptism. 

The latter ceremony they derive from the tradition that when 
Christ was baptized, he stood in the midst of Jordan, and John 
poured water from his hand three times, upon his head. In all their 
pictures of this scene, such is the representation of the mode of our 
Saviour's baptism. Converted Jews, or Mohammedans, though 
adults are baptized in the same manner. 

The Armenians acknowledge sprinkling as a lawful mode of bap- 
tism, — for they receive from other churches, those that have merely 
been sprinkled, without re-baptizing them. 

They believe firmly in transubstantiation, — and worship the con- 
secrated elements as God. 

Unleavened bread is used in the Sacrament, and the broken 
pieces of bread are dipped in undiluted wine, and thus given to the 
people. 

The latter however do not handle it, but receive it into their 
mouths from the hands of the priest. They suppose it has in itself a 
sanctifying and saving power. The Greeks in this sacrament use 
leavened bread, and wine mixed with water. 

The Armenians discard the popish doctrine of purgatory, but yet 
most inconsistently they pray for the dead. 

They hold to confession of sins to the priests, who impose pen- 
ances and grant absolution, though without money, and they give 
no indulgences. 

They pray through the mediation of the Virgin Mary, and other 
saints. The belief that Mary was always a virgin, is a point of very 
high importance with them ; and they consider the thought of her 
having given birth to children after the birth of Christ, as in the high- 
est degree derogatory to her character, and impious. 

They regard baptism and regeneration as the same thing, and 
have no conception of any spiritual change ; and they know little of 
any other terms of salvation than penance, the Lord's supper, fast- 
ing, and good works in general. 



472 OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. 

The Armenians are strictly Trinitarians in their views, holding 
firmly to the supreme divinity of Christ, and the doctrine of atone- 
ment for sin ; though their views on the latter subject, as well as in 
regard to faith and repentance, are somewhat obscure. They say 
that Christ died to atone for original sin, and that actual sin is to be 
washed away by penances, — which in their view is repentance. 
Penances are prescribed by the priests, and sometimes consist in an 
offering of money to the church, a pilgrimage, or more commonly 
in repeating certain prayers, or reading the whole book of Psalms, 
a specified number of times. Faith in Christ seems to mean but lit- 
tle more than believing in the mystery of transubstantiation. 

4. Forms of worship, festivals, etc. The Armenian churches are 
opened regularly twice every day morning and evening for prayers, 
and mass is performed every day in all the city churches, though in 
the country less frequently, according to the size of the church and 
the number of priests. It occupies sometimes six hours and more, 
for its completion. It consists in chanting, and reading prayers and 
portions of the Scriptures and responses by the people. The offi- 
ciating priest or bishop is richly dressed, as are the deacons and 
singers. Small bells are rung and incense is burned, and various 
other ceremonies are performed which contribute to please and awe 
the people. At the ordinary morning and evening prayers the peo- 
ple kneel and cross themselves in rapid succession a number of 
times while the priests are chanting the prayers. These prostrations 
are made frequently before a picture of the Virgin or other saint. 
In the more recently constructed Armenian churches, however, pic- 
tures are almost wholly excluded. In some parts of the country 
also, instead of repeating the ceremony of prostrating themselves as 
above described, they simply kneel and thus remain quietly until the 
prayer is finished. This seems to have been the ancient custom of 
the Armenian church, and a change has taken place in the churches 
around the Levant, probably through the influence of the Greeks. 
. The scriptures and prayers are read in the ancient Armenian 
tongue, which is understood but by very few among the people — 
and if understood, would hardly be intelligible, the tones of voice are 
so drawling and unnatural. Preaching is rare among the Armeni- 
ans, and is only performed by the bishops and vartabeds, and gene- 
rally only on particular feast days. The priests are never expected 
to preach, their business being to read prayers and say mass, 



OF THE ARMINIAN CHURCH. 473 

Though the apocryphal books are bound up with the others in the 
Armenian Bible, yet they are considered as uncanonical, and are 
never read in the churches. 

There are at least fourteen great feast days in the course of the 
year on which all ordinary labor is suspended, and the day is ob- 
served more strictly than the sabbath. Besides these there are nu- 
merous other feasts and fasts, more numerous even than the days 
of the year ; so that, in some instances, several are appointed to the 
same day. Besides the occasional fasts, such as a fast of forty days 
before Easter, and another of six days before Christmas, etc., they 
have two weekly fasts, the one on Wednesday and the other on Fri- 
day. The Armenians have 165 days in the year appointed for fast- 
ing. They do not properly fast, however, since they are permitted 
to eat plentifully of all kinds of vegetable food except the vegetable 
oils— and a fast with them is merely abstaining from animal food. 

Among the Armenians, girls are often married at the age of 
twelve or thirteen, the other sex rarely until they are from twenty- 
five to thirty. The marriage contract is made by the parents or 
guardians, and the parties are not expected to see one another until 
after they are husband and wife. The ceremonies of marriage oc- 
cupy three days — during which time there are constant festivities 
either at the house of the bridegroom or bride, or both. The bride 
is last carried to the house of the bridegroom in procession of car- 
riages or carts drawn by oxen, the ceremony of marriage being per- 
formed sometimes at the house and sometimes at church. The ex- 
penses of the dowry and the marriage festivities come upon the 
bridegroom, and they are usually quite large. Marriage is consid- 
ered as one of the sacraments, and there is properly no divorce af- 
ter the tie is once made. The laws of the Armenians are more 
strict than those of Moses in regard to the degrees of consanguinity 
within which persons may marry. 

When a person dies, several of the female friends of the family 
are usually present, who make a loud outcry, so as to be heard at 
some distance from the house. The funeral takes place on the 
same day. The body is dressed as when alive, and placed in an 
open bier which is ornamented with flowers, natural or artificial, and 
thus carried to the grave-yard. An irregular procession of the 
friends is formed, headed by priests and singers, with lighted can- 
dles if the wind will permit, and a plaintive funeral dirge is chanted 

60 



474 OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. 

as they pass along the streets. Candles are always carried, even 
although the funeral should be at mid-day, though sometimes they 
cannot be lighted. Female friends never accompany the procession 
to the grave. At the grave prayers are read, and the body, without 
coffin, is committed to the earth. The ordinary garments are first 
removed, and the body closely wound up by a long piece of cloth, 
andthus placed in the grave and covered with earth. It he be an ec- 
clesiastic, a stone is placed on each side of the head, and another 
over the top to prevent the earth from coming in immediate contact 
with the head, which has been anointed with holy oil. After the 
grave of an ecclesiastic has been filled up another hillock of the same 
dimensions and appearance is raised by its side in order to prevent 
the body from being stolen. The temptation to this crime in the 
case of an ecclesiastic is, that as it is a sacred body, having been 
anointed, it may be in demand for relics. Mourning garments are 
never worn by the males among the Armenians; but the females 
at Constantinople dress in black. In the case of an ecclesiastic, 
prayers are read at the house every evening after the burial until 
Saturday. If the death takes place on Saturday they are read only 
on that evening. If it be a layman, they are read only once on the 
evening of the burial, and once on the following Saturday evening. 
The friends also occasionally call for the priest to say prayers over 
the grave ; but this in Constantinople is without rule, and they do it 
whenever they please. In some parts of Armenia proper they have 
the following customs on the subject : After the burial the officiating 
priest reads prayers over the grave once a day for eight days if the 
deceased is an ecclesiastic, and for three days if a layman, and also 
on the 8th, 15th, and 40ih days after the decease, and at the end of 
one year. 

The present state of the Armenian church is one of deep interest. 
Enlightened views in regard to the truths of the Scriptures are ex- 
tensively spread among them, particularly in Constantinople and in 
some of the adjacent cities, and it is evident that at least a portion of 
the church is on the eve of a reform. They are an enterprising and 
talented people, and evidently possess the elements of a solid and no- 
ble character. With a truly regenerated nature, they promise to be 
most important instruments in the hands of God, in spreading the 
light of true Christianity over the East. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 



CHAPTER L 



GENERAL VIEW OF THE ORGANIZATION AND WORSHIP ©F THE PRIMI- 
TIVE CHURCH. 

§ 1. Accounts of Jewish and profane Authors, p. 25. 

1. Suetonius, Vit. Ner. c. 16 ; Vit. Claud, c. 25. 

2. Annal. 15. 44. 

3. Tzschirner, Graeci et Romani Scriptores cur rerum christianarum 

meminerint. Lips. 1824. 4; G. A. Osiander, Ueber die Aus- 
breitung des Christenthums. 

4. J. H. Boehmer, Dissertat. xii. juris eccles. antiqui ad Plinium Se- 

cundum et Tertullianum. Hal. 1729. 8. 

5. De Morte Perigrini, opj). edit. Bipont. vol. viii. p. 272 seq.; Phi- 

lopseudes, vol. vii. p. 266 ; Pseudomantis, vol. v. p. 63 seq.; 
Ch. G. Fr. Walch, Explicatio rerum christianarum apud Lucia- 
num; Eichstadt, Lucianus num scriptis suis adjuvare religio- 
nem chr. vohierit. Jenae, 1820. 4. 

§ 2. Origin of the Christian Church, p. 32. 

1. Franc. Croii, Heidnisches Papsthum. Basel, 1607. 1613. 8; Day- 
Men- de Papain Romano per Ethnicismiun impraegnato et re- 
fermentato. 1634.4; Jo. Valkenier, Roma paganizans. 1656. 4; 
Nic. Hunnii, De Apostasia Romanae ecclesiae, c. 4; Mussardt, 
Vorstellung der vor Zeiten aus dem Heidenthu.me in die Kirche 
eingefiihrten Gebraucbe und Ceremonien. Aus dem Franzos. 
mit Anmerk. von Sigism. Hosmann. Leipz. 1695; Conyers 
Middleton, A Letter from Rome, sbewing an exact conformity 
between Popery and Paganism, edit. 5. 1741. 8. edit. 6. 1825.8; 
J. J. Blunt, Ursprung relig. Ceremonien und Gebrauche der 
rom. kathol. Kirche, bes. in Italien und Sicilien. Aus dem 
Engl. Darmst. 1826. 8. 

§ 3. Peculiarities of the Christian System, p. 34. 

1. Bellermann's Versuch liber die Gemmen der Alten mit dem 

Abraxas-Bilde. I— III. Berlin, 1817—19. 8. S. St. I. S. 40—63. 
St. III. S. 43, 44. Fr. Mlinter's S'mnbilder und Kunstvor- 
stellungen der alten Christen. I. u. II. Heft. Altona, 1825. 4^. 

2. Kestnei's Agape. Jena, 1819. 8. u. Zugabe. s. 556 seq. 



476 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 



§ 4. Disciplina Arcani, Apostolical Constitutions, and Canons, p. 35. 

1. Die beyden vorziiglichsten Antagonisten sine! : Ernan. a S<-hel- 

strate de disciplina arcani. Romae, 1685.4. Ed. Patav. 1743. 4. 
Guil. Em; Tenzel, Dissertat. select. P. II. Vejgl. Bingham, Orig. 
torn. iv. p. U9seq. Nenere Schriftsteller iiber diesen Gegen- 
stand sind: Herm. Scholliner, Disciplina arcani suae antiquitati 
restitnta. 1756. 4. Ueber religiose Mysterien n. s. w. Miinchen, 
1818. 8 ; Th. Lienhart, De antiq. Liturg. et de disciplina arcani. 
Argentor. 1829. 8; Th. Criiger, De disc. arc. vet. Christia no- 
rum ; Jac. Zimmermann, De disciplina arcani vet. eccl. nostra 
aetate non usurpanda. Tigur. 1751 ; J. L. Schedins, De sacris 
opertis vet. Chr. s. de disciplina, quam vocant, arcani. Goett. 
1790. 4. Eine vorziigliche Monograpbie ist ; G. C. L. Th. 
From ma tin, De disciplina arcani, quae in vetere eccl. chr. oi>- 
tinuisse fertur. Jen. 1833. 8. Man vgl. auch : Die Religions- 
Wandernngen des H. Th. Moore belenchtet von einigen seiner 
Landsleute. Aus dem Engl. Coin. 1835. S. 359 — 78. Das Ur- 
theil Neander's iiber die Arcan-Disciplin (Allg. Gescb. der chr. 
Rel. u. Kirche. T. I. S. 357) ist ungerecht. 

2. Riddle's Christ. Antiq. p. 120—23. Comp. also Otto Krabbe 

iiber den Ursprung nnd Inhatt der apostoliscben Constitntionen 
des Clemens Romarms. Hamburg, 1829. 8 ; Dessibben, De co- 
dice canonum qui Apostolorum nomine circumferuntur. Guet- 
ting. 1829. 4 ; Ed. Regenbruht, De Canonibus Apostolorum. 
Vratisb, 1828. 8 ; J. S. v. Dreg, Neue Unters. iiber die Constitn- 
tionen und Canones der Apostel ; ein hist. krit. Beytrag zur 
Literal, der Kirchengesch. und des Kirchenrechts. Tubingen, 
1832. 8. 

CHAPTER II. 

NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 

§ 1. Scriptural Appellations and Names assumed by Christians, p. 39. 

I. Phil. Rovenii, Reipublicae christianae libri duo, tractantes de va- 
riis hominum statibus, gradibus, officiis et functionibus in ec- 
clesia Christi. Antverp. 1668. 4 ; J. H. Boehmer's Entwurf des 
Kirchenstaats der ersten drey Jabrhunderte. Hal. 1733. 8 ; Dis- 
sertationes xii juris ecclesiastici antiqui. Lips. 1711. 8 ; Ziegler's 
Versuch einer pragmat. Geschicbte der kirchlicben Verfas- 
sungs-Formen in den ersten vi Jahrh. d. Kirche. Leipz. 1798. 8 ; 
Planck's Geschichte der Entstebung u. Ausbildung der chr. 
kirchlicben Gesellschafts-Verfassung. Th. 1 — 5. Hannov. 1803 
— 1805. 8 ; K. F. Eichhorn's Grundsatze des Kirchenrechst. 
Th. 1. Goett. 1831. 8 ; Herm. Scholliner, De magistratuum eccl. 
origine et creatione. 1757. 4 ; Jo. Fr. Buddei, Exercit. de origine, 
dignitate et usu nominis christiani. Jen. 1711. 4. S. Ejusd. 
Synt. Dissert. Theolog. p. 385 seq. ; Jo. Fr. Hebenstreit, De 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 477 

variis Christianorum nominihus. Jen. 1713. 4; Chr. Aug. 
Hermann, De ortu nominis Christianorum. Goetting. 1736. 4. 
S. Ejusd. Primit. Goetting. p. 130 seq. ; Chr. Korlholt, Pa- 
ganus obtrectator, s. de calurnniis Gentilium in vet. christ. libr. 
iii. Lubec. 1703. 4 ; G. Fr. Gudii, Paganus Christianorum 
laudator et fautor. Lips. 1741. 4. 

2. Tacitus, Annal. lib. xv. c. 44. 

3. Suetonius, Vita Claudii, c. 25. 

4. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. v. c. I. 

5. Chrysostom. Horn. 46. torn. i. p. 532. ed. Franc. 

6. Gregory Nazianzen, Orat. 31. p. 506. 

7. Epiphanius, Haeres. 42. p. 366. ed. Pet. 

8. Clemens Alex. Strom. 7. p. 748. Compare Pearsonii Vindic. Ig- 

nat.P. II. c. 12. 

§ 2. Karnes of Reproach and Derision conferred on them by their enemies, 

p. 43. 

1. Suetonius, Vita Nero. c.16. 

2. Epipban. "Haeres. 29. n. 1. 9 ; Hieron. Comment, in Is. xlix ; Pru- 

dent. Peristeph. Carrn. 5. v. 25 — 26. Hymn. 10 de Rom. Mart. 
5.41. 

3. Gregory Nazianzen, Orat. 3. p. 81. Socrat. h. e. 3. c. 12. 

4. Theodoret. h. e. 3. c. 12. 

5. Hieron. ep. 10. ad Fur. 

6. Orig. c. Cel. lib. i. p. 30. Arnob. Disputat. 1. 2. 53. Kortholt's 

Abhandlung. p. 474 et seq. 

7. Orig. contra Celsum, lib. v. p. 272 seq. ; Tertull. ad nation, lib. ii. 

c. 12. 

8. Tertull. Apologet. c. 50. 

9. Lactantius, Instit. Div. v. 9. 

10. Euseb. h. e. lib. iv. c. 15. Justin Mart. Apol. I. p. 47. 

11. Arnob. Disp. adv. Gent. 1. 71. Prudent Hymn, 10. 14. 404 seq. 

Tertull. ad Nat. 1. 8. 

12. Tertull. Apol. c. 16. Ad Nat. 1. 7. 12. August. Ep. 44. 

13. Minuc. Feb. Octav. c. 14. 

14. Plutarch, Sympos. lib. iv. quaest. 5. Joseph, c. Apion, 2. 10. 

§ 3. Division and- Classification of Christians, p. 45. 

1. Tertullian, De Baptism, c. 17. 

2. Cyprian, Ep. 1. 2. 4. Hieron. contr. Jovin. lib. ii. 

3. Morini, Exercit. lib. ii. 

4. Demonstrat. Evangel, lib. vii. c. 2. 

5. Comment. Isa. c. 19. 

§ 4. Of the Christian Church, p. 47. 
1. Tertullian, De Prescrip. c. 41 ; Bingham, bk. i. c. 5 ; Tertull. Ex- 
hortat. ad Cast. c. 7 ; Clemens Rom. Ep. ad Corinth, c. 40. 



478 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

§ 5. Of Catechumens, p. 49. 

1. Tertullian, De Bap. c. 18 ; Augustin. Confess. lib. i. c. 11. lib. vi 

c. 1. 

2. Augustin. Confess, lib. ix. c. 6. Ep. 147. c. 52 ; Posidii, Vit. Au- 

gus. c. 1. j). 165. 

3. Constitut. Apostol. lib. viii. c. 32. 

4. II liber, c. 42. A. D. 673. 

5. Agath. c. 34. A. D. 506. 

6. Cyril of Jerusalem, Cateches. 1. n. 5 ; Jerome, Ep. 61. ad Pam- 

maeh. 3. 4. 

7. Socrates, h. e. lib. vii. c. 30 ; Basil M. Ep. 186 ; Epiphan. haeres. 28. 

n. 6. 

8. Balsamon. not. in Concil. Niocaesan, c. 5 ; Cave, Primitive Chris- 

tianity, i. c. 8. 

9. Siticer, Thesaurus. 

10. Maldonatus, De Baptism, c. i. p. 78 etseq. 

11. Bingham, Christ. Antiq. vol. iv. p. 17. 

12. Constitut. Apost. 1.8. c. 6 — 8; Conci!. Arelat. i. c.6; Illiher. c.39; 

Euseb. Vit. Const. M. IV. 61 ; Sulpic. Sever. Vit. iMartin. Turon. 
Dial. c.5. 

13. Marci, Vita Porphyrii. in Baronii. Annal. ad a. 400. 

14. Ed in. Martene, De antiq. eccl. vit. torn. i. 26 et seq. ; J. Al. Asse- 

rnani, Cod. liturg. torn. i. c. 1. 

15. Cyprian, ep. 73. 57. Euseb. h. e. vi. 4 ; August. De Baptism, iv. 2; 

Gregory Naz. Orat. 39. Origen Tract. 12. in Math. p. 85 ; Cy- 
ril. Hierosol. Catech. iii. n. 10. 

16. August. De peccator. merit, lib. ii. c. 26 ; lib. i. c. 11. 

17. Bingham, bk. x. Sec. 16 ; Bona, Rer. Liturg. lib. i. c. 16. u. 3 ; Bas- 

nage, Exercit. Critic, in Baron, p. 487. 

§ 6. Of Believers, or the Faithful, p. 57. 

1. Cyril, Hierosol. Procatech. et Catech. mystagog. 5 et seq. 

2. S. Concil. Ancyr. c. 4, 5 ; Dionys. Areop. de hier. eccl. c. 3. 

3. Boehmer, jus. eccl. Protest, torn. i. p. 269 et seq. 

§ 8. Of Energumens, or Demoniacs, p. 61. 

1. Concil. Illiberit. c. 37. Arausic. i. c. 14. 

2. Pellicia, De ch. eccl. polit. torn. i. ed. Ritter. p. 504 et seq. 

§ 9. Ascetics, Coenobites, Monks, and Fraternities, p. 62. 

1. Jerome, Vit. S. Pauli, Ep. ad Paul, de instit. Monach. comp. also 

Barcepha, De Syris Monophys. in Assemani, Bibl. Or. torn. iii. 
P. 2. p. 861. 

2. Assemani, Bibl. Or. torn. i. p. 31, 35, 54. 

3. Assemani, Bibl. Or. torn. iii. P. 2. p. 857. torn. i. p. 28, 138. 

4. Cod. Theodos. lib. xi. tit. 30. 1. 57. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 479 

5. Socrat. h. e. lib. iv. c. 23. 

6. Assemani, Bibl. Or. torn. iii. P. 2. p. 857. 

7. Regul. S. Bened. c. i. 8. Bingham's Ant. l)k. viii. sec. 5. 
9. Euseb. h. e. vi. c. 1J. 

10. Clemens Alex. tr. quis div. salv. n. 36. 

11. Niceph. Hist. lib. xv. c. 23. 12. So'zomen, h. e. vi. c. 33. 

13. Justin, Novel, v. c. 3 ; Suicer, Thesaurus. 

14. Pallad. hist. Laus. c. 15. 

15. Bingham, bk. 8. sec. 13 ; Mosheim, vol. iv ; Athanus, ep. ad Dra 

cant; Augustin, De haeres. c. 40 ; Hieron. Vita Hilar, c. 19; 
Du Cange, Glossar. art. Fraternitas. 

CHAPTER III. 

OF MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 

§ 1. Of the Clergy and the Laity, p. 66. 

1. Hieron. ep. 2. ad Nepot; Augustin, in Ps.lxvii ; Cave, Prim. Christ, 

P. 1. c. 8 ; Dodvvell, Dissert. Cyprian, i. c. 15 ; Codex Theodos. 
do Episc. 1. 2. 

2. Tertull. exhort, ad cast. c. 7; Iren. adv. haeres. lib. iv. c. 20. 

3. Clemens Rom. ep. ad Cor. c. 40, 41, 42, 44 ; Comp. Eoehmer, 

Dissertat. 7. p. 354. 

4. Rheinvvald, Arch. p. 20; Neander, Kirchengeschichte, bd. i. 301. 

5. Baumgarten, S. 51; Cyprian, ep. 33. 22 ; Ambrose, De dignit. 

sacerdot. c. 3; Epiphanius, haeres, 67. 

6. Concil. Antioch. c. 1. 2; Nicen. c. 16, 17. 19; Agath. c. 2; Can. 

Apost. c. 14. c. 50; Basil M. ep. can. c. 6; Augustin, Serm. 50, 
De Divers, torn. x. p. 525. 

7. Boehmer, Dissertat. jur. eccl. antiq. 7. p. 341 ; Tertull. in castit. 

c. 7 ; De idol. c. 12. 7; Bingham, bk. ii. c. 1. sec. 1 ; Basil M. 
ep. canon, c. 51. 

8. Euseb. hist. eccl. lib. vi. c. 43; Tertullian, Cyprian, Constitut. 

Apost. passim. 

9. De offic. eccl. lib. ii. c. 6. 

10. Pellicia, chr. eccl. polit. torn. i. p. 27. 

11. Primitive Christianity, P. 1. c. 8. 

§ 2. Of the different Orders of the Clergy, p. 69. 

1. Vitring. De Synagog. vit. lib. ii. c. 11; Adv. Reland Antiq. Ebr. 

lib. i. c. 10. 

2. Jerom. Ep. 85. ad Evagr. ; Baumgarten, Erb. S. 58. 

3. Exhortat. ad Castit. c. 7. 

4. In Es. c. 3 ; Epist. ad Rustic. P. 1. dist. 93. c. 24 ; Duret. P. 2. 

caus. 16. quaest. i. c. 7. 

5. Cyprian, Epist. 9 et 20. 



480 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

6. Euseb. eccl. hist. lib. vi. c. 43. 

7. Chrysostom, Horn. 67. in Math. ; Cotnp. Julian, epist. ad Arsac. 

8. Procopius, De aedificiis Justinian, lib. i. c. 2, 3; Novell, iii. c. 1. 

9. Mich. Ileineccii, Description of the ancient and modern Greek 

Church, 3d vol. 48 ; H. I. Schmitt, Morgenl, Griech. russ. ; 
Kirche Mainz. 1826. 8. p. 282 et seq. ; King's Gehr. uncVCere- 
inon. in der griech. Kirche in Russlund. p. 258 et seq.; Staiid- 
lins, Kirchliche Geographie und Statistik. i. S. 268—89. ii. 
S. 592—610 ; Codini, De offic. c. i. n. 41 ; Morini, Exercit. lib. i. 
c. 15. 

10. Dionys. Areopagit. de Hierrarchia ecclesiastica. Opp. i. ed. Cor- 

dev. p. 355 — 63 ; Asseman. Bibl. Orient, iii. P. 2. p. 788 et seq. ; 
P. 1. p. 355; P. 2. p. 791 ; Margarita, P. 3. c. 8. 

11. Fabii, Incarnati, Scrntin. sacerdot. P. 1. tract. 2. 

12. Concil Trident. Sess. 23. c. 2 et seq. 

§ 3. Of the Episcopal Form of Religion, p. 74. 

Wallonis Messalini (Claudii Salmasii) Dissert, de Episcopis et Pres- 
byt. 1641.8; Joach. Hildebrand, Exercit. de Episcopis. Hehnst. 
1662. 4. ed. 2. 1700. 4 ; Casp. Ziegler, De Episcopis. Jen. 1686. 4; 
Jo. Fr. Buddeus, Exercit. de origine et potestate Episcop. Jen. 
1705. 4. Vgl. Dissertat. theol. Syntagm. i. ]). 179 seq.; J. Fr. Gru- 
ner, De origine Episcoporum eorumque in ecclesia primitiva jure. 
Hal. 1764.4; E. J. Danovii, Dissert, de Episc. aetate apostol. Jen. 
1774. 4 ;. J. Ph. Gabler, De Episc. primae ecclesiae eorumque orig- 
ine. Jen. 1805. 4. 

1. De civitat. Dei, lib. xix. c. 19. lib. i. c. 9. 

2. Epist. 8. ad Evagr. 

3. Dougtaei, Annal. Sacr. P. 2. exc, 93. p. 139. 

4. Arch. p. 28 ; Gieseler, Kirchengesch. i. p. 112; Siegel, ii. p. 228. 

5. Guil. Berevegius, Synod, torn. i. ; Observat. ad Can. Apost. c. 1 ; 

Comp. Casp. Ziegler, De Episcopis. Jen. 1686. 4. c. 1 ; Jo. T. 
Buddaeus, Exercit. de origine et potestate Episcoporum. 

6. Justin Mart. Apolog. ii. ; Euseb. h. e. vi. c.3, 8. vii. c. 13 ; Basil M. 

Horn, in Ps. xxviii ; Cyprian, ep. 3. 9. 

7. Euseb. Vit. Const, lib. ii. c. 2 ; Hist. eccl. lib. viii. c. 2 ; Tertull. 

Apol. c. 39 ; de cor. mil. c. 3 ; Cyprian, ep. 72. 

8. Comment, in Phil. 1: 1. ITim. 3: 1. 

9. Cyprian, ep. 55, 69, 42; Augustin. in Ps. 45: 16. 

10. Tobit 6: 14 ; Lib. Enoch, in Grabe, Spicil. i. p. 347; Testament. 

xii. Patr. bei Grabe, i. p. 150 ; Joseph. Antiq. lib. i. c. 4 ; Philo 
de Gigant. p. 284 ; Justin M. Apol. min. p. 44; Iren. adv. haer. 
iv. 16,"~36 ; Clem. Al. Paedag. iii. 2. 

11. Schrockh'sK.Gesch.Th. viii. S. 124; Th. xvii. p. 23,24 ; Siricius, 

Epist. ad On hod. prov. 

12. Cyprian, ep. 63, 55, 59 ; Basil M. Constit. Mon. c. 22. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 481 

§ 4. Official duties of the Bishop, p. 77. 

1. Apolog. II, p. 97. 

2. Constitut. Apost. lib. viii. c. 12, 13 seq. 

3. Ambrose. De Offic. Sacr. lib. i. c 1. 

4. Concil. Trullan c. 19 ; Concil Mogunt I. c. 2 ; Ludovici. Pii Capi- 

tul. I. a. 816. c. 28 seq. 

5. Concil. Trident. Sess. 5. c. 2. Sess. 24. c. 4. 

6. Concil. Laodic. c. 57. 

7. Kanoniscli-historische Darsteilung einer Geschichte der heuti- 

gen sogenannten Domherrn. 1797. 8 ; J. A. de Ickstad de Capi- 
tulorum origine. S. Ejusd. Opusc. torn. ii. p. 386 seq. 

§ 5. Insignia of the Bishop, p. 81. 

1. Diar. Ital. p. 46. 

2. Goari. Encholog. p 98. 

3. Binterim's Denkwiirdigk. der Kathol. Kirche. I. b. 2. Th. S. 349 

seq ; Pellicia. torn. i. p. 74, 75. 

4. Honor. Augustodon. lib. i. c. 215 ; Durandi ration, div. offic. lib. 

iii. c. 12. 

5. Binterim. I. 1. S. 359—61. 

6. Isidor. Hispal. de offic. eccl. lib. i. c. 4. 

7. Orat. 47; Theodoret. hist. eccl. lib. 2. c. 27. 

8. Joan. Diacon. Vit. Gregor. M. lib. iv. c. 8. 

9. Durandus ration, lib. 3. c. 17. 

10. Anastasius. Biblioth. not. ad. Synod. Constantin. IV. Sess. 6. 

11. I. B. I. Th. S. 361-63. 

§ 6. Of the several Orders of Bishops, p. 84. 
1. Superior order of Bishops, 

1. Rabuaus Maur. de instit. cler. lib. i. c. 5. 

2. Athanas. Apol. II. c. Ar. p. 791 ; Concil Epes. a. 431 ; Concil 

Chalcedon. c. 3. Act. Concil. Chalced. Act. 4. p. 471. Act. 16. 
p. 818 ; Leonis Allatii consens. lib. i. c. 18; Jo. Morini Exercit. 
lib. i. c. 10 seq. 

3. Rabanus Mauranus. de instit. cler. lib. i. c. 5. 

4. Concil. Nic. c. 4. Vgl. Can. 7 ; Concil. Antioch. a. 341. c. 9 ; ibid. 

Cau. 13 ; Concil Carthag. III. c. 26. IV. c. 1. 

5. Exercit. lib. i. c. 15. 

6. Hist. eccl. lib. iii. c. 6. 7. Book II. c. 18. 

8. Hieron. Rubei. Hist. Ravennat. lib. 4. p. 209. 

9. Bingham's Ant. B. II. c. 17. Comp. also Salmasius, Petavius, 

Schelstrate, Richerius, etc. 

10. Concil. Chalced. Act. II. p. 388. III. 395. 

11. Hieron. ep. 54. ad Marcel I. adv. Mont. 

12. Concil Nicen. c. 6, 7 ; Constant. 1. c. 2, 5 ; Epesen. Act. 7. 

13. Bingham's Antiq. B. II. c. 17. 

61 



482 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

14. Hieron. PJati de Cardinalis dignitate et officio. Rom. 1602. 4. 

ed. IV. 1746. 4; Jo. Fr. Buddei de origine Cardinalitiae digni- 
tatis. 1693. 4 ; Lud. Ant. Muratorii Dissert, de Cardinalium in- 
stitutione. Ejusd. Antiqui't. Ital. T. V. p. 152 seq. 

15. Hardini Collect. Concil. torn. vi. P. I. p. 1064 — 7; Muratori 

Scriptor. rer. Ital. torn. ii. P. I. p. 645. 

16. Voigt's Hildebrand. Weimar. 1815. 8. S. 54. 

11. Inferior order of Bishops, p. 90. 

1. Concil. Chalcedon. c. 6. 2. Bingham's Antiq. B. II. c. 14. 

3. Ant. Durr. Dissert, de Suffraganeis sen Vicariis in Pontificalibus 

Episcoporum Germanic. Binterim. S. 384 seq. 

4. Honorius Agustodon. lib. i. c. 182 ; Concil German, torn. iii. p. 592. 

5. Valesius. not. in Theodoret. I. c. 26. 

6. Paulus' Memorabilien. I. St. in Gaabs. Abhandlung; Castell. 

Lex. Suriac. 

7. Ep. I. ad Corinth, c. 42. p. 98. ed. Colomes. von den Aposteln. 

8. Eccles. Hist. Jib. 7. c. 30. 

9. Lud. Thomassin. de discipl. eccl. P. I. lib. ii. c. l.§8; J. H. 

Boehmer. Dissertat. Juris, eccl. ant. p. 310. 
10. Concil. Ancyr. Can. 13. 11. Concil. Neocaesar. c. 13. 

12. Concil. Antioch. c. 8. 13. Concil. Chalcedon. 

14. Athanas. Apolog. II. Opp. torn. i. p. 802. vgl. Concil. Nic. also 

Binterim. S. 404. 

15. Capit Caroli. JYI. lib. 7. c. 187. 

16. Concil. Germ. torn. ii. p. 692. 

17. Annal. Bened. lib. xxxviii. n. 24, 25. 

18. Gregor. M. Epist. lib. iii. ep. 2 ; Johann. 11. ad Episc. Galliae. 

ep. 3. G. G. Zeltner de Theologico circuitore seu TisgiodsvTalg. 

§ 7. Of Presbyters ; — their identity and equality with Bishops, p. 94. 

Matth. Zimmermann. de Presbyteris et Presbyterissis. Annaberg 
1681. 4; Claudii Fonteji. (Jac. Boileau)de antiquo Presbyterorum 
jure in regimine ecclesiae. Taurin. 1668. ed. 2. 1678. 8 ; Henr. 
Dodwell. de ordine et potestate Episc. et Presbyterorum. D. Dis- 
sertat. Cyprian. Dissert. X : Mar.Lupi.de Parochiis ante annum 
Christi millesimum. Bergam. 1788. 4. 

1. Homil. I. in Phil. i. p. 8 ; Homil. II. in 1 Tim. iii. 

2. Comment, in Phil, i ; Comment, in Phil. 2: 25. Comp. in 1 Tim. 

3: 1. 

3. Euseb. eccl. Hist. lib. v. c. 24. 

4. Ep. ad Evarg. Opp. torn. ii. p. 220 : Riddle's Christ. Antiq. p. 

186 : Euseb. h. e. lib. x. c. 5. p. 757. Comp. Greg. Naz. Vit. 
Sua. p. 6. Augustin. Ep. 48. 

5. Boehmer jur. eccl. ant. p. 389 seq: Observ. ad Petri de Marca. 

Concord, sacerd. et imp. ed. Bamberd. p. 128 seq.: Michaelis 
Anmak liber die Paulin. Br. an Timoth. : Planck Gesch. derch„ 
Kerchl. Gesellschaftsverfassung Th. I. S. 26. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 



483 



6. Examin. Forbigeri. Sent. Sect. II. Jen. 1812. 4. S. 12. 

7. Epist. ad Trail. § 9: § 4. Vgl. Ep. ad Magnes. 

8. Lib. ii. c. 28. 9. Ep. 55. (al 59.) 

10. De Sacerdot. lib. iii. c. 15 : Synes. ep. 67. p. 209. 

11. Comment, in Jes. c. iii. 

12. Hilat. Comment, in Eph. iv. et 1 Tim. iii. 

13. Optatus Milevitanus. lib. i : de Schim. Don. c. 17: Augustinus. 

ep. 137. 

§ 8. Official duties of Presbyters, p. 103. 

1. Ep. II. ad Nep. Vgl. Dial. c. Luci£ 

2. Lib. v. c. 22. 3. Lib. vii. e. 17 4. De Sacr. lib. iii. c. 1. 

5. Concil. Carthag. 4. c. 3, 4 : Coustit. eccl. Alex. c. 8. Decret. Gra- 

tiani dist. 23. c. 8. 

6. Chrysost. de sacerd. lib. iii. c. 1—6. c. 4: HomiL 4. in Jes. Horn. 

15. in 2 Cor. 

7. Constitut. Ap. 8. c. 9, 10, 11: Chrysost. torn. ii. p. 57: Concil. 

Miievit. c. 12. 

8. Cyprian Ep. 33, (al 38.) 6, (al. 14.) 46, (al 49.) 24, (al 29.) 55, (al 

59.) : Basil. M. ep.319: Epiphan. haen. 57. § 1. 69. § 3 : Chrys- 
ost. de sacerd. lib. iii. c. 15. 

9. Euseb. e. h. lib. vi. c. 43—7. c. 28, 30: Concil. Illiber. c. 36: 

Concil. A'rlet. I: Concil. ToleL I.: Concil. Bracar II: Concil. 
Nic. c. II. 

§ 9. Different orders of Presbyters, p. 106. 

1. Concil. Neocaesar. c. 13 : 2. Antiochen. c. 8. 

3. Socrat. hist. eccl. lib. vi. c. 9 : 

4. Sozomen. h. e. lib. viii. c. 12. 5. Ep. 4. ad Rustic. 

6. Orat. 20: Concil. Chalcedon. c. 14: Leon. M. ep. ad Do«. etc. 

7. Codin. de Offiic. M. Eccl. 

§ 10. Of the Deacons, p. 107. 

1. Casp. Ziegler de Diaconis et Diaconissis veteris ecclesiae. Viteb 

1678. 4 : Jo. Phil. Odelerni Dissert, de Diaconissis primitivae 
ecclesiae. Lips. 1700.4: Delia origin e della dignita Arcidia- 
conale. S. Sarnelli Lettere Eccles. 1716. Lett, xxv: J. P. Kress 
Erlauterung des Archidiaconal-Wessens und der geistl. Send- 
Gerichte. Helmst. 1725.4: J. G. Pertschen's : Vom Ursprung 
der Archidiaconen, Archidiaconal-Gerichte, bischofl Officialeci 
und Vicarien. Hildesh. 1743. 8. 

2. De Rebus Christianis ante Const. M. p. 118. coll. p. 139. 

3. Comment, in h. e. 

4. Vgl. Hienrick's Ep. ad Timoth. p. 15. p. 55—57. 

5. Ignatius Ep. ad Trail. § 2. ad S'myrn. § 8. Magnes. § ft 
•6. Poly carp ad Phil. § 5. 



484 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

7. Ziegler. de Diaconis, Thomassin, Binterin, etc. 

8. Lib. ii. c. 44. c. 30 : 9. Concil Nic. c. 18. 

10. Concil. Carthag. IV. c. 37. 

11. Comp. Euseb. h. e. lib. vi. c. 43 : Sozomen. Eccl. hist. lib. vii. 19: 

Justin Novell. III. c. 1. 123. c. 13: Concil Neocaesar. c. 15. 

12. Concil. Turon. I. c. 12 : Agath. c. 16, 17 : Tolet. IV. c. 89: Arelat. 

III. c. 1 : Bracar. III. c. 5: Isidore. Hisp. lib. ii. c. 12. 

13. Constitut. Apost. viii. c. 28: Concil. Nic. c. 18: Arelat. I. c. 15: 

Ancyra. c. 2: Hieron. Ep. 85. ad Evagr. 

14. Constitut. Apost. viii. c. 28. 

15. Apol. I. (al II.) § 65. p. 220. ed. Oberth. 

16. Constitut. Apost. viii. c. 18. 

17. Cyprian. Ep. 9. (al 16.) p. 37 : Hieron. Comment, in Ezekiel. xviii. 

18. August. Quaest. 5. et N. T. quaest. 6. 

19. Constit. Apost. ii. c. 57 : Hieron. ep. 57 : Concil. Vasense. II. c. 2. 

20. Sozom. h. e. lib. vii. c. 19. 

21. Constitut. Apost. viii. c. 5, 6, 10 : Chrysost. Horn. xvii. in Heb. ix : 

Horn. ii. in 1 Cor. 

22. Comment, in Ephes. c. iv. 

23. Tertullian. de Bapts. c. 17: Cyrill Hieros. Catech. 17. § 17: 

Hier. contr. Lucif. c. 4 : Concil. Illiberit. c. 77. 

24. Constitut. Apost. ii. c. 44: 25. Epiph. Haeres. 85. § 5. 

§11. Of Archdeacons, p. 113. 
Of the Archdeacon. 

1. Theodoret. h. e. lib. i. c. 26. 2. Concil. Agath. c. 23. 

3. Hier. Comment. Ezech. 48. Opp. torn. v. 479. 

4. Photii Bibl. cod. 182. torn. i. p. 127 : cod. 225, 226. 

5. Concil. Aurel. IV. c. 26 : Chalced. act. JO. 

6. Hincmar. Rhem. Capit. ad Gunthar et Odelph. 

7. Decret. Gratiani. 25. c. 1 : Gregor. Decret. lib. i. tit. xxiv. c. 1 : 

Concil. Tolet. VIII. 

8. Vgl. Lampert. Hist. Metens. lib. iv. c.95 : Concil Lateran. P. xxiv. 

c. 4 : Harduin. torn. vi. P. ii. p. 1798. 

9. Concil. Turon. c. 8 : Concil. Salman, c. 7: Pellicia. torn. i. p. 41. 

§ 12. Of Deaconesses. 
Of Deaconesses, p. 115. 

1. Plinii Epist. lib. x. ep. 96. (al 97) : Lucian.Samosat.de morte 

Peregrin. § 12: Libanii. Orat. 16. p. 452. 

2. Tertull. de veland. Virgin, c. 9 : Constit. Apost. lib. iii. c. 1 : Ba- 

sil. M. c. 24 : Sozom. h. e. lib. vii. c. 16. Codex. Theod. lib. xvi. 
tit. ii. 1. 27. 

3. Sozom. h. e. lib. viii. c. 9: Concil. Chalcedon c. 14. (al 15.) 

4. Tertull. de veland. Virgin, c 9. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 485 

5. Constit. Apost. lib. vi. c. 18 : Epipbanius. expos, fid. c. 21 : Justin. 

Nov. vi. c. 6:'Binterim. S. 435—7. 

6. Clemens Alex. Strom. 7. 395. 

7. Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c. 19 : Concil. Chaleed. c. 15 : Trullan. c. 14. 

c.40. 

8. Concil. Nic. c. 19: Laodic. c. 11. 

9. Haer. xc. § 3. 

10. Constit. Apost. lib. iii. c. 15, 16: Epiph. exposit. fid. c. 21 : Jus- 

tin. Nov. vi. c. 6. etc. 

11. Constit. Apost. lib. vii. c. 28. lib. ii. c. 26, 57, 58. c. 3. 7. 

12. Balsamon Comment, in Concil Chaleed. c. 15. 

13. Jo Morin. de sacr. ordinat. P. II. p. 502. 

CHAPTER VI. 

INFERIOR OFFICERS OF THE CHURCH. 

§ 1. Of Subdeacons, p. 119. 

1. Canon Apost. c 42, 43 : Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c 21 : Ignatius 

ep. ad Act. c 2. p. 96 : Habert. Archierat. p. 49. 

2. Baumgarten Erlaut. d. ch. Alterth. S. 123: Constit. Apost. lib. 

viii. c. 21. 

3. Basil M. ep. can. 51 : Concil. Carth. IV. c. 5. 

4. Concil. Trident. Sess. xxiii. c. 2. 

5. Const. Apost. viii. c. 11 : Concil. Laodic. 21, 22, 25: Euseb. h. e. 

lib. lxxx. c. 4: Cyprian, ep. 24. (29.) 

§ 2. Lectores or Readers, p. 120. 

1. Just. Mar. Apol. 1. § 67. 

2. De praescript. haer. c. 41. 

3. Comp. Const. Apost. lib. viii. c. 22. 

4. Sozomen, h. c. lib. v. c. 2 ; Socrat. h. c. lib. iii. c. 1 ; Greg. Naz. 

orat. invec. 1. Opp. torn. i. p. 58. 

§ 3. Of Acolyths, p. 121. 

1. Euseb. h. c. lib. vi. 43. Vet. Const. M. lib. iii. c. 8 ; Concil. Car- 

thag. 4. c. 6 ; Cyprian ep. 7, 34, 52, 59, 77, etc. 

2. Concil. Carthag. 4. c. 6. 

§ 4. Exorcists. 

1. Binterim. I. B. I. th. S. 301. S. 308. 

2. Bingham B. III. c. 4. Origen. Cont. Cels. lib. vii. p. 334; Socrat. 

lib. iv. c. 27 ; Tertul. Apol. c. 23 ; Minuc. Octav. p. 83 ; Justin. 
Apol. 1. p. 45 ; Iren. lib. ii. c. 56 ; Cypr. ad Donat. p. 4 ; Ar- 
nob. Contr. Gent. lib. i. 

3. Primitive Christianity, chap. 8. p. 235. 



486 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

§ 5. Of Singers or Precentors. 

1. Seigel II. 202. Gesang ; Augustin. ep. 119. c. 18; Plin. epist. lib. 

x. ep. 96 ; Tertull. Apolog. c. 39 ; Theodoret h. c. lib. iv c. 26. 

2. Ignatii. ep. ad Antioch, § 12 ; Canon. A post. c. 43, 69 ; Constit. 

Apost. lib. iii. c. 11 ; Liturg. S. Marei in Fabrici. cod. ; Pseud, 
epigr. N. T. part iii. p. 288 ; Ephraim Syr. Serm.93. Justin. 
Nov. iii. c. 1. 

3. Concil. Laodic. c. 15, 59, 17; Rat. div. offic. lib. ii. c. 1. c. 3. 

5. Arcbaologisc-hliturgisches Lehrbueh des Gregorianischen Kir- 
chen Gesanges Von J. Antony ; Gregor. Tur. de mir. S. Martini, 
lib. i. c. 33. 

§ 6. Ostarii, or Doorkeepers, p. 125. 

1. Alcuinus De. div. opp. p. 269 : Stat. can. cler. torn. iii. Canis. p. 398. 

2. Binterim S. 311. 

§ 7. Of the loiver servants of the church, and the clergy, p. 125. 

a) Copiatae, sextons. 

1. Epipban. exposit. fid. c. 21. 2. Hieron. De sept ordin. eccl. 

3. Augustin. c. Crescent, lib. iii. c. 21. 4. Justin Novell. 43, 59. 
5. Cod. Justin lib. i. tit. 2, 1. 4. xi. tit. 17 : Cod. Theodos. vi. tit. 

33, 1. 1. 

b) Parabolani, p. 126. 

1. Socrat. h. c. lib. vii. c. 22. 

2. Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 2. 1, 42, 43: Cod. Justin, lib. i. tit. 3, I. 

18, Coll. constitut. eccl. lib. i. tit. 3, 1. 18, Concil. Chalced. Act. 1. 

c) Sacrista, p. 126. 

1. Du Cange. Medicae Latinitatis ; Durandi ration, div. of. lib. ii. c. 
1. n. 14. 

g) Parafrenarii, p. 126. 
1. Ceremou. Rom. lib. i. Sec. 2: Mabillon. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 534. 

§ 8. Occasional officers of the church, p. 127. 
a) Catecbists. 

1. J. H. Krause de Catechetis primitivae ecclesiae. Lips. 1704. 4. 

J. D. Heilman de scholis priscorum Christianorum theologicis 
Goetting. 1774. 4. 

2. Euseb. h. e. 6. c. 3. H. E. T. Guerike De schola quae Alexan- 

dre floruit, catechetica. 

Of the Capellani. 

1. Vit. Constant. M. lib. iv. c. 56, 57. Sozom. h. e. lib. i. c. 8. 
H. Pellicia p. 62—66. Thomassin. disc. eccl. P. I. lib. ii. 'c. 92. 
Glossar. man. torn. ii. 146. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES, 487 

Hermeneutai. 

nman, Disser! 
1747. 4. 



1. E. A. Tromman, Dissert, de Henneneutis. vet. ecclesiae Altitorf, 



Notarii. 

1. Euseb. h. e. lib. vi. c. 26 : Socrat. h. e. lib. vi. e. 5— 7.c. 2 : So-zo- 

men h. e. lib. vii. c. 41—48. c. 27. 

2. Tertullian ad. Scapul. c. 4 : Cyprian ep. 12. 

3. Euseb. h. e. lib. vii. c. 29: Socrat. h. e. lib. ii. c. 30: Concil. Eph, 

Act. 1. Concil. Chalced. Act 1. 

4. Leon. M. ep. 10, 15, 23 : Gregor. M. ep. lib. i. ep. 10, 34. 

5. Goar. ad Codin. p. 5, 12. 

Aprocrisiarii. 

1. Hineman Rhemensis, ad proceres regni c. 12. Du Cange Glossar, 

A. E. Klausing de Symellis. 
1. Justin Nov. 6. c. 1. 79. c. 1 : Leon. M. ep. 37, 58, 78 : Procop. de 

bello. vand. lib. i. c. 5. 

Syncelli. 

1. S. Cedreni hist. p. 536, 193. 602, 624: Goari Praefat. ad Georg. 

Symellum Edit. Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 55—57. 

2. Capitul. Caroli M. lib. v. c. 174: Concil. Paris, A. D. 829. c. 20, 

21 : Concil. London, A. D. 1102. c. 1. 

CHAPTER V. 

OF APPOINTMENT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. 

§ 1. Election by lot, p. 13J. 

1. Natalis Alendri Dissert, de usu sortium in sacris electionibus, et de 
jure plebis in sacrorum ministrorum electione. Jo. Petr. de 
Ludewigde sorte suffrag. eccl. S. Observat. torn. iv. Observ. 13. 
Fr. Guil. Curstedt Dissert, de ministrorum eccl. apud veteres 
Cbristianos ope sortitionis designatione. 1751. 4. 

§ 2. Election by the church collectively, p. 131. 

1. De Imper. Summa. potest, circa Sacra c. 10. §3, 4. 

2. Neander Kirch. Gesch. I. 301, 308. 

3. Neander Kirch. Gesch. 353, seq. 

4. Epist. 52. p. 120. 5. Comment, in Luc. lib. viii. c. 17. 

6. Lampridius Vit. Alexandri Severi.. 

7. Paulin. Vit. Ambros. Rufin. h. e. lib. ii. c. 11 : Theodoret. h. e. 

lib. iv. c. 6, 7. Sozomen h. e. 6. c. 24. 

8. Sulphic. Sev. Vet. S. Martini. 9. Theodoret. h. e. lib. i. c. 7, 
10. Socrat. h. e. 6. c. 2. 11. August. Epist. 110. 

12. Theodoret h. e. lib. ii. c. 31, 32. 



488 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

13. c. 22. Compare Cyprian quoted above. Hieron. ep. 4. ad Rustic. 

Hieron. Comment in Ezeeh. 10. c. 23 : Possed. Vit. Augustini. 
c. 21 : Siricii ep. 1. ad Hemer. c. 10. 

14. Concil. Aretat. A. D. 452. c. 54 : Barcin. c. 3 : Philostorg. h. e. 9. 

c. 13 : Greg. Naz. orat. 21. 

15. Ambrose de dignit. sacerdot. c. 5 : Augustin. ep. 110. 

§ 3. Elections by Representatives and interventors, p. 135. 

1. De Sacerdot. lib. iii. c. 15. 2. Nov. 24. ad calum. Cod. Theodos. 

3. Leo. d. Gr. Epist. 89. 4. Bk. iv. c. 2. § 11. Concil. Nic. c. 4. 

5. Symmachus ep. 5. c. 6. Gregor. d. Gr. ep. lib. ix. ep. 16. 

6. Justinian 6. Novell. 123. c. 1. 137. c. 2: Cod. Justin, lib. i. tit. 3. 

de epis. c. 1. 42. 

7. Concil. Tolet. 12. A. D. 681. Gregor. Naz. orat. 21. 

8. Thomassini. eccl. discipl. part ii. lib. ii. c. 1 — 42. 

9. Concil. Nicen. II. A. D. 787, c. 2 : Oecum. VIII. A. D. 871. c. 22. 

§. 4. Unusual forms of elections, p. 137. 

1. Horn. Quis dives salvus, in Euseb. lib. iii. c. 23. 

2. Euseb. h. e. lib. vi. c. 11, 29: Sozomen h. e. lib. ii. c. 17: Sul- 

phic. Sev. Vit. S. Martini c. 7: Cyprian ep. 34. (al. 39), 33. 
(al. 38), 35. (al. 40.) 

3. S. Gregor. Nyssen. Vit. Gregor. Thaumat : Opp. torn. iii. p. 561-2. 

4. Socrat. h.e. lib. i. c. 19. Theodor. 1. c. 23 : Rufin. h. e. lib. 1. c. 9. 

5. Sozomen h. e. lib. ii. c. 17. c. 20—28. c. 2 : Theodoret 4. c. 26. 

Socrat. 7. c. 46: August, ep. 110. Possid. Vit. Aug. c. 8: Gra- 
tian. in. c. 12. c. 7. qu. I. 

6. Sozomen h. e. lib. ii. c. 17. 

§ 5. Church patronage, p. 138. 

1. Lud. Thomassini de discipl. eccl. part ii. lib. i. c. 29 — 32. Edit. 

Mogunt. torn. iv. p. 150 sqq : J. H. Boehmer jus eccl. Protest, 
torn. iii. p. 462 sqq : Chr. W. Kindleben Ueber den Ursprung, 
Nutzen und die Missbrauche des Kirchen-Patronats. Berlin, 
.1775. 8: Geschichte des Patronatrechtes in den K. Teutsch- 
land. 1806. 8. 

2. Concil. Araus. 1. c. 10. Concil. Arelat. II. c. 36. Justiniani Nov. 

123. c. 18, A. D. 541. Nov. 57. c. 2. A. D. 555. 

3. Compare Paulin. Epist. 32. carm. 12. 24. 

4. Chrysost. Horn. 18. in Act. Apost. opp. torn ix. p. 174. ed. Franc. 

5. Comp. Boehmer torn. iii. p. 475 : Stillingfleet, Unreasonableness 

of Separation. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 489 

CHAPTER VI. 

HANK, PRIVILEGES AND MANNERS OF THE CLERGY. 

§ 1. Rank of the clergy, p. 140. 

1. Codex Theodos. lib. xvi. I. 10. 53. bes, 1. 14. 

2. Codex Theodos. lib. ii. tit. i. 1. 10. lib. xvi. tit. viii. 1. 1. 

3. Epist. ad Arsacium Pontif. Galat. ep. 49. opp. p. 430. 

4. De Vit. Constant. M. lib. i. c. 4. vgl. lib. 4. c. 24. 

5. Zosim. hist. lib. 4. c. 36: J. A. Bosii Exerc. post, de Pontificate. 

M. Iraperat. Roman, praecipue Christianorum : S. Graevius. 
Thesaur. Antiq. Rom. torn. v. p. 271. 

6. Sozom. h. e. lib. vii c. 25. Theodor. 5. c. 17. Rufin. 11. c. 18. vgl. 

Socrat. lib. vii. c. 13 : Synes. ep. 58. 

7. Orat. 17. p. 271. 

8. Horn. 4. de verb. Jes. Horn. 15. in 2 Cor. 

9. De dignitate sacerdotale. 

10. Deer. Grat. part 1. distinct 96. e. 9: part ii. cans. 9. quaest. ii. iii. 
Ph. Rovenii respubl. chr. Antv. 4. p. 1, 2, 52. 

§ 2. Immunities, Rights, and Privileges of the Priesthood, p. 142. 

1. Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. ii. 1.1, 2, 8, 10, 12: tit. i— ii : tit. vi. 

15, 36, 39, 13 : tit. i. x : Cod. Justin, lib. i. tit. iii. 1. 7, 8, 25 : 
Novel). 12,79, 83, 123. item. : Gothofredus: Ritter: Planck's 
Gesch. der. Kirchl. Gessellschafts-Verfassung, Th. i. 1. 289. 

2. Euseb. h. e. lib. x. c. 7 : Augustin. Ep. 68: Collat. Carthag. cl. iii. 

c. 216. 

3. Codex Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. ii. 1. 1,2 : Iii). xii. tit. i. 1. 75: lib. xvi. 

tit. viii. 1. 3, 4 : Symmach. lib. x. ep. 54. 

4. Codex Theodos. lib. ii. tit. xvi. 1. 15, 21, 24: lib. xv. tit. iii. 1.6: 

Codex Justin, lib. i. tit. ii. 1. 7. 11. 

5. Codex Justin, lib. i. tit. ii. 1.7 : Nov. Justin, xxxi. c. 5. 

6. Nov. Justin. 131. c. 5. Cod. Justin, lib. x. tit. xviii. 

7. Athanas. Apol. 2 : Sozomen, h. e. lib. ii. c. 24: Theodor. h. e. 

lib. iv. c. 7 : Augustin. Serm. 49: Cod. Theodos. lib. ii. tit. i : 
tit. xxiv. lib. xvi. til. ii : Bingham, bk. v. c. 3. 

8. Cod. Justin, lib. ix. tit. xli. 1. tit. iii : Cod. Theodos. lib. ii. tit. xxxix. 

9. Cod. Justin, lib. i. tit. iii : Nov. Justin, exxiii. c. 7 : Concil. Carthag. 

5. c. 1 : Concil. Tribur c. 21 : Cod. can. Afric. c. 59. 

10. Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. xii : xxiii. 11: Novel. Valent. xii. ad 

Cod. Theod. Nov. Justin. 86. c. 1 : Ambrose, ep. 32. 

11. Cod. Theodos. lib. ii. tit. i. 

12. Concil. Sardic. c. 8 : Ambrose, De offic. minist. lib. ii. 29 : Au- 

gust. Ep. 153 : Bingham, bk. ii. c. 7, 8 : Thomassin. Discipl. ec- 
cles. P. 2. lib. iii. c. 87, 95, 96 : H. M. Helmstreit. Histor. juris- 
dictionis eccl. Dissert. 3 : Fred. Walters, Lehrbuch des K, 
Rechts, S. 328. 

62 



490 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

§ 3. Costume of the Clergy, p. 144. 

1. Beat. Rhenanns, Argum. ad Tertull. de Pallio: Ferrarius, De re 

vestiar. lib. iv. c. 18: Bona. Rer. Liturg. lib. i. c. 5 : Baluzius, 
Not. ad Cone. Gall. Narbon. p. 26 : Thomassini, Discipl. eccles. 
P. 1. lib. ii. c. 45: Aug. Krazen, De antiq. Liturg. Vindob. 

2. Pelliceia, De Chr. eccl. polit. P. 1. p. 120. 

3. Hist. eccl. lib. ii. c. 23 : v. c. 24 : Epiphan. haeres. 29. n. 4 : 78. 

ii. 14: Hieron. De Scriptor. eccl. c. 45: J. F. Cotta. De lamina 
pontine. 

4. Abdias, Babyl. lib. viii. c. 2: Comp. Deyling, Observat. sacr. P. 2. 

p. 613. 

5. Gregor. Naz. Opp. torn. ii. p. 78. 

6. Baronii Annal. ad A. D. 401. 

7. Paedag. lib. iii. c. 11 : 620 ed. Oberth. 

8. Cone. Laodic. c. 22,23 : J. Lipsii Elect, lib. ii. c. 10 : Cone. Car- 

tag, iv. c. 41 : Narbon. c. 12 : Bracar. i. c. 27 : Tolet. iv. c. 28 : 

9. Ezech. c. 44 : Contra Pelag. lib. 1 : Ep. iii; ad Heliod. Ep. 127 ad 

Rabiol. 

10. Baronii Annal. A. D. 260. n. 6. 

11. Opp. Leonis ed Quesnel. torn. ii. p. 133. 

12. De Missa, lib. ii. c. 14 : Opp. torn. iii. p. 918. 

13. Gregor. Naz. Somn. Athan. Opp. tom.ii. p. 78 : Chrysost. Homil, 

82 al. 83 in Math.: Homil. 37 : De fil. prod. p. 313 : Sozom. 
h. e. lib. viii. c. 21 : Hieron, ep. ad Praesid. Ep. 3. ad Helicd. 
contr. Pelag. lib. i : Gregor. Turon. De glor. confess, c. 20. 

14. Jus. Orient, tom.i. constit. 29 : Socrat. hist. eccl. lib. vi. c. 20, 

15. S. A. Krazer. De Liturg. Aug. Vind. p. 278 : Innocent, iii. de Sacrif. 

Miss. lib. i. c. 65: Guil. Durandus, Ration div. Offic. lib. iii. 
c. 18: Jo. Daliaeus, De cultibus Latinorum relig. lib. viii. c. 14. 
p. 1074. 

16. J. B. Thiers, Histoire des Perruqies Fr. Nicolai iieber der Gibrauch 

der falshen Haare und Perriuken in alten und neuern Tuiter. 

17. Concil. Matiscon, c. 5. 18. Capitul. iii. Carol. M. 

CHAPTER VII. 

OF THE REVENUE OF THE CHURCH, AND MAINTENANCE OF THE 
CLERGY, p. 148. 

1. De Jejun. c. 17. 2. Apolog. e. 39. 

3. Can. Apost. c. 3. Cyprian, ep. 28. 34. 66 : Euseb. h. e. lib. v. c. 18. 

4. Cyprian ep. i. Pliu. Ep. lib. x. p. 114 : Cod. Theodos. lib. v. tit. 

5: Adam's Antiq. 74 et 415. 

5. Gelas. ep. i. al 9. c. 5 : Gregor. Naz. Orat. 40. p. 655: Gratiani 

Deer. c. 1. qu. 1. c. 8. 

6. Concil. Trullan. ii. c. 23. 

7. Hieron. quaest. bebr. in Gen. 23. 8. Pahis K. Recht. S. 344. 
9. Bracar. I. c. 25. II. c. 7. Galesii ep. 1. al. 9.c. 27: Simplic. ep.3. 

ad Florent. : Gregor. M. Ep. lib. iii. ep. 11. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 491 

10. Concil. Bracar. I. c. 25. 11. Gales, ep. I. c. 27. 

12. Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 2, 1. 4 : Cod. Justin, lib. 3. tit. 2, 1. 1. 

13. Euseb. h. e. lib. x. c. 6 : Euseb. Vit. Const, lib. iv. c. 28. 38. 39 : 

lib. iii. c. 21. 58 : Sozomen b. e. lib. v. c. 5: Theodos. h. e. lib. 
iv. c. 4 : Gieseler's Lebrb. de K. Gesch. I. B. 2. Ausg. S. 204 
— 205.. S. 308. 

14. Cod. Theodos. lib. ix. tit. 17, 1, 5 : Cod. Justin, lib. i. tit. 2, 1. 12. 

15. Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 10,1. 19-21: Sozom. h. e. lib. v.c.7. 16. 

16. Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 5, 1. 52 : Socrat. h. e. lib. vii. c. 7. 

17. Cod. Theodos. lib. v. tit. 3, 1. 1 : Cod. Justin, lib. i. tit. 3, 1. 20. 53: 

Nov. 5, c. 4. 123, c. 42. 

18. Euseb. Vit. Const. M. lib. ii. c. 36. 

19. Irenaeus, adv. haeres. lib. iv. 17, 18. 

20. Chr. M. Pfaff. Irenaei Anecd. Frag. 

21. Adv. haeres. lib. iv. c. 8. 13. 18. 

22. Horn. 4, in Ep. ad Ephes. H. 14, in Act. : Horn. 74, in Matt. 

23. Oiat. 5. 24. In Ps. cxviii. et Matt. xxiv. 

25. In Ps. cxlvi. Semi, de temp. 166, 219. 

26. Concil. Matiscon, II. c. 5 : Cabilon, II. c. 19 : Mogunt, c. 3 : Roth- 

ornag, c. 7. 

27. Capital. -Caroli M. A.D. 779, c. 7 : Capital. Caroli de part. Saxon. 

A. D. 789. c. 17 : Capit. Francof. A. D. 779. c. 23. 

28. Capit. VI. Ludov. A. D. 819. c. 9. A. D. 823. c. 21 : Capit. A. D. 

829. sect. i. c. 7, 10: Walter's Lebrb. des K. R. S. 367—69, 
461—69. 

29. Can. Apost. c. 4 : Constit. A post. viii. c. 40. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

ORDINATION OF THE CLERGY, AND PUNISHMENT OF DELINQUENTS. 

§ 1. Remarks, p. 152. 
1. Fr. Hallierii de sacris electionibus et ordinationibus ex antiquo et 



cundiim antiq. et recent. Latinos, Graecos, Syros etc. part i. ii. 
iii. Paris. 1655. f. Bruxell. 1689. Amstelod. 1695. f. : Jo. Fr. 
Mayer, Museum Ministr. eccles. part i. p. 140 seq. : H. Tour- 
nely, Praelectiones theol. de sacramento ordinis. Paris. 1729. 8. : 
Forbiger, de muneribus ecclesiat. aetate Apostolorum. dissert, 
i. Lips. 1776. 
2. Selden, De Synedr. Heb. lib. ii. c. 7 : Vitringa, De Synagoga. Vet. 
lib. iii. part i. c. 15. 

§ 2. Disqualifications and qualifications, p. 153. 

1. Constitut. Apost. lib. iii. c. 9: Tertul. De Praescript haer. De 
Bapt. c. 17 : Epiphan. Haer. 79. n. 4. 69. n. 2. 



492 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

2. Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c. 19 : Cone. Chalcedon. c. 15 : Trullan. 

c. 14, 40 : Sozomen, h. e. lib. viii. c. 9. 

3. Cone. Araus. c.26: Epaon. c. 21 : Aurel. II. c. 18. 

4. Canon Apost. c. 61 : Cone. Neoeaesar. c. 8, 9 : Nicen. c. 2 : Illi- 

berit. c. 30 : Origen Contr. Cels. lib. iii. p. 142. 

5. Cone. Ancyr. c. 11. 

6. Ep. xxiii. c. 6. comp. Ep. iv. c. 3. ii. c. 2: Thoma&sin, part ii. 

lib. c. 66 : Ambros. Ep. 29 : Codex Theodos. lib. xii. tit. i. 

7. Coacil. Neoeaesar. c. 12. 

8. Innocent I. Ep. xxii. c. 4 : Cone. Illiberit c. 51 : Cone. Nicen. c. 

8 : Cod. Canon. Afric. c. 48. al.47 : 58. al. 57. 

9. Novel. 123. c. 1 : 137. c. 2 : Canon Apost. c. 2fr: Theodoret, h. e. 

lib. i. c. 4 : Cone. Chalcedon, c. 2 : Bingham, book iv. c. 3. sec. 
xiv : Schrokh's chr. kirchengesch. Th. 32. S. 580. 

10. Euseb. h. e. lib. vi. c. 30: Ambros. Ep. GO: Theodoret, h. e. lib. 

ii. c. 26 : Socrat. h. e. lib. ii. c. 5 : Hemtnari, Rheim. Yit. Reraig. 

11. Ep. 30 : Siricius, Ep. 30 : 

12. Cone. Neoeaesar. c. 11 : Agath. c. 17 : Tolet. iv. c. 19 : Arelat. 

iv. c. 1. 

13. Basil M. Ep. 54 : Cone. Nic. c. 2, 6, 10 : Cone. Illiberit. c. 76 : Neo- 

eaesar. c. 9: Ep. 68. al. 67. comp. Ep. 24 : Cave, Prim. Christ, 
p. 253 seq. : Martene, De Antiq. vit. part ii. p. 295. 

14. Lampridius, vit. Alex. Sever, c.45. 

15. Nov. Constit. 137. c. 2. 16. Cone. Bracar. ii. c. 20. 

17. Leo. M. Ep. 32 ad Rustic, c. 1. 

18. Paulinus, Ep. 4. ad Sever. : Sozomen, h. e. lib. vi. c. 34 : Theo- 

doret. hist, vel" c. 3 : Jerom, Ep. 61. ad Pammaeh : Ep. 110: 
Schrockh's K. Gesch. Th. ii. S. 36: Binterim Denkwurdigk. der 
Kathol. Kirche. I. book ii. Th. S. 378—336. 

19. Optat. Milev. De Schism. Bonat. lib. ii. c. 22: Hieron. Commeut. 

in Ezech. c. 44. 

§ 3. Administration of the Rite, p. 158. 

1. Cone. Nic. c. 19: Antiocb, c. 9: Chalcedon, c. 2: Carthag. iii. 

c. 45 : iv. c. 3. 

2. Chrysost. Horn, in 1 Ep. ad Tim. : Horn. 1 in Ep. ad Phil.: Hie- 

ron. Ep. 85. ad Evagr. : Epiphanius, Haeres. 85. n. 4 : Cone. 
Sardic. c. 19: Hispal. ii. c. 5 : Athanas. Apol. c. Ar. 

3. Gregor. Naz. Carm. De Vita sua : Socrates, h. e. lib. iv. c. 29. 

4. Leo, M. Ep. 81. ad Dioscur. c. 1 : Gelas. Ep. ix. c. 11. 

5. Cone. Laodic. c. 5 : Theodoret. h. e. c. 13. 

6. Martene, part ii. p. 329: Cone. Barcinon. c. 3. ' 

7. Const. Apost. lib. viii. c. 5 : Dionys. Areop. De Hier. Eccl. c. 5. 

§ 5. Punishment of delinquents, p. 173. 

1. Cyprian, Ep. 28. (al. 34.) 

2. Cone. Nic. c. 8: Tolet. 1, ». 4 : Trull, c. 20: Chalced. c. 29. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 493 

3. August. Ep.36. 

4. Cone. Tolet. 1,'c. 1, 3, 8: Ilerdens, c. 1, 5: Arausiac. 1. c. 24: 

Taurinens, c. 8. 

5. Socrates, h. e. lib. vi. c. 9 : -Sozomen, h. e. lib. viii. Synes. Ep. : 

Siegel, Handbuch. Archaeol. Bd. iii. 82. 

6. Cone. Agath. e. 30, 41 : Epaon. c. 15 : Matiscon, c. 5. 

7. Const. Apost. 27, 30, 51 : Cone. Neocaesar. c. 1 : Agath. c. 8, 42. 



CHAPTER IX. 

OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. 

§ 1. Names and History of Churches, p. 176. 

1. Euseb. h. e. lib. vii. c. 22: Plinius, Ep. lib. xix. ep. 97: Pert- 

schens. K. Histoire, Th. i. S. 416. 

2. Assemani, Bibl. Or. torn. i. p. 387 : Euseb. h. e, lib. ii. e. 1 : Faber, 

De templor. apud Christian, antiq. dubia in Pott's Sylloge 
Comment. Theol. vol. iii. p. 334 — 37 : Schrockh's chr. K. Geseh. 
Th. iv. S. 17, 18. 

3. Lamprid. Vit. Alex. Severi. c 49 : Mosheim, De eccl. ante Con- 

stant. M. p. 463. 

4. Euseb. h. e. lib. vii. c. 13. 

5. Tertull. De idol. c. 7 : Adv. Valent. c. 3: De coron. mil. c. 3 : 

De pudic. c 4 : Cyprian, ep. 55. 33 : Gregor. Thau mat. epist. 
can. c 11 : Gregor. Naz. Vit. Gregor. Thaum. Opp. iii : Dio- 
nys. Al. ep. can. c. 2: Lactant. Instit. div. lib. v. c 11 : De 
mot. persec. c. 12. 15 : Ambrose, in Epis. 4. etc. 

6. Euseb. h. e. lib. viii. c. 2, 13. 

7. Euseb. h. e. lib. x. c. 5. c. 2 : De Vit. Constant. M. lib. iii. c. 64, 65. 

8. Socrat. h. e. lib. iv. c. 24 : Evagr. h. e. lib. i. c. 16: Cod. Theo- 

dos. 16. tit. x. 1. 16, 19, 25. 

9. Ciampini, c. 2 — 22: Euseb. Vit. Constant. M. lib. iii. c. 25 — 40, 

41—58 : lib. iv. c. 57—60: Socrat. h. e. lib. i. c. 16 : ii. c. 16, 
43: Sozom. h. e. lib. xi. c. 4, 26 : lib. iv. c. 26. 

10. Euseb. h. e. lib. x. c. 3. 

11. Gibbon's Rome, vol. iii. p. 42. N. Y. ed. 

12. Muratori, Scriptor. rer. Italie, torn. i. P. 2. p. 576 : Manso's Ge- 

schichte des Ostgothischen Reichs in Italien, S. 137, 167, 396. 

§ 2. Form, Site, and Position, p. 180. 

1. Tertull. De bapt. c. 8. c. 12 : de Pudic. c. 13. 

2. E. S.Cyprian, De ecclesia subterranea: Chr. Sonutag de ecclesia 

subterran. 

3. Cyril Hieros. mystag. Catech. 1. n.2: Gregor. Naz. Or.it. 40 : Hi- 

eron. Comment, in Amos 6: 14; Dionys. Areop. De Hierarch. 
Eccl. c. 3. 



494 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

§ 3. Arrangement and constituent Parts, p. 181. 

1. Concil Tolet. 4. c. 18 : Isidor Hispal. Orig. lib. i. c. 3. 

2. Etiseb. h. e. x. c. 4 : vii. c. 15. 

3. Concil Laodic. c. 21. 4. Concil Laodic. c. 44. 

5. Concil Laodic. c. 19, 44 : Concil Trullan. c. G9. 

6. Euseb. h. e. x. c. 4, 5 : vii. c. 50 : Gregor. Naz. Somn Anast. v. 4 : 

Constit. Apost. ii. c. 57. 

7. Angustin. ep. 203 : Athenas. Apol. ii. 

§ 5. Of the Nave,?. 183. 

1. Cyprian, Ep. 33, 34. 

2. Constit. Apost. lib. ii. c. 57: viii. c. 20 : Cyril, Hierosol. Pro Cat- 

ech. c. 8 : Euseb. ii. 17. 

3. Constit. Ap. ii. c. 57: August, de civ. Dei, ii. c. 28 : Cyril, Hier. 

Pro Catech. c. 8 : Chrysost. Horn. 74 in Math. : Steph. Duran- 
di, De Vit. eccl. lib. i. c. 18. 

4. Constit. A p. ii. 57, 58. 

5. Codinus, De offic. c. 17: Leo Allatms, De tempi. Graec. ep. § 5: 

Gretserus, in Codinum, lib. iii. c. 12. 

6. Pauhn Not. ep. 12: .Concil Trull, c. 97 : Leonis. Imp* Nov. 73. 

7. Cbrysost. Horn. 111. in Ep. ad Ephes. : Evagrius, h. e. vi. 21 : 

Paul. Nol. nat. Felic. 11]. 

§ 6. Of the Narthex or Porch, p. 185. 

1. Tertull. De Orat. c. 11 : Euseb. h. e. x. c. 4 : Chiysostom, Horn. 
52 in Math, in Ps. cxl. : Synes. ep. 121 : Pelicia, torn. i. p. 133. 

§ 7. Of the outer Buildings, or Exedrae, p. 188. 

1. Paul. NoL ep. 12 : Cyril, Hieros. Catech; mystag. i. 2. ii. 1 : Si- 

don. Ep. iv. 15 : August. De civ. Dei, 22. 8 : Ambros. Ep. 33: 
Gregor. Turon. hist. 6. 11 : Justin, Novell. 58. 42 : Concil. Trull. 
c. 59: Cone. Constant, sub. Minna, Act. 1. 

2. Theodoret, h. e. v. c. 18 : Sulpit. Sex. Dial. ii. c. 1 : Praef. ad Con- 

cil. Cartbag. iii. iv. 

3. Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. v. 1. 30 : Justin, Nov. 79. c. 3 : Du 

Cange, Comment, in Paul Silent, p. 594 : Gregor. ii. ep. ad 
Leon. Isaur. : Jo. Graetner, De incarcerat. clericor. cum et sine 
catena. 

4. Euseb. h. e. vi. c. 20 : Augustin. De haeres, c. 80 : Basil M. Ep. 

82: Hieron. cat. script, eccl. c. 3, 75, 113: Comment, in Tit. 
c. 3. 

5. Hospinian, De templis, lib. iii. c. 6: Lomeier, De Bibliothecis : 

J. M. Claudenii, D. de fortuna Bibl. : D. Augustini, En excidio 
Hipponensi. 

6. Euseb. Vit. Const. M. lib. iv. c. 59 : Cod. Theodos. lib. ix. tit. xlv. 

1.4. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 495 

§ 8. Church Towers, Btlls, and Organs, p. 190. 

1. Calvoer, Rit. eccles. torn. ii. p. 143 — 44. 

2. Trithem. im Chronic. Hirsgav. 

3. Benterim, S. 71. 

4. Leo Ost. lib. iii. c. 28 : De Locis Sanctis, p. 8 : Mirac. S. Colum- 

bani, c. 2. 

5. L. Chr. Sturm, Prodrom. Architec. Encykl. der biirgerl. Bau- 

kunst. Tli. v. S. 262 : Wiebeking's theoret. prakt. Baukunde. 
Th. iv. S. 288. 

Of Bells. 

6. Nicol. Eggers, Dissert, de origine et nomine campanarum. Jen. 

1684: De campan. materia et forma. 1685. 4: Harald. Wallerii, 
Dissert, de campan is et praecipuis earum usibus. Holm. 1694. 8 : 
P. Chr. Hilscher, De campanis templorum. Lips. 1692. 4 : J. B. 
Thiers, Traite de cloches, etc. Paris, 1719.12: Historische Na- 
chricht von den Glocken,deren Ursprung, Materie, Nuzzen und 
Missbrauch ; von Ireneus Montanus. Chemnitz. 1726. 8 : Chr. 
W. J. Chrysander, Hist. Nachricht von Kirchen-Glocken. Rin- 
tein. 1755. 8. 

7. Polydorus Vergil. De invent, rer. lib. vi. c. 11 : Centur. vi. c. 6 : 

Hospinian. de orig. tempi, lib. ii. c. 26. 

8. Baron. Annales A. D. 865. 

9. Baron. Annales ad a. Iviii. n. 102. 

10. Ed. Encycloped. Art. Bells. 

Of Organs. 

11. G. E. Miiller's Hist. phil. Sendschreiben von Orgeln, ihrem Ur- 

sprunge und Gebr. in der Kirche Gottes. Dresden, 1748. 8 : J. 
Ulr. Sponsel's Orgel-Historie. Niirnberg, 1771. 8 : D. B. de Cel- 
les, Geschichte der Orgeln. Aus dem Franzos. libers. Berlin, 
1793. 4: Jos. Antony's Geschichtliche Darstellung der Entste- 
hung und Vervolkommnung der Orgel. Munster, 1832. 8. 

12. Monachus Sangallensis de Carol. M. lib. ii. c. 10: Canissii. 

Thesaur. menum. P. 3. p. 74. 

13. Fischer's Geschichte der gr. Orgel in Breslau, S. 26. 

§ 9. Of the Altar. 

1. Godofr. Voigt, Thysiasteriologia, s. de altaribus vet. Christian. 

Ed. J. A. Fabricii. Hamb. 1709. 8 : Jo. Fabricii, D. de aris vet. 
chr. Helm. 1698. 4: J. F. Treiber, De situ altarium versus Ori- 
entem. Jen. 1668. 4 : S. Th. Schoenland, Histor. Nachricht von 
Altaren. Lips. 1716. 8: J. Ge. Geret, De vet. Christian, altari- 
bus. Onold. 1755. 4. 

2. Arnobii. Disput. adv. gent. lib. vi. c. 1 : Lactam, instit. div. lib. ii. 

c. 2 : Origen, contr. Cel. lib. viii. p. 389. 

3. Opp. torn. v. p. 12, 50 : Serin. 310 : Hieron. contr. Vigilant. 

4. Concil. Carthag. 4. al. 5. c. 14 in Justelli Bib!, jur. Can. vet. T. i. 

p. 370. 



496 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

§ 10. Of the Doors of the Church, p. 194. 

1. Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c. 28 : Ignatii, ep. ad Antioch. c. 12. 

2. Fiorillos Kunst-Geschichte : Leibnitz, Scriptor" Rer. Brunsvic. 

torn. i. p. 446—63: Schrockh's Kirch. Gesch. 21. 187—88. 

§ 11. Of the Windows of the Churchy p. 195. 

1. De Offic. lib. ii. c. 21. 

2. Comment, in Jer. c. 7 : in Zech. c. 8 : Ep. 2. ad Nepot: Ep. 8„ 

ad Demetr. : Ep. 12. ad Gaudent. 

3. Horn. 81. in Math.: 51 in Math.: Horn. 60. ad Pop. Antioch. 

§ 13. Veneration attached to sacred Places, and Privileges belonging to 
them, p. 197. 

1. Jac. Lobbetii, Liber de religioso templorum cultu. Leod. 1641. 4 

Jo. Fabricii, Dissert, de reverentia erga sacra. Helmst. 1706. 4 
J. H. Boehmer, De sanctitate ecclesiarum. Halae, 1722. 4 
Henr. Lynckeri, Dissert, de juribus templorum. Francofurti, 
1698. 4 : Jo. Moebii, ^Aavloloylu, s. de Ebraeorum, Gentilium 
et Christianornm asylis. Lips. 1673. 4 : Ge. Goetzii, Dissert, de 
Asylis. Jen. 1660. 4 : Gust. Cartholm, De Asylis. Upsal, 1682. 8. 

2. Paedag, 1. 8. c. 11. p. 255: Comp. Cave, Prim. Christ. 285. 

3. Prim. Christ. 156—7. 4. Justin. Novell. 133. c. 31. 

5. Concil. Gangrense, c. 5, 6. 

6. Tertullian, De Orat. c. 11 : Euseb. h. e. x. c. 4: Serv. 11. c. 38 : 

Chrysost. Horn. 52. in Math. : 72. in Joann. : 3. in Eph. 

7. Chrysost. torn. iv. p. 847 : Cod. Theodos. lib. ix. tit. xlv. 1. 4. 

8. Julian, Ep. 49. ad Arsac. p. 431 : Sozomen, h. e. lib. v. c. 16. 

9. Ambros. ep. 33. : Prudent, hymn 2. in S. Laur. v. 519, 520 : Pau- 

lin. Nol. natal, vi. : Chrysost. Horn. 29. in apud Cor. : Manas, 
torn. ii. p. 304 : Cassiodor. Hist. : tripart. lib. x. c. 30 : Dionys. 
Areop. de hier eccl. c. 2. § 4. 

§ 14. Churches and Altars, as Places of Refuge, p. 199. 

1. Cod. Theodos. lib. ix. tit. xlv. I. 1, 1. 16 : Cod. Justin, lib. i. tit. xii. 

1. 1. : Socrat. h. e. lib. vi. c. 5 : Sozomen, h. e. lib. viii. c. 7. 

2. Coleti Concil. torn. xi. p. 1463. 

3. Homil. in Eutropium. torn. iv. p. 481. 

4. Cod. Justin, i. 12. 1. 2. 

5. Cod. Justin, i. tit. xii. 1. 3: Cod. Theodos. lib. ix. tit. xlv. 1. 4. 

6. Justin. Nov. constit. xvii. c. 7. 

7. Capitul Car. M. A. D. 789. c. 2 : Copit. ii. A. D. 803. c. 3. 

8. Lud. Thomassini discipl. eccl. P. 2. lib. ifi. c. 100. torn. vi. p. 686. 

9. Dunt Gregor. lib. hi. tit. xlix. c. 6. 

10. Cedreni, Hist. 523 : Histor. Alex. Annae. Comn. lib. ii.: Nice- 
phor. Gregor. hist. lib. ix. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 497 

CHAPTER X. 

PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 

§ 1. Preliminary Remarks, p. 201. 

1. Grotius, adnot. ad Rom. c. 8: 26. 

2. Comp. Rose nin iil ler. Heinrichs, Wegscheider, Hydenreich's Pas- 

toralbriefen Pauli. Th. i. S. 116. 

3. Apologer. c. 39. 

4. Gregor. Nazianz. bgoi naxvusoug edit. Hoeschel. v. 142 : Chry- 

sost. Homil. 9. in ep. ad Coloss. 

§ 2. The Doctrine of the Trinity implied in the Devotions of the Ancient 
Church, p. 203. 

1. Adv. Praxeam. c. 31. 

2. Jo. Henr. Maji, Synopsis Theologiae Judaicae, p. 29 — 56. 

3. Cateches. xvi. c. 4 : Comp. Tertull. Adv. Prax. c. 3. 

4. De Spiritu Sancto ad Amphil. c. 25 — 29. 

5. Concil. Hippo, A. D. 397. c.21 : Carthag. A. D. 525: S. Fulgent. 

Rusp. ad Monimum. lib. ii. c. 5. edit. Basil. 1621. p. 328: Ba- 
sil M. De Spiritu Sancto ad Amphil. c. 12: Ambrose, De S. S. 
lib. i. c. 3: 6. Bingham, vol. v. p. 71. 

§ 3. Divine Worship paid to Christ, p. 205. 

1. Euseb. h. e. lib. iv. c. 15. 

2. Contra Celsum. lib. v. p. 233. lib. vii. p. 385. 

3. Bingham, bk. xiii. c. 2 : Jo. Fried. Cotta. De Gloria multus reli- 

giosi Christo asserta. Tubing. 1755. 4 : C. W. Thalemann, Je- 
sum Christum eodem quo Patrem modo colendum atque ado- 
ran dum. 

§ 4. Worship of Martyrs, Saints, and Angels, p. 206. 

1. Siegel, vol. ii. p. 261. 

2. Radulphus Tungrensis. De canon, observat. propos. 17. p. 559. 

3. Bellarmin. De Sanctorum beatitudine, lib. ii. c. 17 : Compare c. 3. 

12. lib. i. 11—20: Email, a Schelstrati. De Disciplina Arcani. 

4. Bingham, bk. xiii. c. 3 : Concil. Trident. Sess. 25 p. 231. P. 3. 

221—362: Augsburg. Confess. Art. 9. p. 425 : Art. 21 : Apo- 
log. Art. 9 : Schmalkald. Art. 1.2: Jo. Dallaei, De cultu relig. 
lib. iii. c. 25 : Stillingfleet's Defence of the discourse of idol. 
P. 1. c. 1 : Lib. Carolin. Caroli M. De impio imaginum cutre. 
lib. iv. 

§ 6. Brevity and Simplicity of the Prayers of the ancient Church, p. 210. 

1. Arnobius, Disputat. adv. Gentes. lib. i. c. 58, 59. 

63 



498 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

% S. Proeli, De trad. Missal horn. 22 p.580: A. Neander, i. Th. 1821. 
8. S. 329,30: Thorn. Smith, De statu Eccles. Gracae Hodier- 
no, p. 22seq. : Heinccii Abbildung, der alten und neuen griecb. 
Kirche, Th. hi. S. 227 : Is. Diaconi Vit. Gregor. M. lib. ii. c. 17. 

§ 7. Of the catholic Spirit of their Worship, p. 210. 

1. Contra Celsum, lib. vii. p. 402. 

2. Euseb. Orat. de Laudibus Constant. M. p. 706 : Clirysost. Homil. 

in Joh. p. 13. 

3. Concil. Gerund, c. 10. A. D. 517 : Concil. Tolet. iv. e. 9. 3. A. D. 

633. 

4. Bk. 13. c. 5. 

5. Spittler's Kirchengesch. S. 246: Huge's Gesch. des deutschen 

Kirchen-und Predigtwisens. Th. i. S. 254. 

§ 9. Of the Lord's Prayer, p. 212. 

1. J. A. Schmid, Oratio Dominica historice et dogmatice proposita. 

Helmstad. 1723. 4: J. Ge. Walch, De usu orationis Dominicae 
apud veteres Christianos. Jenae, 1729. 4 : S. Walch, Miscellanea 
sacra. Amstelod. 1744. 4. p. 58 — 80 : Jo. Ern. Ostermann, Com- 
mentatio de communi Christianorum precatione. Viteb. 1710. 4: 
Jo. Ge. Steinert, De peculiar i indole precum Domini nostri, 
quarum in N. T. fit mentio. Ossit. 1817. 4. 

2. Apol. i. p. 222, edit. Oberth. 3. Apol. i. p. 212—220. 
4. Adv. Haeres. lib. v. c. 17. 5. Paedag. lib. iii. 

6. De Oratione Dominica, c. 1 — 9. 

7. De Orato Domin. p. 139 : Bingham, 13. c. 7. § 1 : Compare Opp. 

edit. Oberth. torn. i. p. 366— 388. 

8. Opp. edit. Oberth. torn. iii. p. 408 — 593. 

9. Augustin. Epist. 89. ad Hilar, p. 407 : Chrysostom. Horn. 42,276. 

44. p. 288: Cyril, Hieros. Catech. mystag. v. p. 298. 

10. Chrysost. Horn. 2. in 2 Cor. p. 740: Horn. 62. p. 934: Augustin. 

Serm. 42: Walch. Miscellan. sacr. p. 69: Bingham, bk. 13. 
c. 7. § 9. 

11. Tertullian, De Orat. Dom. 371 : Gregor. Nyss. Horn. 10 in ep. ad 

Coloss. p. 1385. 

12. Adv. Haer. iv. c. 18: Tertull. De Orat. c. 6: Cyprian, De Orat. 

Dom. p. 376: Origen, De Orat. p. 523 — 36: Cyrill. Hierosol. 
Catech. mystag. v. c. 15. 

13. Tertullian. De Orat. c. 8 : Griesbach. Comment, crit. in Gr. Mat- 

thaie textum, p. 71 : Paulus. Comment, i. p. 576 : Kuinoel, in 
libros N. T. liistor. vol. i. p. 181,2: M. Roediger, Synopsis. 
Evang. 1829. 8. p. 231 : Alexander Halisius. Summa. theol. 
P. 2. § 4 : Torbesii. a Corse. Instruct, histor. Theol. lib. i. c. 18 : 
Opp. P. 2. Fol. p. 32, 33. 

14. Constitut. Apostol. lib. vii. c. 24. p. 372 : Tertullian. De Orat. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 499 

c. 19 : Concil. Gerund. A. D. 517. c. 10 : Concil. Tolet. iv. A. D. 
633. c. 9. 

15. Constitut. Apostol. lib. vii. c. 44. p. 385 : Chrysostom. Homil. 6. in 

ep. ad Coloss. 

16. Gregor. the Great, Epist. lib. ix. ep. 12 : Jerome, Dial, contra Pe- 

lag. lib. iii. c. 3: Justin. Apostol. i. p. 125 : Cyril of Jerusalem, 
Cateches. mystag. v. c. 5: Augustin. Epist. ad Paulin. 59. p. 308. 

17. Apost.Constitut. lib.viii. c.6. p. 397, 98 : Chrysostom. torn. x. p. 435, 

ed. Bened. : p. 516, ed. Francofurt. 

18. Apost. Conslit. viii. c. 8: Goari Eurholog. Gr. p. 397. 

19. Apost. Constit. lib. viii. c. 9— 11 : Chrysost. Horn. 8. in Ep. ad Cor. 

20. x^post. Constit. c. 8. 9 : Chrysostom. Horn, in 2 Cor. p. 673. 

21. Apost. Constit. c. 41. p. 423, 24. 

22. Constit. lib. vii. c. 47, 48. p. 388, 9. 

23. Constit. lib. vii. c. 36. p. 379, 80. 

§ 10. Responses — Amen, Hallelujah, Hosanna, etc. p. 218. 

1. J. A. Schmidt, De insignioribus veterum Christianorum formulis. 

Ilelmst. 1696. 4 : Jo. Ge. Walch, De formulis salutandi apos- 
tolicis. Jen. 1739. 4 : S. ejusd. Miscellanea sacra. Amstel. 
1744. 4. p. 436 seq. : Ge. Ermelii, De veterum Christianorum 
do^olo/la dissert, histor. Lipsiae, 1684. 4 : Ad. Rechenberg, De 
veterum Christianorum do'^oloyla. Lips. 1684. 4: S. Syntagma 
Dissertat. Roterod. 1690. 8. 

2. Hilar, on Ps. 65 : Chrysostom. Horn. 35. in 1 Cor. : Opp. torn. x. 

p. 325. 

3. Apol. 1. § 65. 67 : Cornp. Augustin. contra Pelag. : Serm. defer, iv. 

Opp. torn. vi. p. 446. 

4. De Spectaculis. c. 25. 

5. Constitut. Apost. lib.viii. c. 13 : Cyril. Hierosol. Cateches. 23 : 

mystag. v. p. 331, 32 : Ambrose, in sacr. lib. iv. c. 10 : Augus- 
tin. Contra Faustum. lib. xii. c. 10: Jerome, Epist. 39 : Leon. 
M. Serm. 91. 

6. Augustin. Ex. in Ev. S. Joan. : Serm. 151 de temp.: Isiodorus, 

Hispal. Orig. lib. vi. c. 17 : De div. off. 142 : Gregor. Nyss. Trac- 
tat. de inscr. Psalmon. c. 7. 

7. Gregor. M. Epist. lib. ix. ep. 12. p. 940. 

8. Augustin. Epist. 119. ad Jan. c. 17. 86. ad Casul. : Hieron. Prae- 

fat. in Ps. 50. 

9. Wernsdorf. de form vet. eccl. psalmod. Hallelujah, p. 21. 25. 27: 

Augustin. in Ps. 118. 

10. Hist. eccl. lib. ii. c. 23.* 

11. Is. 51. 1. 123. 3: Virg. JEneid. 12. 777 : Comp. Bona, rer. liturg. 

lib. ii. c. 4. in Gavanti Thesaur. sacr. vit. 

12. Epist. lib. vii. 12 : lib. ii. 63. 13. Concil. Toletan. iv. c. 12. 

14. Ad Guranti Thesaur. torn. i. p. 81. 

15. Concil i. can. 21 : Harduin. torn. iii. p. 352. 



500 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

16. Tertullian. De praescript. haeret. c. 41 : Chrysostom. Homil. 3. in 

ep. ad Coloss. : Optat. Milevit. de scbismate. Donat. lib. iii : 
Gurante, Thesaur. sacr. rit. torn. i. p. 77 : Ambros. De dignat. 
sacerd. c. 5. 2. 

17. Calvoer. rit. eccl. i. p. 472. 

18. De Oratione Domin. Opp. torn. i. p. 384. 

39. Cateches. mystagog. v. § 4 : Chrysost. Homil. 24. in 1 Cor. 10: 
Theophylact. Comment, in Coloss. 3d. Opp. torn, ii : Isidor. Pe- 
lus. Epist. lib. i. ep. 77. ad Dioscur. p. 23: Augustin. De vera 
relig. c. 3 : De bono perseverantiae. e. 13. 

§11. Of the Psalmody of the Church, p. 221. 

1. Aug. Jac. Rambach's Anthologie christlicher Gesange aus der 

alten und mittlern Zeit. Th. i — iii. 1817 — 19. 8: Joannis 
Bonae, De divina Psalmodia ejusque causis, mysteriis et dis- 
ciplinis, deque variis ritibus, omnium Ecclesiarum in psallendis 
divinis officiis, tractatus hist, symbol, asceticus ; sive psallentis 
ecclesiae harmonia etc. Edit, nova, auctior et emendatior. 
Colon. 1677. 8: Mart. Gerbeiti, De cantu et musica sacra etc. 
Bias. 1774. 2 vol. 4: Job. Zach. Hilligeri, De psalmorum, 
hymnorum atque odarum sacr. discrimine. Viteb. 1720. 4. S. 
Thesaur. nov. theol. 1720.8: Jo. Godofredi Baumanni, De 
hymnis et hymnopoeis vet. et rec. ecclesiae. Bremae, 1765. 8: 
J. Ge. Walcb, De hymnis ecclesiae apostolicae. Jenae, 1737. 4: 
S. Miscellanea sacra. Amstelod. 1744. 4. pag. 34. seq : Jo. 
Frickii, Orat. de sacra carminum divin. hymnodia: S. Melete- 
mata varia. Ulmae, 1756. 4 : Jo. Henr. a Seelen, De poesi chr. 
non. a tertio post Chr. nat. saeculo demum, sed a primo etiam 
et secundo deducenda. Lubecae, 1754. 8 : Friedr. Miinter, 
Ueber die alteste christliche Poesie : S. Dessen, Offenbarung 
Johannes, metrisch ubersetzt. Zwevte Ausg. Kopenhagen, 
1806. 8. S. 17—54. 

2. Constitut. Apost. lib. ii. c. 57: Socrat. h. e. lib. v. c. 22: Basil. 

Epist. 63: Sozomen, h. e. lib. v. c. 19: Dionys. Areopag. de 
Hierarch. eccl. c. 3. 

3. Concil. Laodic. c. 17: Augustin. Serm. 10. de verbis Apost. opp. 

torn. x. p. 112. 

4. Constitut. Apost. lib. viii. c. 37 : lib. ii. c. 59: Chrysostom. Com- 

ment, in Ps. Opp. torn, iii : Athanasius, Epist. ad Marcel, torn. i. 
p. 957 : De Virgin, p. 1057 : Cassian. Institut. lib. iii. c. 3. 

5. Contra Celsum. lib. viii. c. 67: Edit. Oberth. torn. ii. p. 5J2, 13. 

6. Lib. v. c. 28. 

§ 12. Attitude and Gestures in Singing and Prayer, p. 222. 

1. Joach. Hildebrand, De Precibus veterum Christianorum. Helmst. 
1735.4: De invocatione et precibus. Ibid.: Rituale orantium. 
Ibid. 1740. 4: Abr. BL Deutchmann, Ritus antiqui precum. Vi- 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 501 

teb. 1695. 4: Jac. Thomasii, Dissert.de ritu vet. Christianorum 
precandi versus Orientem. Lips. 1670.4: Adami Rechenberg, 
De xitgccqaia orantiutn. Lips. 1688. 4: Chr. Christ. Sturm, De 
ritu veterurn sublatis manibus precandi. Jenae, 1761. 4 : Aug. 
Nath. Hiibner, Dissertat. de genuflexione. Halae, 1711. 4: J. J. 
Ch-f-g. De crucis signaculo precum christianarum cotnite des- 
tiuato. Lips. 1759. 4: Godofr. Weguer, De orationibus jacula- 
toriis. Regiomonc. 1708. 4: J. Burger, De gestibus precimum 
vet. Christianorum. 1790. 8. 

2. Tertullian, De Orat. e.ll— 23. ed. Oberth. torn. ii. p. 22—39. 

3. Comp. Hug. Grotii adnotat. ad Math. 6: 5. 

4. Tertullian. De Corona mil. c. 3: Coned. Nicaen. A. D. 325. c. 20. 

5. De Orat. c. 31. ed. Oberth. torn. iii. p. 580. 

6. Epist. 119. c. 15. 7. De Spirit. S. c. 27. 

8. Augustin. 3. in Ps. 36 : Jo. Cassian. De instit. rer. lib. ii. c. 12. 

9. Apost. Constit. lib. viii. c. 9, 10: Hermae Pastor. P. 1. vrs. 1: 

Clemens Rom. 1 Ep. ad Cor. §48: Tertull. ad Scapul. c. 4: 
Origen. De Orat. c. 31 : Euseb. h. e. lib. ii. c. 23 : lib. v. c. 5 : 
De vita Constant. M. lib. iv. c. 61 : Chrysostom. Homil. 18. in 
2d Epist. ad Cor. : Augustin. De civit. Dei. 22. c. 8 : Caesar. 
Arelat. Homil. 34: Prudent. Cethemer hymn ii. 

10. Chrysostom. Homil. 28, 29: Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c. 6. 

11. Socrat. h. e. lib. iii. c. 13. c. 37 : Theodoret. h. e. lib. v. c. 18, 19. 

12. Origen, De Orat. c. 15 : Chrysostom. in Ps. 140 : Euseb. vit. 

Constant, lib. iv. c. 15. 

13. Constitut. Apost. lib. vii. c. 44: Cyrill. Hierosol. Catcehes. Mys- 

tag. i. c. 2. 4. 9: Bingham, Antiq, vol. v. p. 275—80: Jerome. 
Comment, in Amos 6. 14. 

14. Tertullian. De Orat. e. 19: De Jejun. c. 10 : Cyprian. De Orat. 

Dom. p. 386 (ed. Oberth.) : Chrysostom. Horn. 4: De S. Anna. 

15. Lib. ii. c. 59: lib. viii. c. 34: Jo. Cossian. De Institut. lib. iii. 

c. 2-4. 

CHAPTER XI. 

USE OF THE SCRIPTURES IN PUBLIC WORSHIP, p. 228. 

1. Chr. Fr. Walch's kritische Untersuchung vom. Gebrauche der 
heligen Schrift unter den alten Christen in den drey ersten 
Jahrhunderten. Leipzig, 1779. 8; J. A. Cramer, vom Gebrauch 
der heil. Schrift im xii. Jahrhundert. S. Fortsetzung von Bos- 
suet's Einleitung. Th. vi S. 81 ff: K. A. Credner, Ansehen u. 
Gebrauch der neutestam. Schriften en den beyden ersten Jahr- 
hunderten. S. Beytr. zur Einleitung in die biblirchen Schriften. 
B. I. 1832. 8. S. 1 — 92: Jac. Usserii Historia dogmatica contro- 
versiae inter Orthodoxos et Pontiflcios de scripturis et sacris 
vernaculis. Ed. Henr. Wharton. Londini, 1690. 4: Chr. Kor- 
tholt Comment, de lectione bibliorum in linguis vulgo cognitis 



502 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

neque sacris publieis idiomate populari peragnendis. Lips. 
1692. 4 : Tob. Gottfr. Hegelmair'sGeschichte des Bibelverbots. 
Ulm, 1783. 4: Nic. le Maire Sanctuarium profanis occlusum s. 
de sacrorum bibliorum prohibitione in lingua vernacula tracta- 
tus. Herbipol. 1662. 4: Jo. Fr. Mayer, Disput. contra Nic. le 
Maire sanctuarium profanis occlusum, lectionem S. S. Laicis 
concedendam esse. Grypbisw. 1667. edit. 2.1713. 4: Leand. 
van Ess, Ausxiige aus den heil. Vatern und anderen Lehrern 
der kathol. Kirche Uber das northwendige und niitzliche Bibel- 
lesen ? zur Aufmunterung der Katholiken. Leipzig, 1808. 8. 
Zweyte Ausgabe. Sulzbach, 1816. 8: Guil. Ern. Tentzel : de 
ritu Lectionum sacrarum. Viteb. 1685. 4 : Jo. Andr. Scbmid, 
de primitivae ecclesiae lectionibus. Helrnst. 1697. 4: de Lec- 
tionariis utriusque ecclesiae. Ibid. 1703. 4. 

2. Apolog. i. c. 67. p. 222. ed. Obertb. 

3. Apologet. c. 39 : Ad Uxorem. lib. ii. c. 6 : De Anima. c. 9. 

4. Tertullian de Praescript. haeret. c. 41 : Cyprian Epist. 34, 33. 

5. Apost. Constitut. lib. ii. c. 25. c. 57 : Origen Contr. Cels. iii. 45, 50 : 

Huetii Comment. Grig, in S. S. p. 8. 108 : Chrysost. Horn, in 
Jobn : Horn. viii. in Ep. ad Heb. : Horn, in Pentac. torn. iii. p. 
85—88. 

6. Apost. Constrtat. lib. ii. c. 59. lib. viii c. 5. lib. v. c. 19: Theodo- 

ret. h. e. lib. i. c. 7 : Concil. Laod. c. 59: Carthag. iii. c. 47: 
Chalcedon, c. 13, 14 : Tolet. i. c. 2 : Vasense, ii. c. 3 : Valen- 
tin, c. 1. etc. 
7. . Laodic. c. 59 : Concil. Cartbag. iii. c. 47 : Cyril of Jerusalem, Cat- 
eches. iv. c. 33 : Rufmi. Exposit. Symbol. Ap. c. 37, 38. 

8. Euseb. h. e. lib. ii. c. 23 : Hieron. ep. ad Dardan. Opp. torn. iii. 

p. 46 : Gregor. Nyss. Orat. in suum ordin. 

9. J. Miincher's Handbuch der cbristl. Dogmenesch Th. iii. S. 75.ff. 

10. Mabillon de Liturg. Gal. lib. ii. p. 137 seq. 

11. Euseb. h. e. vi. 14. iii. 25. iii. 3. iii. 16. iv. 23. iv 15 : August. 

Serm. xii. De Sanctis: De Divers. 45,63, 101—3, 109. 

§ 2. The order in which the Scriptures were read, p. 230. 

1. Atbanas. Apolog. ii. contra Arain. p. 717 : Agust. in Ps. cxxxviii. p. 

650: August. Serm. 143, 144. 

2. Tertullian adv. Marc. lib. vi. c. 2. lib. v. c. 3 : De Praescript. 

haeret. c. 36 : Irenaeus baeres. lib. iii. c. 29. 

3. Augustin. Expos, in 1 Jobn. torn. ix. 235. 

4. Augustin. Serm. 139, 140, 194, 148. 

5. Augustin. Tractat. vi i. in Joan. torn. ix. p. 24 : Chrysostom Horn. 

63. {66.) 

6. Concil. Tolet. iv. c. 16. 

7. Chrysost. Horn. 7. ad popul. Antioch : Augustin. Serm. 71. de 

temp. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 503 

§ 3. Mode of designating the Divisions of the Scriptwes, p. 231. 

1. Hug's Einleit. in's N. T. The. i. S. 243, 266 : Zacagni Collectun. 
monum. vet. eccl. Gr. et Lat. torn. 3. p. 401 : Gallandi Bibl. 
Patr. torn. x. 

§ 4. Manner of reading the Scriptures, p. 232. 

1. Confession, lib. x. c. 33. 

2. Concil. Carthag. iii. c. 4: Augustin. ep. 155 : De civit. Dei. 22. c. 

8 : Chrysost. Horn, in Coloss. iii. p. 1/3. 

3. Chrysost. Horn. iii. in 2 Thess. p. 381. 

4. S. Gavanti Thesaur. torn. i. p. 90 — 94. 

5. Lib. ii. c. 57. 

6. Serra. xxvi. ex. L. torn. viii. p. 174 : Selvaggii. Antiq. chn. instit. 

lib. ii. p. I. 

7. Chrysost. Horn. i. in Matt. p. 13. 

8. Contra Vigil, c. 3 : Vgl. c. 4. 

§ 5. Of the Psalter. 

1. Concil. Tolet. vii. c. 10 : Concil. Nicaen. ii. : 

2. Athanas. ad Marcell. torn. i. p. 959 : Ambros. in Ps. Day. praef. 

Opp. p. 1270. 

3. Concil. Tolosat. A. D. 1129. c. 12: Hard. torn. ii. P. ii. 

CHAPTER XII. 

§ 1. General Remarks, Names, etc. p. 239. 
Of Homilies. 

Franc. Combefisii Bibliotheca Patrum concionatoria : h. e. anni totius 
evangelia, festa Dominica, sanctissimae Deiparae illustriorumque 
Sanctorum solemnia, patrum symbolis, tractatibus, panegyricis iis- 
que, qua novum ex vetustis MSS. codd. productis, qua recensitis, 
emendatis, auctis, ad fontes compositis, e Graeco castigatis elegan- 
tiusque redditis, illustrata ac exornata latine. Paris, 1662. torn, i — 
viii. f. : L. Pelt et H. Rheinwald Bibl. concoinatoria. Vol. i. ii. 
Beaol. 1829 — 30. 8 : Bernh. Ferrarii libri thres de vet. Chr. con- 
cionibus. Mediol. 1621. Ultraj. 1692. Venet. 1731. 8 : Joach. Hil- 
debraud Exercit. de veterum concionibus. Helms. 1661. 8 : Bernh. 
Eschenburg's Versuch einer Geschichte der offentlichen Religions- 
Vortiage in der griechischen und lateinischen Kirche von den Zei- 
ten Christi biszur Reformation. Erster Hauptabschnitt von Christo 
bis Chrysostomusund Augustin. Jena. 1785. 8: H. Th. Tzschirner: 
de claris ecclesiae veteris oratoribus. Commentat. i — ix. Lips. 
1817—1821. 4. 
1. S. Camp. Vitiinga de Synagogue, vet. p. 580 seq. 590 seq: 
Rhempherdus de decern, otiosis. p. 226. 



504 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

2. Apol. i. c. 67. p. 222. ed. Oberth. 

3. Apologet. adr. gent. c. 39. 

4. Lib. ii. c. 57. Comp. S. Coteler. a. a. O. n. 1 : J. L. Selvaggii An- 

tiq. chr. institut. lib. ii. p. 1. 

5. Lib. ii. c. 58. lib. . c. 19. 

6. S. Patr. Aopst. ed. Cot. edit. Amstelod. 1724. f. torn. 1. p. 

621 seq. 

§ 2. By whom the Homilies were delivered, p. 239. 

1. Apolog. c. 67. ed. Oberth. p. 222: Rutin, hist. eccl. lib. . c. 2. 

Paulini Vita. 

2. Ambrose, Theodor. h. e. iv. c. 67. 

3. Horn. x. in 1 ep. ad Tim. p. 464. 

4. Sozomen. hist. eccl. lib. vi ii. c. 27. 

5. Populii Vita Agust. c. 5: Chrystost. Horn, in 2 Tit. x. in 1 

Tim. iii. 

6. Concil. Vasens. ii. c. 2. A. D. 529: S. Gregor. M. Praefat. ad lib. 

xl. Horn, in Evangel, ad Secund. unci Jo. Diaconi Vit. : Gregor. 
M. lib. ii. c. 18 : Euseb. e. h. lib. vi. c. 19 : Euseb. Vit. Constit. 
lib. iv. c. 29—34. 

8. Apost. Constit. lib. iii. c. 9. 

9. De Praescript. c. 41 : De Bapt. c. 17 : De Veland. Virgin, c. 9. 

§ 3. Frequency of Sermons, p. 241. 

1. Gaudentius Tract, v. : Augustin Tr. in Ps. 86. 

2. Apost. Constit. lib. ii. c. 57: Concil. Laodic. c. 19: Concil. Au- 

relian. c. 3 : Augustin. Serm. 237 : De Tern. Serm. 49. 

3. Basil. M. in hexaem. Horn. 2,9: Chryost. Horn. x. in Gen: 

Horn. 9. et 10. ad Antiochen : Socrat. h. e. lib. v. c. 21. 

§ 4. Length of the Sermons, p. 242. 
1. Homil. lxiii. p. 605. 2. Bingham. Vol. vi. p. 513. 

§ 5. Place of the Preacher, p. 242. 

1. Socrates h. e. lib. vi. c. 5 : Sozomen h. e. lib, c. 5 : August, de civit. 
Dec. lib. xxii. c. 8 : Ep. 225, 253. 

§ 6. Mode of Delivery, p. 243. 

1. Agust. S. Horn. l. Serm. 26: Serm.de Diversis : Serm. 49 : De 

Catechiz. rudibus. c. 13: Euseb. de Vita. Constit. lib. iv. c. 33. 

2. Horn. iii. de incomprehens. torn. viii. p. 407 : Horn. iii. in 1 Thess. 

p. 381. 

3. Gregr. Naz. Orat. 2 : Opp. torn. i. ed. Colon, p. 46 : Caesarius 

Arelatensis. Horn. xii. 

4. Cyprian de Vit. Caesarii, c. 12. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 505 

5. Ferrarius de concion. Rit. p. 287 seq. : Bingham, Vol. vi. pp. 

525, 526. 

6. Euseb. b. e. lib. vii. c. 30 : Chrysost. Horn. xxx. in Acts Apost.: 

Gregor. Naz. Orat. 32. p. 510 : Augustin. Horn. l. : Serra. 25. 
Serm. de Temp. 45: Doctr. chr. vi. 24—26. 

7. Soerat. b. e. Jib. c. 4: Sozomen. h. e. lib. viii. c. 27: Gregor. Naz. 

Orat. 32. p. 528. 

8. Euseb. h. e. lib. vii. c. 36. 

§ 7. Construction of a Sermon, p. 244. 

1. Serm. 121. Com p. Tractat. 15. in Joann. : Tractat. 36, 40. 

2. Augustin de Doctr. chr. lib. iv. c. 15 : Serm. 46: de Temp. Serm. 

15: de verb. Apost. : Gregor. M. 19. in Ezech. p. 1144. 

3. Serm. 6. De Sanctis. 

4. Chrysost. Horn. 4, 11, 12, 13, 20: 3d. in. Ep. ad Coloss.: Apost 

Constit. lib. viii. c. 5. 

5. Optat. Milevit. de Schism. Don. lib. iii. fin. 7. 

6. Bingham. Vol. vi. p. 490. 

7. Gregor. Naz. Orat. 1. De Fuga. p. 15. 

8. Horn, de Bapt. Chr. torn. i. p. 276. ed. Tr. 

§ 8. Subjects of Discourse, p. 246. 
1. Orat. De Fuga. p. 15. 2. De Bapt. Chr. torn. i. p. 276. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

CATECHETICAL INSTRUCTIONS p. 252. 

1. Mich. Walcker de Catechisatione Veterum : J. C. Walch de 

Apostolor. Institutione Catechetica : Conf. Ejusdem Miscel- 
lanea Sacra: G. T. Zachariae de Methodo Catechetica: G. 
Langemack Historia Catechetica : J. G. Walch Einleitung in die 
Catechetische Historie alterer, mittelerer, und neuerer Zeiten : 
J. G. Kocher Einleitung in die Catechetische Theologie. 

2. Tertull. Apol. c. 2 : De Anima, c. 37 : Adv. Marc. v. c. 14 : De 

Pudicit. c. 4: Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. c. 16: Iren. adv. heares. 
iv. c. 3, 10, 26, 31 : Orig. Horn. viii. in Exod. etc. 

3. Orig. viii. in Exod. Opp. torn. v. p. 419. ed. Oberth. : Augustin 

Quaest. 71. in Exod. : Ep. cxix. c. 11, 12: Contra. Faust. 15. 7 : 
De decern, chordis. c. 5, 6 : Serm. De Temp. 95. 481. 

4. 1 Pet. 3: 2J : 1 Tim. 6: 12: Tertull. De Cor. mil. c. 3, 48 : De vel. 

virg. c. 1 : De Praescript. haer. c. 13 : Iren. adv. haer. i. c. 2, 70 : 
Apost. Constit. Op. c. 41 : Soerat. h. e. i. c. 8. 

5. Cyril. Hieros. Catech. v. § 5 : August, de Symb. Ser. 1. De tract. : 

Symb. S. 112, 114. 

6. Bingham, Vol. iv. 79—119 : Walch. Bibl. Symb. 

64 



508 INDEX OF AUTHOKTT1ES. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

BAPTISM. 

§ 1. Names or Appellations of Baptism, p. 255. 

1. Ant. van Dale : Historia baptismorum, turn judiacorum, turn chris- 

tainorum. S. Dissert, super Aristea. Amstelod. 1705. 4. p. 376 
seqq.: J. A. Stark's Gesebichte der Taufe und der Taufgesinn- 
ten. Leipz. 1789. 8: Chr. F. Eisenlohr's historische Bemerkun- 
gen iiber die Taufe. Tubingen 1804. 8 : J. F. Th. Zimmermann 
Comment, de baptismi origine et necessitudine, nee non de for- 
mulis bapt. Goetting. 1816\ 8: Wilh. Schenck's Taufbuch fur 
christliche Religions- Verwandte ; oder Unterricht iiber alle Ge- 
genstande, welche die Taufhandlung sowohl in kircblicher als 
auch biirgerlicher Hinsict betreffen u. s. vv. Weimar 1803. 8. 
Fr. Brenner's geschichtliche Darstellung der Verricbtung der 
Taufe von Christus bis auf unsere Zeiten. Bamberg 1818. 8. 

2. Clemens A\ex. Paedag lib. i. c. 6 : Justin Mart. Apol. 1. c. 61 : Ter- 

tullian De Bap. c. 5, 7, 16. 

3. Cyrill. Hieros. Procatech. §16 : Gregor. Naz. orat. 40. Job. Damasc. 

DeFideOrtb. iv. 19. Optat. Mil. lib. v. p. 80: Justin Mart.Apol. 
1. c. 61—67 : Tertullian De Bapt. torn. ii. p. 40—57. ed. Oberth. 
Advr. Prax. 26: Const. Apost.lib. ii. c. 7. lib. c. 9—11, 16, 17, 
18. lib. 7. c. 22. lib. c. 32. Gregor. Naz. Elg to ayiov ^anTia^ict 
Orat. Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. My stag. I. et II. 

§ 2. Historical Sketch, p. 256. 

1. Tractat. 5. in Joann. c. 5. 

2. De Spir. S. lib i. c. 3 : comp. Cyprian, epist. 83. ad Jubaj. 

3. Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. Algst. 2. Ambrose Cbrysost. Horn. 6. in Co- 

loss. Serm. 10. 

4. Comp. Petr. Zornii, Historia Eucharistiae Infantum. Chr. E. 

Weismann, De praepestera Eucharistiae reductione. 

5. Tertull. De Bapt. c. 15. Cyprian Ep. 7, 3. ad Jubaj. de unitate 

eccl. p. 112. 

6. De Baptism, c. 15. comp. De Praescript:' Haer. c. 14. c. 37. De 

Pudicit. c. 19, 40. 

7. Concil. Arelat. 1. c. 8. Cone. Nic. c. 8. 19: Cone. Trull, c. 95: 

Cone. Constant. 1. c. 7. Cone. Laodie. c. 7. 8. 

8. Optatus Milevit De schisraat. Donat. lib. i. c. ii. c. 10. v. c. 3, 7, 8 : 

Augustin De Bapt. contr. Donat. lib. iv. c. 19. 1. c. 3. Fulgen- 
tius Rusp. De Fide, c. 29. 

§ 3. Infant baptism, p. 258. 

1. W. Wall: The history of Infant-Baptism. In two Parts. Edit. III. 
London 1720. 8. P. I. P. II. (als P. III. ist zu betrachten : 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 507 

Will. Wall, Defence of the History of Infant-Baptism, against 
the reflections of Gale and others. Lond. 1720. 8:) Dasselbe 
Werk lafeinisch. Historia baptismi infantum Guil. Wallii. Ex 
Anglico latine vertit nonnullis etiam observationibus et vindiciis 
auxit I. L. Schlosser. Bremae 1748. 4 : Jo. Ge. Walch. Historia 
Paedobaptismi quatuor priorum saeculorum. Jenae 1739. 4. S. 
Ejusd. Miscellan. sacr. Amslelod. 1744. 4. p. 487 — 509: Marq. 
Gudii de Clinicis, seu Grabatariis vet. eccl. : Mich. Screiber. de 
dilatione baptismi. Regiom. 1706. 4: A. F. Biisching de pro- 
crastinatione baptismi apud vet. ej usque causis. Hal. 1747. 4. 

2. Archaeologie p. 314. 

3. Apol. 2. pp. 62, 94. Dial. c. Tryph. pp. 315, 262. 

4. Lib. i. vision. 3. c. 3. lib. iii. Simil. 9. n. 16. 

5. Ep. 1. ad Corinth, n. 17. 

6 Concil. Carthag. 3. c. 5. Decret. cod. eccl. Afric. c. 18. 

7. Gregor. Naz. Orat. 40. De Bapt. 

8. Adv. Maricon lib. v. c. 10. 9. Horn. 40. in Cor. 

10. Haeres 28. c. 6. 

11. Concil. Colon. A. D. 1281. c. 4: Cone. Laod. A. D. 1287. c. 2: 

Cone. Turin. A. D. 1310, c. 114. 

12. Ep. 69. ad Magn. 

13. Const, apost. lib. viii. c. 32: Cone. Illiber. c. 37, 29 : Araus. 1. c. 

15, etc. 

14. Timoih. Alex. Respons. c. 3 : Cassian. Collat. lib. vii. c. 30. 

15. Cyprian Ep. 76. Augustin. De adult.: Conj. lib. i. Confess, lib. iv. 

c. 4: Cyril of Alexandria in Joann. 11: Fulgentius, De Bapt. 
Aeth. c. 8 : Euseb. eccl. hist. lib. vi. c. 43: Concil. Neo. Caesar. 
c. 12. 

16. Bingham, bk. ii. c. 5. § 2. 

17. S. Gregor. Turon. Hist. Franc, lib. vi. c. 17 : S. Caroli. M. Capi 

tul. iii. A. D. 769 : Concil. Toletan. 4. c. 56. 

18. Concil. Carthag. 4. c. 6. Leo. M. Ep. 90, 92 : ad Rustic. Gregor. 

II. Ep. 1. ad" Bonif. 

19. Const, apost. lib. viii. c. 32. Tertull. De Idolat.c. 2: De Spectac. 

c. 22 : adv. Hermog. c. 7. 

20. Cone. Illiber. c. 62 : Cone. Carthag. 3. c. 35 : Cyprian Ep. 61 : 

Augustin De Civ. Dei. II. 14. 

21. Cone. Arelat. 1. c. 4: Hieron. Vit. Hilar, c. 13. 

22. Cone. Laodic. c. 36 : Couc. Trull, c. 61 : Chrysost. Horn. 13, in 

Ep. ad Eph.: Horn. 8 in Ep. ad Coloss. : Horn 6 adv. Jud. : 
Cone. Tolet. 1, c. 17. 

23. Bingham, bk. ii. c. 5. § 6. 9. 

§ 4. Ministers of Baptism, p. 269. 

1. Clemens Alex. Hypoth. lib. v. : Nicephorus, h. e. lib. ii. c. 3. 

2. Ep. ad Smyr. 3. De Bapt. c. 17. 

4. Lib. iii. c. 2. Comp. also Jerome Dial: adv. Lucif. c. 4. Synod. 



508 INDEX OP AUTHORITIES 

Roman, ad Gall. Episc. c. 7. ed. Hard.: Concil. Hispal. 2, A. D, 
619. 
5. Justin Martyr, apol. 1. c. 67. 6. Hieron. advr. Pelag. lib. i. 

§ 5. Times of Baptism, p. 273. 

1. Natalis Alexandri Dissert, de baptismi solemnis tempore. S. The- 

saur. theol. Venet. 1762. 4 : De baptismate paschali etc. liber. 
exOnuphrii Pauvinii Veron. commentariis : cum corollariis Joh. 
Marc. Suaresii. Romae, 1556. 4. 

2. De Bapt. c. 19. 

3. Leo M. Epist. 4. ad Sici!. Ep. : Siricius Ep. ad Hemmer. c. 2: 

Socrat. e. h. lib. i. c. 5 : Ambros. de Myst. Paschal, c. 5: Au- 
gustin Serm. De Temp. 160. 

4. Concil. Antissiodor, A. D. 578. c. 18: Concil. Matiscon 2. c. 3: 

Gelasius Epist. 9. 

5. Euseb. Vit. Constant, lib. iv. c. 22. comp. c. 57: Gregor. Naz. 

Orat. 42. Gregor. Nyss. Orat. 4 : Socrat. e. h. lib. vii. c. 5 : Cy- 
rill Hierosol. Procatech.c. 15. 

6. Opp. torn. ii. p. 367 seq. 

7. De Bapt. c. 19. comp. also Basil. M. : Horn. 13, Exliorlat. ad Bapt. 

Chrysostom Horn, in Act.: Augustiu De Quadrages. Serm. 6. 

§ 6. Place of Baptism, p. 273. 

1. J. H. Wedderkamp : de baptisteris. Helmst. 1703. 8: Paul Pacia- 

udi de sacris Christianorurn balneis. Venet. 1750. ed. 2. Rom. 
1758. 4. 

2. Apolog. 1. c. 61. 3. Horn. 9, 19. 4. De Bapt. c. 4. 

5. Gesta S. Marcelli in Surii Vit. S. d. 16. 

6. Eccl. Hist. lib. x. c. 4. De Vit. S. Const, lib. iii. c. 50. 

7. Catech. Mystag. i. ii. : ii. i. 

8. De Init. e.*2, 5. De Sacram. lib. iii. c. 2. Ep. 33. 

9. De Civ. Dei, lib. 22. c. 8. 10. Duranti Rit. Eccl. lib. i. c. 19. 

§ 7. Element of Baptism, p. 274. 

1. Tertull. De Bapt. c. 3, 4, 5 : Ambros. De Initial, mystar. c. 4: De 

Sacr. lib. iii. c. 11 : Cyprian De Bapt. cbr. c. 4 : Basil M. in Ps. 
23: Gregor. Naz. Orat. 40 : Cbrysost. Horn. 35. in John 5. Horn, 
in Acts: Augustin Ep. 23. ad Bonif. Tract, ii. in John : Cyrill. 
Hieros. Catech. 3. c. 5 : Joh. Dramas. De Fide. orth. lib. 2. c. 9. 

2. Tertull. De Bapt. c. 4 : Cyprian Ep. 70 : Constit. apost. lib. 7. c. 

43: Dyonis. Aness. De Heir. cat. 3. Ambros. De Sacr. 1. c. 5. 
2. c. 5 : Basil M. De Spir. S. c. 27 : Augustin. De Bapt. iii. 10. 
v. 2. vi. 25. 

§ 8. Mode and Form of Baptism, p. 275. 
1. Henr. Pontani Dissertatt. de ritu mersionis in sacro bapt. Tra- 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 509 

jecti 1705. 4 : Jo. Gill, the ancient mode of baptizing by Im- 
mersion, etc. Lond. 1726. 8. G. Ge. Zeltner, de mersione in 
baptismo apostolica larga perfusione instaura'nda. Altd. 1720. 
1725.4: Jo. Bartholin! dissert, de baptismo per adspersionem 
legitime administrate Havniae 1557. 4. 

2. Brenner's Geschicbtl. Darstellung der Verrichtung derTaufe, etc. 

1818. S. 1—70. 

3. Muratori. Liturg. Rom. Vet. torn. ii. 

4. Adv. Prax. c. 2," 6. De Coron. Mil. c. 3. 

5. De Spiritu Sancto. c. 27. 

6. Advr. Lucif. c. 4. Comment, in Ep. Eph. 4. 

7. De Sacr. 2. c. 7. 

8. Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. Mystag. 2. c. 4: Gregor. Nyss. in De Bapt. 

Chr. Athanas. De Parabol. Ser. Quaest. 94: Leo, Mag. Ep. ad 
Episc. Sic. c. 3. 

9. Gregor. Mag. Ep. lib. i. ep. 41. 10. Cone. Toletan. 4. c. 5. 

11. Ambros. Ser. 20 : Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. Mystag. 2, 2 : Chrysos- 

tom Horn. 6. Ep. ad Coloss. Ep. 1. ad Innocent : Athanas. Ep. 
ad Orthodox Comp. Vass. De Bapt. Dissputat. 

12. Leo Allat. Eccl. Occid. et Orient. Con. lib. iii. c. 12, § 4 : Alex. 

De Stourdza. Considerationes surla doctrine et l'esprit de 1'eg- 
lise Orthodoxe : Act. et Script. Theol. Wertemberget Patriarch 
Constant. Jerom. p. 63. p. 238: Metrophan. Critoputi Confess. 
c. 7. p. 86. Comp. Christ. Angeli. enchiriel de statu hodiern. 
Graceor. c. 24. 

13. Ep. 76. ed. Oberth. vol. i. p. 279, 280. 

14. Jo. Ciampini monument. Vet. part ii. : Mabillon. Mus. Ital. torn. i. 

Brenner's Geschichtl. Darstell. S. 14 — 16. 

15. Walafr. Strabo. de rebus eccl. c. 26. 

16. Jo. Gerhard, Loc. Theol. torn. ix. p. 146. 

17. Summa. p. 3. quaest. 66. art. 7. 18. De Bapt. lib. vi. c. 25. 
19. Apol. 1. c. 61. 20. De Bapt. c. 13. Adv. Praxeam. c. 26. 

21. Ep. 73. ad Jubaj. Opp. torn. i. ed. Oberth. p. 233. 

22. Apost. Const, lib. iii. c. 16. Canon, c. 49: Comp. Bingham, bk. 

ii. c. 3. 

23. Ambrose De Sacrament, lib. c. ult. 

24. Bingham, bk. ii. c. 3. § 3. 

§ 9. Rites connected with Baptism, p. 278. 

1. Ambrose De Sacrament, lib. ii. c. 2. De Initiat. c. 2: Augustin. 

De Symbolo ad Catech. lib. ii. c. 1 : Hieron. Com. in Amos, 6, 
14: Gregor. Naz. Orat. 40. De Bapt. p. 670, ed. Par. Chrysost. 
Horn. 6. in Ep. ad Coloss.: Horn, ad pop. Ant. p. 237. Const, 
apost. lib. viii. c. 41 : Justin Martyr Apol. I. c. 61, apol. 11, p. 
93. Bingham, bk. ii. c. 7, § 6 : Jos. Vieccomitis, De Ritibus 
Bapt. lib. ii. c. 27. 

2. Mart. Chladenii dissert, de abrenuntiatione baptismali. Viteb. 



510 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

1713 4: Th. Stolle. De origine Exorcismi in bapt. Jenae, 
1735. 4 : Jo. Chr. Werosdorf. De vera ratione exorcismorura 
eccl. veteris. Viteb. 1749. 4: J. M. Krafft's ausfiihrliche His- 
torie vom Exorcismo. Hamburg. 1750. 8. 

3. Henke's AM. Gesch. der chr. Kirche, i. 97 : Stark's Gesch. des 

ersten Jahr. torn. iii. S. 203: Sehrockh's chr. Kirchengisch. 
torn. iv. S. 25 : Optatus 3Iilevit De Schism Donat. lib. xxiv. c. 6 : 
Basil M. De Spiritu Sancto. c. 27 : Gregor. Naz. Orat. 40. 

4. Augustin. De Fide, ad Catechumen. 2. ]. 

5. Chryst. Horn, ad Baptiz. : Concil. Constant. Sub. Menn. act. 5. 

6. Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. Mystag. i. § 2 : Pseudo Dionys. De Hier- 

arch. Eccl. c. 2 : Gregor. Naz. Orat. 40 : Ambrose, De Initiat. 
c. 2 : De Myster. c. 3: Hieron. in Amos 6: 14. 

7. Apost. Constit. lib. vii. c. 41 : Tertull. De Cor. Mil. c. 3 : Cy- 

prian Ep. vii. De Lapsis : Jerome, Com. in Matt. xxv. 

8. Assemani Codex. Liturg. lib. ii. c. 1. § 1 — 5. 

9. Apost. Constit lib. iii. c. 17 : Cyprian. Ad Demet. De Unitate. 

Eccl. : Cyprian. Ep. 1. al lviii. : Hieron. Ep. cxiii. : Augustin. 
Serm. De Temp. 101 : Assemani cod. Liturg. lib. i. p. 43. 

10. Pseudo Ambrosius. De Sacram. lib. i. c. 2 : Justin Respons. ad 

Orthodox. Quaest. 137: Apost. Constit. lib. ii. c. 22. 

Ceremonies after Baptism, p. 281. 

11. Cyprian, Ep. 64 al 59.: Augustin. contra. Ep. Pel. iv. c. 8 : 

Chrysost. Ser. 50. Util. Leg. Script. 

12. Concil. Araus. c. 2 : Innocent I. Ep. ad Decent. Eusub. Brenner. 

S. 97. 

13. Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. Mystag. vi. § 8 : Euseb. Vit. Const. 4. 62: 

Socrat. h. e. 5. 8 : Sozomen, h. e. 7. 8 : Gregor. Naz. Orat. 39: 
Paladius. Vit. Chrysost. c. 9 : Jerome, Ep. 57, 78, 128. August. 
Serm. 232. 

14. Gregor. Orat. 40 : Baron. Annal. 401 : Ambros. De Laps. 

Virg. Sacr. c. 5: Gregor. Turon. Hist. Franc, lib. v. c. 2. 

15. Augustin. (Caesar Arelat.) Serm. 160. De Temp. : Assemani, Cod. 

Lit. lib. ii. p. 42: Mabillon. Mus. leal. torn. i. Sacram. Gallic. 

§ 10. Of Sponsors, p. 284. 

1. De Bapt. c. 8. 

2. Ep. 23. ad Bonif. : De Peccator. merit, lib. i. c. 34 : Serm. 

116 : De temp. 163-: De Temp, de Bapt. lib.iv. c. 24. 

3. Augustin. Serm. 116: De Tern. torn. x. p. 304 : Epist. 23 ad Bonif. 

4. De Hier. Eccl. c. 2. 5. Horn, in Ps. 

6. Hen. Cyrop. lib. i. c. 6 : Theophrast. Ethic, c. 12. 

7. De Hierarch. Eccl. 

8. Serm. 163. De Temp.: Comp. 116. De Temp. : De Bapt. lib. iv. 

c. 24: Ep. ad Bonif. De Peccator. merit, lib. i. c. 34. 

9. Bingham, bk. xi. c. 8. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 511 

10. Augustin. 116. De Temp. torn. x. p. 852. 

11. Dionys. Areop. Hierarch. eccl. c. 2. 

12. Augustin. Ep. ad Bonif. 23 : Vit. Epiph. c. 8 : Opp. torn. ii. p. 324. 

13. Cone. Antissidor. c. 25. 14. Cone. Mogunt. c. 55. 

§11. Names given at Baptism, p. 287. 

1. D. Mart. Luther's Nahmen-Biichlein. 1537: Neu edirt mit An- 

merk. von Godofr. Wegener. Lips. 1674. 8 : Jo. Henr. Stuss, 
De norninum mutatione sacra. Goth. 1735. 4: H. A. Meinders, 
De nominibus et cognominibus Germanorum et aliorum popu- 
lorum septentr. vet. S. Miscell. Lips. torn. vi. p. 1 seq.: Cata- 
logus norninum pr. in Goldasti Antiq. Alemann. torn. ii. p. 92 seq. 

2. Baron. Annal. A. D. 259. 3. Soc. eecl. hist. lib. vii. c. 21. 
4. Cyril. Hieros. Procatech. and Catech. 3 : Gregor. Nyss. Orat. in 

cos. qui differ. Bapt. : Augustin. Confess, lib. ix. 

CHAPTER XV. 

OF CONFIRMATION, p. 288. 

1. Godofr. Wegener, De confirmatione Ca techumenorum in vet. 

eccl. Regiom. 1692. 4 : Chr. M. Pfaff, De initiatione, expiatione, 
benedictione et confirmatione Catechumenorum. Tubing. 1722. 
4 : Frid. Spanhemii Dissert, de ritu impositionis manuum in vet. 
eccl. S. Opp. torn. ii. p. 871 seq. : Luc. Holstenii Dissert, ii. De 
forma et ministro sacramenti Confirmationis apud Graecos. 
Rom. 1666. 8 : S. Jo. Morini Opp. posth. Paris. 1703. 4 : Henr. 
Benzelii De sacramento Confirmationis Romanensium. S. Syn- 
tag. Dissert, t. ii. 1745. 4: Chr. M. Pfaff, Dissert, de confirma- 
tione Catechumen, in ecclesiis Aug. Conf. usitata, itemque de 
confirmat. Anglicana. Tubing. 1723.4 : Fr. Brenner's geschicbt- 
liche Darstellung der Verrichtung der Firmung, von Christus 
bis auf unsere Zeiten, mit bestandiger Riicksicht auf Deutsch- 
land und besonders auf Franken. Bamberg u. Wiirzb. 1820. 8. 

2. Hist. eccl. lib. iii. c. 23. 

3. De Bapt. c. 7. 8 : De Resurrec. earn. c. 8. 

4. Sent. Episcoporum, 87 : De Haereticis baptizandis: Opp. 72. ad 

Steph. 

5. Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. Mystag. 3. 1 : Const. Apost. lib. vii. c. 43. 

44 : Optat. Milen. de Schism. Donat. lib. iv. 

6. Bingham, bk. ii. c. 1. <§ 1. 2 : Gennad. De Dogmat. : Jo. Dalleus. 

lib. iii. c. 13: Eccles. c. 52. 

7. Chrysost. Horn. 18. in Acts: Augustin. De Trinit. lib. xv. c. 26: 

Comp. Cyprian, Ep. 73. ad Jubaj. 

8. Cone, llliber. c. 38. 77 : Cone. Carthag. ii. c. 3 : iii. c. 36 : iv. c 

36 : Cone. Tolet. i. c. 20. 

9. Ed. Martene. De Antiq. Eccl. Rit. lib. i. c. 2. art. 4: Assemani 

Cod. Liturg. Eccl. Univers. lib. iii. 



512 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

10. Lib. iii. c. 17 : vii. c. 22. 44. 45. 

11. Catech. Mystag. 3. 

12. Innocent. Ep. 1. ad Decent, c. 3: Martin Brucharen. c. 52 : Cone. 

Constant, i. c. 7. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

OF THE LORD'S SUPPER. 

§ 1. Names and Appellations, p. 292. 

1. Suiceri Observatt. sacr. p. 91 : Casauboni Exercit. 16. ad Baronii. 

annal. p. 450 seq. : Jo. Gerhardi Loc. theol. torn. x. p. 3. 

2. Ad uxor. lib. ii. c. 4. 

3. Jo. Gerhard. Loc. theol. torn. x. p. 4, 5 : Corpus juris eccl. Saxon. 

S. 136, 137. 

4. Justin Martyr, Apol. i. c. 65, 66. p. 220 : Iren. adv. haeres. lib. iv. 

c. 34 : Clem. A!, paedag. lib. ii. c. 2. p. 178. 

5. Constitut. Apost. lib. viii. c. 13. 

6. Chr. Matth. Pfaff. notae in Irenaei fragmenta anecdota. Hagae, 

1715. 8. p. 128. 

7. De Hierarch. eccl. c. 3. 8. Jo. Gerhard, x. p. 8. 

9. Bona, Rer. liturg. lib. ii. c. 1. p. 2. ed. Colon.: J. Steph. Duranti. 
De Rit. eccl. cath. lib. xxi. 1 : Gerhard. Loc. Theol. x. p. 10: 
lsidor. Hispal. etymol. lib. vi. c. 19: Guil. Durandi Ration, div. 
off. lib. iv. c. 1. 

§ 2. Accounts given in the New Testament, p. 298. 

1. Matth. de la Roque, Histoire memorabie et interessante de 1' Eu- 

charistie. Ed. noiiv. Amsterd. 1737. 8: Rud. Hospiniani His- 
toriae sacramentariae. P. 1, 2. Genev. 1681. f. : Dav. Blondel, 
De Eucharistia vet. eccl. 1640. 4 : J. A. Quenstedt, De s. Eu- 
charistiae in primitiva eccl. usitata. 1715.8: Fr. Brenner's 
Geschichtliche Darstellung der Verrichtung und Ausspendung 
der Eucharistie, von Christus bis auf unsere Zeiten u. s. w. 
Bamberg. 1824. 8. 

2. Epiphanius, Haeres. 70. 3. Horn. 83 in Math. 

4. De Doctrina Christ, lib. ii. c. 9 : J. Fr. Budrleus, Inst, theol. Dogm. 

p. 369 : Gerhard. Loc. Theol. torn. x. p. 387 : Witsius, On Cov- 
enant, lib. ii. c. 10. 

5. Gerhard, torn. x. p. 393 : J. S. Baumgarten. Dissert, de Juda sa- 

crae. coenae. conviva. Hal. 1744. 4 : Guil. Saldini Odor, theol. 
lib. ii. exercit. viii. p. 376. 

6. c. 41. p. 106—108: c. 117. p. 300, ed. Oberth. 

§ 3. Testimony of pagan Writers, p. 300. 
1. De Morte Perigrini. Opp. torn. viii. 272 ed Bipont. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 513 

2. Contra Celsum. lib. i. c. 1. 

3. Chr. Kortolt. Paganus Obtrectator. Lubec. 1703. 4. lib. ii. c. 9 : 

lib. iii. c. 9 : G. Fr. Gudii, Paganus Christianorum laudator et 
fan tor. Lips. 1740. p. 17, 18: J. H. Boehmer, Diss. xii. De Ju- 
ris eccles. antiqui : Dissertat. iv. De Coitionibus Christianorum, 
ad capiendum cibum : Stuckii Antiq. convivial. 1. i. c. 31 : Dal- 
laeus, De Cult, relig. lib. iii. c. x. 

§ 4. Testimony of the Apostolical Fathers, p. 300. 

1. Adv. Haer. lib. iv. c. 18. c. 17. 

2. Munscher, ii. 380 : Irenaei Fragmenta Anecdota : M. Pfaff. Hag. 

Com. 1715. 8 : Fragment. 2. pp. 26 — 28 : Innaeus, Adv. Haeres. 
lib. i.e. 13: v. c. 2. 

3. Paedag. lib. ii. 4. Horn, in Exod. H. 13. 

5. De Corona Militis. c. 3: De Resurrectione Carnis. c. 1 : Comp. 

Apologet. c. 39. 

6. Ep. 63. ad Caecilium De Sacrament. Domini calicis. Opp. ed. 

Oberth. torn. i. p. 185—96 : De Orat. Domini, p. 147. ed. Brem. : 
De Lapsis, p. 132 : Ep. 75 : De bono patient, p. 216 : Ep. 58. 
p. 125. 

7. Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. Mystag. v. c. 18 : Ambros. De sacr. lib. iv. 

c. 5 : De Init. c. 9: Augustin. c. Faust, xii. c. 10: Hieron. 
Ep. 62, etc. 

8. Lib. ii. c.28, 57: lib. iii. c. 10 : lib. v. c. 19. 

9. Lib. vii. c. 25 : lib. viii. c. 12 — 15. 

§ 5. Times of Celebration, p. 304. 

1. Serm. 8. in Ps. 118. 2. Ep. 118. ad Jan. c. 5—7. 

3. Ad Uxor. lib. ii. c. 4. 

4. Amalarius, De divin. Offic. lib. iv. c. 30. 

5. Canones Apost. : Hieronymus contra Vigilant, c. 4, 7 : Innocent 

III. De Myster. Miss. lib. ii. c.21. 

6. See chap. i. §1: Comp. J. H. Boemer, Dissert. 12. juris eccl. ant. : 

Dissert, i. De stato Christianorum die. p. 5 — 35. 

7. Ad Nation, lib. i. c. 13. 8. Apol. i. c. 67. 
9. Advr. Haeres. lib. iv. c. 34. 

10. Tertullian. De Jejun. c. 14 : De Idol. c. 7 : Cyprian. Ep. 54 : Am- 
bros. Ep. 14 : Marcell. sor. : Augustin. Ep. 1 18. ad Januar. c. 2 : 
ibid. c. 3: Chrysostom. Horn. 3. in Ep. ad Eph. torn. v. p. 886. 
ed. Francof. : see also p. 633. 

§ 6. Place of Celebration, p. 306. 

1. Balthas. Bebelii, Exercit. de aris et mensis eucharisticis veterum. 
Argentor. J 666. 4 : Jo. Fabricii, De aris vet. Christian. Helmst. 
1698. 4 : Godofr. Voigtii, Thysiasteriologia, s. de altaribus vet. 
Chr. Edit. : J. A. Fabricii. Hamb. 1709. 8. 
65 



514 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

2. Concil. Epaon. c. 26. 

3. De Schismat. Donat. lib. vi. c. 1 seq. 

4. Victor. De Persec. Vandal, lib. i: Isidor. Pelus. lib. i. Ep. 123: 

Pallad. Hist. Laus. Theod. i. 31. 

§ 7. Ministers of the Lord's Supper, p. 307. 

1. Hugonis Grotii, De administratione S. Coenae, ubi pastores non 

sunt, et an semper cornmunicandum sit per symbola? 1638: 
S. H. Grotii, Opp. theol. torn. iv. p. 505 seq. : Dionys. Petavii, 
Diatribe de potestate consecrandi et sacrificandi sacerdotibus a 
Deo concessa. Paris. 1640. S. cle Theol. dogmat. torn. iv. ed. 
Clerici p. 206 seq. : Jo. Hard u in i, Dissert, de potestate conse- 
crandi. S. Opp. sel. p. 300 seq. : Henr. Dodwelli, De jure Lai- 
corum sacerdotal i, etc. Lond. 1685. 4: Jo. Ge. Walch, De S. 
Coena a Laicis administranda. Jen. 1747. 4. 

2. Apol. i. c. 65. p. 220. 3. Ep. ad Smyrn. 

4. Lib. viii. c. 13. 

5. Catech. My stag. cat. 5 : Pseudo Dionys. Areop. De Hier. Eccl. 

c. 8. 

6. Gregor. M. Ep. lib. viii. ep. 35 : Surii Vit. SS. a. d. 26. Mart. 

c. 33. 

7. Diatr. De synod, epist. synod. Illyr. S. : Petr. De Maria Dissertat. 

Sel. torn. iv. p. 336. 4. ed. Bamberg. 

8. Constitut. Apost. lib. viii. 13 : Cone. Tolet. i. c. 14 : Ambro- 

ses, De offic. lib. i. c. 41 : Hieron. Ad Evagr. ep. 85. 

9. Cone. Arelat. c. 15 : Cone. Nic. c. 18 : Hieron. Dialog, contr. 

Lucif. Epist. 85: Augustin. Quaest. v. et N. T. c. 46. 

10. Liturgia S. Baselii by Renaudot : Liturg. Orient, torn. i. P. 1. p. 26: 

torn. ii. p. 1,47 : Gavanti Thesaur. torn. i. p. 136 : Augustin. Ep. 
118. Ad Januar. c. vi : Socrat. h. e. lib. v. c. 21. 

11. Duranti. De rit. cath. lib. ii. c. 28 : Cyrill. Catech. Mystag. v. § 2. 

Const. Apost. lib. viii. c. 11. 

§ 8. Of Communicants, p. 308. 

1. Jo. Fechtii, Tractat. de excommunicatione ecclesiastica. 1712. 4: 

J.F. Meyer, De Eucharistia infantibus olim data. Lips. 1673. 4: 
Petr. Zornii, Historia Eucharistiae infantum. Berol. 1737. 8 : 
Chr. Eberh. Weissmann, De praepostera Eucharistiae infantum 
in Eccl. reductione. Tubing. 1744. 4 : Jo. Andr. Gleich, De S. 
Eucharistia rnoribundis et mortuis olim data. Viteb. 1690. 4 : 
J. A. Schmidt, De Eucharistia Mortuorum. Jenae, 1695. 4 : 
Cf. Ejusd. Decas Dissertat. histor. theol. Dissert, i. 

2. Bk. viii. c. 11, 12. 

3. Canones Apost. c. x. p. 443. ed. Cotel. : Comp. can. 7 : Cone. An- 

tiocb. c. 2. 

4. Horn. 3. in Ep. ad Eph. : Caesarius Arelat. serm. 5. 

5. Cone. Agath. c. 44 : Cone. Aurelian. i. c. 28. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 515 

6. Cyprian. Ep. 64. p. 158, 161. ed. Brem. : De Lapsis, p. 132. ed. 

Brem. : Constitut. Apost. lib. viii. c. 12,13: Dionys. Areop. 
De Hierarch. Eccl. e. 7. § 11. 

7. Augustin. Ep. 23. ad Bon if. epist. 106 : Contra duas Epist. Pelag. 

lib. i. c. 22: Serin. 8. De Verb. Apost. : Comp. Bingham, bk. 15. 
c. 4. § 7. 

8. Al. Atourdza, Considerat. sur la doctrine et l'esprit de l'Eglise 

Orthodoxe, 1816. 

9. Chrysostom. Horn. 40. in Cor. : Concil. Carthag. iii. c. 6: Antis- 

sidor. c. 12: Trull, c. 83 : Cod. African, c. 18. 

10. Cyprian. Eph. 5: Gregor. Naz. Orat. 19. § 11. Philost. Hist. Eccl. 

lib.ii. c.3. 

11. Tertull. Ad uxor. lib. ii. c. 5: Concil. Carth. iii. c. 41 : Augus- 

tin. Epist. 118. ad Januar. c. 5, 6: Paschas. Ratbert. De cor- 
pore et sanguine Domini, c. 20. 

12. Concil. Antissidor. c. 36. 42. 

13. Caesar Arletan serm. 152. al. 229. 

14. Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c. 12. 

15. Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c. 12 : lib. ii. 57 : Augustin. De Serm. Dom. 

in Monte, lib. ii. c. 5 : Basil M. De Spiritu Sancto, c. 27. 

16. Constitut. Apost. viii. c. 13. 

17. Cone. Laodic. c. 19. c. 44 : Trullan. c. 69: Cyprian, ep. 52. 68. 72. 

18. Pseudo-Ambros. De Sacram. lib. i v. c. 5: Augustin. contr. Faust. 

lib. xii. c. 10, Serm. De Verb. Apost. c. 29 : Euseb. h. e. 7: 9 ; 
comp. 6: 43. 

19. Const. Apost. lib. viii. c. 14, 15. 

20. Basnage, 1'Histoire de PEglisse, lib. xvii. c. 1. 3: J. F. Cotta, Sup- 

plem. ad Jo. Gerhard. Loc. Theol. torn. x. 459 seq. p. 463. 

§ 9. Of the Elements, p. 314. 

1. J. Fr. Budeus, De Symbolis Eucharisticis. — Parerga Hist. Theol. : 

J. G. Hermann, Historia concertationum de pane azymo et fer- 
mentato in Coena Domini : Kortholt, C. Dissertat. de Hostiis s. 
placentulis orbicularibus, nurn verus sit Panis ? J. A. Schmidt, 
De Oblatis Eucharisticis quae Hostiae vocari solent : J. A. 
Schmidt, Dissert.de fatis calicis Eucharistici in EcclesiaRomana 
a Concilio Constantiensi ad nostra usque Tempora : L. T. Spit- 
tier, Geschichte des Kelche in Abendmahle. 

2. Bochart, Hieroz. P. 1. lib. ii. c. 12 : Buxtorf. Dissert, de Coena 

Domini, Thes. 20. 

3. Cyprian. Ep. 63. ad Caecileum de sacramento Domini Calicis, 

Augustin. De Doctr. Christi, lib. iv. c. 21. 

4. Iren. adv. Haeres. lib. iv. c. 57 : Cone. Carthag. 3. c. 24. 

5. Bellarmin. De Sacram. Euchar. lib. iv. c. 10 : Cone. Bracar. 3. (al. 

4.) i. c. 1 : Cone. Tribur. c. 19: Cone. Trull. 2. c. 32. 

6. Jac. Goari. Eucholog. Gr. ad missam. Chrysost. n. 167: Arcudii, 

Concord, lib. iii. c. 39: Thorn. Aquin. Summa, part iii. Quaest. 
83, art. 6 : Bona, Rer. Liturg. lib. ii. c. 9. §. 4. 



516 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

§ 10. Consecration of the Elements, p. 317. 

1. Micrologus, c. 12 : Berno, De missa. c. 1 : Steph. Durantus, De Rit. 

eccl. cath. lib. ii. c. 18 — 28: Guil. Durandus, Ration, div. Offic. 
lib. iv. c. 35, 36: Chr. M. Pfaff, Dissert, de consecratione vet. 
eucharistica.: J. Fr. Cotta. Ad Gerhardi, Loc. Theol. torn. x. p. 
264. 

2. Steph. Duranti,De elevatione et ostensione Eucharistiae: S. Ejusd. 

De ritib. eccl. cathol. lib. ii. c. 40. p. 673 seq. : Carol, de Lith. 
de adoratione panis consecrati et interdictione sacri calicis in 
Eucharistia. Suobac. 1753. 8. 

§ 11. Distribution of the Elements, p. 317. 

1. J. Ge. Calixti, Liber de communione sub utraque specie, etc. 

Helmst. 1642. 8: J. A. Schmid, De fatis calicis cucharistici. 
Helmstad. 1708. 4 : L. Th. Spittler's Geschichte des Kelchs irn 
Abendmahl. Lemgo, 1780. 8 : Chr. Sonntag,De intinctione pa- 
nis eucharistici in vinum. Alth. 1635. 4: Jo. Vogt, Historia fis- 
tulae eucharisticae. Brem. 1740. ed. 2. 1771. 8: Jo. Chr. Koe- 
cher, Historia fistularum eucharisticarum. Osnabr. 1741. 4 : S. 
M. C . . . de ritu vet. formulae adplicativae individualis in S. 
Coena. Lubec. 1741. 4. 

2. Cone. Laodic. c. 19, 44. 

3. Tertull. De Spectac. c. 25 : Euseb. h. e. 6. 43 : Cyrill. Hieros. 

Catech. Mystag. 5. § 18 : Ambros. De Sacram. lib. iv. c. 5. De 
Init. c. 9 : August. Contra Faust, lib. xii. c. 10. 

4. Bona, Rer. Lit. lib. ii. c. 17. 

5. Muratorii, Antiq. leal. Med. Revi. torn. iv. p. 178. 

6. Tertull. De Orat. c. 14. Ad Uxor. ii. c. 5 : Cyprian, De Laps. c. 

7 : Basil M. Ep. 289 : Hieron. Ep. 05: Cone. Caesaraugust. c. 3 : 
Cone. Tolet. 1. c. 14 : Tolet. 11. c. 11. 

§ 12. Accompanying Rites. 
1. Psalmody at the Sacrament, p. 323. 

1. Lib. viii. c. 13. Hieron. Ep. 28: Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. Mystag. 5. 

§17. 

2. Hieron. Ep. 28. ad Lucin. : Tertull. De Jejun. c. 13 : Augustin. 

Tract, in Ps. 133 : Cotel. Ad Const, apost. 8. c. 13 : Chrysost. in 
Ps. 144. torn. iii. p. 516. 

2. Kiss of Charity, p. 323. 

3. Petr. Muller, De osculo sancto. Jen. 1675. 1701. 4: De osculis 

Christianorum vet. Dissert, in Tob. Pfanneri Observat. eccles. 
torn. ii. diss. 3 : J. Gottfr. Lange, Vom Friedens-Kuss der alten 
Christen. Leipz. 1747. 4. 

4. Apost. Const, viii. c. 1 1 : Origen, Comment. in'Ep. ad Rom. lib. 

x. c. 33: Tertull. ad Uxor. lib. ii. c. 4: Clemens. Alex. Paedag. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 517 

lib. iii. c. 11 : Athenagoras, Legat. c. 32 : Amalarii, De eccl. offic. 
lib, iii. c.37. 

3. Incense and Sign of the Cross, p. 324. 

5. De Spir. S. ad Amphil. c. 27. 

6. Demenstr. quod Christiis. sit. Deus, c. 9. 

7. Tract. 118, in Joan. 8. Lib. viii. c. 12. 

§ 13. Of the Agapae, p. 325. 

Jo. Hilberti, Disput. de Agapis : C. S. Schurtzfleisch, (J. F. Creitlov.) 
De veter. Agaparum ritu : J. A. Muratori, De Agapis sublatis, in 
Anecdot. Graee. : J. H. Boehmeri, De Coitionib. Christianorum ad 
capiendum cibum, in Dissertatt. Juris Ecclesiast. Antiquiss. : Quis- 
torp, De Agapis nascentis Ecclesiae : J. Moerlin, De Agapis vett. 
Christian. : G. Schlegel De Agapis aetate Apostolorura : J. Th. Fr. 
Drescher, De veter. Christ. Agapis Comment. 

1. Justin Martyr, Apol. 1. c. 67 : Hieronym. Comment, in 1 Cor. xi. 

Chrysost. Horn. 27 in 1. Cor. 

2. Clem. Alex. Paed. lib. ii. c. 1 : Augustin. Ep. 64 : contr. Faust. 

lib. xx. c. 21 : Confess, lib. vi. c. 2 : Chrysost. Horn. 27 in 1 Cor. 
11 : Greg. Naz. Praecept. ad Virgin. 

3. Augustin. Ep. 64. ad Aurel. : Cone. Laod. cir. A. D. 364, c. 28: 

Cone. Carthag. A. D. 397 : Cone. Aurel. ii. c. 12 : Cone. Trul- 
lan. c. 74. 

4. Justin Martyr, Apol. ii : see also 1 Cor. xii. 

5. Cyprian. Ep. de Spectac. : Tertull. DeCoron. c. 3: Socrat. 

Hist. Eccl. lib. v. c. 22. 

6. Justin Mart. Apol. ii : Origen. in Ep. ad Rom. 16: 16. 

7. Clem. Alex. Paedagog. ii. 1, 2. 8. Tertull. Apol. c. 39. 
9. Justin Mart. Apol. ii. c. 97. 10. Cyprian. De Lapsis. 

11. Chrysostom, Ad 1 Cor. xi. Horn. 54, and Horn. 22 on the text 

Oportet haereses esse. 

12. Acts 20:7 : Tertull. Ad Uxor, lib.ii: Cyprian. De Orat. Domini. 

13. Cone. Aurelian. ii. A. D. 535 : Cone. Trullan. A. D. 692. 

14. Theodoret. Hist. Eccl. lib. iii. c. 15: Evang. Verit. viii. p. 633— 4, 

ed. Schultz. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

OF THE DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 

§ Origin of Penance, p. 332. 

1. S. Fliigge's Beytrag zur Gesch. der Rel. und Theol. Th. ii. 1798. 
8. S. 3 — 248 : J. Chr. Ernesti, De antiquo Excommunicationis 
ritu. Viteb. S. a. 4 : Krause, De Lapsis primae ecclesiae. Lips. 
1706. 4 : Chr. F. Quell, De Excommunicationis origine in anti- 
qua ecclesia. Lips. 1759. 4. 



518 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 



2. De Peonitentia, c. 8. 

3. D. Gratz, Disquisit. in Past. Hermas. 4. P. III. Simil. 6—8. 

5. P. III. Simil. 6 : Comp. Bellarmin, P. I. 1820. 4. p. 9 : De Scrip- 

tor, eccl. p. 27. 

6. Comp. Neander, Geist. des Tertullianus. Berlin, 1825. 8. p. 220. 

7. Epist. 10, 13, 25, 46, 48, 54, etc. 8. Stromal, lib. ii. c. 13. 
9. Biblioth. torn. i. p. 216: Vgl. pp. 350, 351. 

§ 3. Subjects of Penance, p. 337. 

1. Cyprian, Epist. 52, 31. 

2. Cyprian, Epist. 55, 67 : Pfanner, Observat. eccl. P. 1. Obs. 3. 

3. Augustin. De Baptism, contr. Donatist. lib. vii. c. 2: Concil. Are- 

lat. i. c. 13. 

§ 4. Different Classes of Penitents, p. 338. 

1. Concil. Ancyran. c. 4 — 6, 9: Concil. Nicaen. c. 11 — 14: Concil. 

Laodic. c. 2, 19. 

2. De Poenit. c. 9 : De Pud. c. 13 : Basil, can. 22: Ambros. ad Virg. 

Laps. c. 8 : Euseb. h. e. lib. v. c. 28 : Socrat. h. e. lib.i ii. c. 13. 

3. Can. 75 : Concil. Nic. c. 11, 12. 4. Chr. Beger. p. 40. 

5. Concil. Laodic. c. 19: Concil. Nice. 11. 

6. Concil. Nic. c. 11 : Concil. Ancyr. c. 4. 

§ 5. Duties of Penitents, p. 340. 

1. Ep. xlvi. p. 107. Comp. De Lapsis p. 325, 326. 
2 Concil. Toletan. iii. c. 12: Concil. Agath. c. 15. Ambros. ad 
Virg. Laps. c. 8. 

3. Sozom. h. e. lib. vii. c. 16 : Hieron. in Joel, c. ii. : Ambros. De 

Poenit. lib. ii. c. 40 : Concil. Arelat. c. 21. 

4. Concil. Carthag. iv. c. 82. 5. Carthag. iv. c. 81. 

§ 6. Readmission of Penitents, p. 342. 

1. Concil. Nic. c. 12: Ancyr. c. 5 : Herd. c. 5 : Chalced. c. 16. 

2. Chrysost. Horn. xiv. in 2 Cor. p. 644: Concil. llliberit. c. 3, 5, 14 : 

Albaspinaei, Observat. lib. ii. c. 30. 

3. Concil. Nic. c. 13: Concil. Carthag. ii. c. 3, 4 : iv. c. 76 — 79: 

Pertschen's Vers, einer Kirchenhist. des iv. Jahr. Th. ii. S. 322. 

4. Concil. Carthag. iv. c. 68: Aurelian. iii. c. 6: Agath. c. 43: To- 

letan. i. c. 2, etc. : Apost. Can. c. 3 seq. 

5. Concil. llliberit. c. 53 : Arelat. i. c. 16, 17 : Nic. c. 5 : Sardic. c. 13. 

6. Concil. Caesaraug. c. 5 : Carthag. ii. c. 7 . 

7. Concil. Tolet. i. c. 11 : Theodoret. Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 9 : Au 

gustin. contr. Petil. lib. iii. c. 38. 

8. Apost. Constit. lib. ii. c. 26 : Agustin. De Bapt. iii. c. 16 : De Pec- 

cator. merit, et rem. lib. ii. c. 26. 

9. Hieron. Comment, in Matt. xvi. : Cyrill. Alex. Joann. 20. lib. 12. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 519 

10. Basil, M. Ep. 63. Opp. torn. iii. p. 96 : Athanas. Ep. ad Marcell. 
De Interpr. Psalm, torn. i. p. 975. 

§ 7. Private Penance, p. 344. 

1. Gabriel Albaspinaeus, Observat. Eccl. lib. ii. c. 26 : Basil. M. in 
Ps. 37: 8 : Chrysost. Horn. xxxi. in Ep. ad Heb. : Socrat. Hist. 
Eccl. lib. v. c. 19 : Sozom. Hist. Eccl. vii. 16 : Bingham, Antiq. 
bk, xviii. c. 3. §11: Schroeck, Kirchensgeschichte, iv. 318 — 321. 

§ 8. Of Councils, 356. 

1. Ziegler's Vers, einer kritisch pragmat. Darstellung des Ursprungs 

der Kirchensynoden und der Ausbildung der Synodalverf. in 
den ersten drei Jahrh. in Henke's neuem Magaz. fiir Religions. 
Philos. bd. i. St. i. p. 125 : Schrockh Thl. iii. p. 143—149. Thl. 
v. p. Ill : Schone's Geschichtsforschungen 1 r. bd. p. 367 — 
372. 3 r. bd. p. 340—378 : Freimiithige Gedanken iider Syno- 
den der alten und neuesten Zeit. In der Jenaer Opposition- 
schr. i. 4. p. 565. ff. : J. Cp. Greiling iiber die Urverfass. der 
apost. Christensem. oder bibl. Winke fiir die evang. Synoden. 
Halberst. 1819. 8: K. H. Sack de optima ecclesiae christ. con- 
stitutione. In sein. Commentatt. ad hist. eccl. Bonn. 1822.8: 
Bretschneider und R. J. Meyer, ob die Kirchenverfass. z. Z. der 
App. e. demokrat. od. e. aristokrat. od. welche sonst gewesen sei 
ii. In Allg. Khz. 1833. Nr. 103—106, 182. vergl. Schlatter 
ebendas. 1834. Nr. 47 : G. B. Schultze Darstell. der Form des 
Kirchenregiments im apost. Zeitalter u. In Allg. Kirchenzeit. 
1833. Nr. 94. ff. vergl. Nr. 148. 

2. Euseb. v. 36. 3. Can. Apost. iii.: Concil. Nic. v. 
4. Euseb. vii. 27. 5. Euseb. vii. 28. 

6. Tillemont, Hist, du Concile CEcumenique de Nicee, in his Me- 
moires : Natalis Alexandri Dissertationes de Nicoeni Concilii 
convocatione, and De Praeside Nicoeni Concilii: in Thesaur. 
Theol. Venet. 1762. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

DOMESTIC AND SOCIAL CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE 
CHRISTIANS, p. 367. 

Neander'sDenkweurdigkeiten and Kirch. Gesch. : G. Arnold's Kirch, 
und Ketzer. Gesch. : Fleury, Moeurs des Chretiens: Cave's Prim. 
Christianity : Lives of the Fathers : Lord Haile's Christian Antqui- 
ties : Ryan's Effects of Religion on Mankind : Burton's Lectures 
on Eccles. Hist. : King's Primitive Christianity. 



520 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 



CHAPTER XIX. 



ON MARRIAGE. 



§ 1. Of the Laws of Christian Marriage, p. 399. 

1. Th. Sanchez, De Sacramento matrimonii, torn, i — iii. 1592. f. : 

Gisbert, Histoire sur le sacr. du Manage, depuis Jesus Christ 
jusques a nous. vol. i — iii. 1725.4: Jo. Gerhard, Loci theol. 
ed. Cotta. torn, xv, xvi : C. F. Staeudlin's Gesch. der Vorstell. 
u. Lehren von der Ehe. 1826. 8. 

2. Soerat. hist. eccl. lib. iv. c. 26. al. 27 : Staudlin's Gesch. der Ehe 

S. 100. 114, etc. : Cod. L. L. lib. v. tit. v : Dig. lib. i. 13, 1. 2. 

3. Tertull. Apolog. c. 6 : De Idol. c. 16 : De Corona Mil. c. 13 : De 

Pudic. c. 4 : Optat. Ambros. epist. 24. ep. 70: Milev. De 
Schism. Donat. 1. 16 : Clemens Alex. Paedag. lib. iii. c. 2 : Au- 
gust. Epist. 234 : De Fide et oper. c. 19 : De civit. Die. lib. xv, 
xvi. 

4. Cone. Nic. c. 8 : Ancyra, c. 19 : Laodic. c. 1 : Neo-Caesar. c. 3 : 

Constit. Apost. lib. iii. c. 2 : Athenag. Legat. : Theophil. Art. 
ad Antol. lib. iii : Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. lib. iii. c. 19. 

5. Tertull. De Monog. c. 11: Ad Uxor. lib. i. c. 7 : De Poenit. 

c.9: Origen, Horn. 17. in Luc. : Ambros. De Offic. lib. i. c. 50 : 
Hieron. Ep. 2. 11.33. 

6. Capitul. Reg. Fr. lib. vi. c.408: vii. c. 179: Capit. 11. Karldm. 

A. D. 743. c. 3. c. 10. xxxv. q. 6: G. W. Boehmer, Ueber die 
Ehe-Gesetze im Zeitalter Karl's d. Gr. Goetengen, 1826. 8. 

7. Wilhelm Occum. Tractatus de jurisdictione Imperatoris in causis 

matrimonalibus: Goldastus. torn. ii. p. 21 — 24. 

8. Krit. und systemat. Darstellung der Verboten Grade der Ver- 

wandschaft: Schwagerschaft. Hannover, 1802 bes. S. 350 — 524 : 
Comp. Jo. Gerhard, Loc. theol. torn. xv. p. 332. 

9. Tertull. Ad Uxor. lib. ii. c. 2—9 : De Coron. Mil. c. 13: Cyprian. 

Ad Quirin. lib. iii. c. 62 : Ambrosius, De Abrahame, lib. i. 
c. 9 : Ep. lib. ix. ep. 70: De Fide et Oper. c. xix : Hieron. in 
Jovin. lib. i. c. 10. 

10. Cone. Chalcedon. c. 14: Arelat. i. c. 11 : Illiberit, c. 15, 16, 17: 

Aurelian. ii. c. 18 : Cod. Justin, lib. i. tit. ix. 1.6 : Cod. Theo- 
dos. lib. iii. tit. vii. 1. 2 : lib. xvi. tit. viii. 1. 6. 

11. Cone. Laodic. c. 10 : Ebendas. c. 31 : Agath. c. 67 : Chalcedon. 

c. 14. 

12. Augustin. Confess, lib. ix. c. 9 : Gregor. Turon. hist. Fr. lib. ii. 

c. 28. 

§ 2. Divorce, p. 401. 

1. Hermae Pastor, lib. ii. mandat. iv : Jo. Gerhard, torn. xvi. p. 178, 
79. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 521 

2. Bingham, bk. xxii. c. 5 : Assemann's orient. Bibl. im. Ausz. S. 340, 

526. 
a Jo. Gerhard. Loc. th. xvi. p. 218—242. 

§ 3. Marriage Rites and Ceremonies, p. 402. 

1. Joach. Hildebrand, De nuptiis vet. Chr. 1656. Ed. 1733. 4 : Sam. 

Schelwig, De amiquitate consecrationis nuptialis. 1689. 4 : Chr. 
Kortholt, De necessitate consecr. nupt. 1690. 4: Jac. Emme- 
rich, De sponsalibus et m'atrim. sacr. 1747. 8: Ch. W. Fliigge's 
Gesch. der kirchl. Einsegnung u. Copulation der Ehe. 2. A. 
1809. 8. 

2. Tertull. Ad uxor. lib. ii. c. 2. 9: De Monogram, c. 11. 

3. Concil. Lateran. ii. A. D. 1139. c. 51 : iv. A. D. 1215. c. 12. 

4. Concil. Carthag. iv. c. 13: Gregor. Naz. ep, 57 : Chrysost. Horn. 

18. in Gen. p. 549 : Basil. M. Horn. 7. in Heram. Opp. torn. i. 
p. 84 : Sericius Ep. 1. ad Himmer, c. 4 : Gerhard. Loci. Theol. 
torn. xv. p. 394. 

§ 4. General Remarks, p. 405. 

1. Isidorus Hispalensis, De ecclesiasticis officiis. lib. ii. c. 19. 

2. Du Cange, Glossa s. v. Arra nuptialis: Martene, De Antiq. eccl. 

rit. P. 2. p. 606-8 : Cone. Carthag. iv. c. 13: Capitul. Caroli. 
M. lib. vii. c. 363 : Hildebrand De Nuptiis vet. Christian, p. 86. 

3. Apologet. c. 6: De Idol. c. 16. vgl. Plinius, Hist. nat. xxxiii. c. 1. 

4. Paedag. lib. iii. c. 1 1 : Comp. Ambros. Ef). 34. 

5. De Eccl. Off. lib. ii. c. 19. 6. De Corona milit. c. 13—15. 

7. Hildebrand. De nupt. p. 78 : Steinberg, Abhandl. von den Hoch- 

zeit-Kranzen. 1764. 4: p. 17 seq. 

8. Hildebrand, De Nuptiis, p. 76, 77 : Calvoer. p. 106. 

9. Chrysost. Horn. iv. in ep. in Hebr.: Nicephor. h. e. lib. xviii. c. 8. 

10. Ambrose, serm. 25: Chrysostom. Horn. 41. in Act. Apost. : Ni- 

ceph. h. e. lib. 18. c. 8. 

11. Horn. 12 in Ep. ad Coloss. Opp. torn. vi. p. 247—62 : Horn. 48 in 

Gen. p. 549 seq. : 56. p. 605 seq. 

12. Concil. Laodic. c. 53. 

13. Concil. Antissidor. c. 34 : Agath, c. 39 : Neo-Caesar. c. 7. 



CHAPTER XX. 

FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. 

§ 1. Treatment of the Dead, p. 408. 

1. Joach. Hildebrand, De veteris ecclesiae, Martyrum imprimis et 
et SS. Patrum, ars bene moriendi, sive praxis circa moribundos 
et de morientiurn virtutibus. Helmst. 1661. ed. 2. 1719.4: 
Jac. Gretseri, De Christianorum funere libri tres. Ingolstad. 

m 



522 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

1611. 4 : Auch in Cretseri Oper. Ratisb. 1735. f. torn. v. p. 79 
seq. : Onuphrii Panvinii, Libellus de ritu sepeliendi mortuos 
apud veteres Christianos, et de eorum coemeteriis. Ed. J. Ge. 
Joch. Lips. 1717. 4: Antiquitatum circa funera, et rittis vet. 
Christianorurn quovis tempore in ecelesia observat. libri vi. auc- 
tore J. E. F. U. L. (i. e. Jo. Ern. Franzen, Ulza-Limeburgico). 
Cum Praefat. Jo. Fabric!! et Jo. Andr. Schmidii. Lips. 1713.8 : 
Jo. Nicolai, Liber de luctu Christianorurn, she de ritibus ad 
sepulturam pertinemibus. Lugd. Bat. 1739. 8 : C.S. Senffii, Dis- 
sert, de cantionibus funebribus veterum. Lips. 1689. 4. 

2. De cura gerenda pro mortuis ad Pauli num. Opp. edit. Bened. 

Venet. 1731. b. torn. vi. p. 516— 532. 

3. Juliani, Inc. Ep. 49, ad Arsac. Opp. ed. Spanhem. p. 429. 

4. Job. Gerhard. Loc. Theol. torn. xvii. p. 85, 86. 

5. Cicero, De Legib. lib. ii. c. 58: Cod. Theodos. lib. ix. tit. xvii. 1.6. 

Concil. Bracar. c. 36. 

6. Gregor. Turen. De Gloria. Confessor. 

7. Chrysostom. Horn. 81. 

8. Prudentius Peristeph. Hymn. 11 : Hieron. Comment, in Math. 23. 

9. Gothofredi, Observat. in Cod. Theodos. lib. ix. tit. 57. 1. 5. 

10. Euseb. h. e. lib. vii. c. 22. 

11. Franzen. Antiquit. funer. 1713. 8, p. 96 — 111. 

§ 2. Affection for the Dying, p. 411. 

1. Theodoret. b. e. lib. i. c. 18 : v. c. 25 : Gregor. Nyssen. Ecom. 

Ephraemi : August. Conf. ix. c. 11, 13. 

2. Euseb. h. e. lib. iv. c. 15 : viii. c. 9 : De Vit. Constant. M. iv. c. 61 : 

Gregor. Nyssen. De Vita Gregor. Thaum. p. 311. 

3. Gregor. Naz. torn. i. p. 173 : Balil M. ep. 84. 

4. Ambros. in Ep. ad Thess. c. 4 : Athanas. Vit. S. Anthon. : Chrys. 

Horn. 55. in Math. c. 16 : Gregor. M. Homil. 38. in Evang. 

5. Hildebrand, De Arte bene mor. p. 230 : De Precib. Vet. c. 28. 

6. Euseb. h. e. vi. c. 3 : Chrysost. Ilom.i: De Patient. Jobi. 

7. Chrysost. Horn. i. De Pat. Jobi, etc. 

8. Franzen. Antiq. Fun. p. 72. 

9. Clemen. Alex. Paedag. 3. 8 : Euseb. h. e. lib. ii. c. 22. 16 : De 

Vit. Constant, iv. c. 66. 
10. Ambros. Orat. in Obit. Theodos. 

§ 3. Funeral Solemnities, p. 412. 

1. Gregor. Naz. Orat. 20. p. 371 : 

2. Gregor. Nyssen. Vit. Macrin. torn. ii. p. 201 : Theodor. h. e. lib. v. 

c.36. 

3. Clemen. Alex. Paedag. lib. ii. c. 8. 

4. Ambros. De Ob. Valent. c. 56 : Prudent. Hymn, pro exseq. 

5. Chrysost. Horn. 30. De Dormient. torn. v. p. 380 : Hierar. Ep.27: 

Gregor. Naz. Orat. 10. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES, 523 

6. Cone. Cartbag. iii. c. 29 : Possid. Vit. August, c. 13. 

7. Cone. Carlhag. iii. c. 6 : Trull, c. 133. 

8. Andr. Quenstedt. De Sepult. Vet. p. 133. 

§ 4. Mourners, p. 414. 

1. Tertull. De Patient, c. 7: Chrysost. Horn. 32. in Math.: 61. in 

Johan. : 6. in Ep. ad Thess. : Hieron. Ep. 25. ad Paul. 

2. Cyprian. Ser. de Mortal. : Chrysost. Horn. 69. ad Pop. 

3. Ser. 2. De Consolat. Mort. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

SACRED SEASONS. 

§ 1. Preliminary Remarks, p. 423. 

1. Rud. Hospiniani festa Christianorum h. e. de origione, progressu, 

ceremoniis et ritibus festorum dierum christ. liber. Tigur. 1593. 
f. ed. Genev. 1 669. J 675. f. : G. B. Eisenschmid's Geschiehte 
der Sonu-und Festtage der Christen u. s. w. 1793. 8 : Ueber den 
ersten Ursprung und die erste BeschafFenheit der Feste, Fasten 
und Bittgange u. s. w. Miinchen 1804. 8 : J. G. Bohme's Un- 
terricht iiber den Ursprung und die Benennung aller Sonn-, 
Fest-und anderer Tage durchs ganze Jahr. Zwickau 1817. 8: 
Die Festes des Herrn : bearbeitet von D. R'ass und D. Weis Th. 
I. II. Mainz 1827. 8. 2. Ausg. 1834. 8. 

2. Clemens. Alex. Strom. 7. c. 7. 427 : Origen. Contra. Cels. 8. c. 21 

— 23 : Hieron. Comment, in Gal. 4 : Augustin. Ep. 118, ad Jan. 
Contra. Adim. c. 16. 

3. Gretseri de festis Chr. lib i. c. 1 seq. : Chr. Wildvogel Chronas- 

copia legalis de jure festorum, 1699. 

4. G. Hamberger, De Epochae Christianae ortu et auctore : J. Guil 

Jani historia Aerae Dionysiae. 

5. Jo. Chr. Fischer de anno. Hebr. Gust. Sommelii de anno. Hebr. 

ecclesiastico atque civili : Josephus Antiq. i. c. 3. iii. c. 10. § 5: 
Anastasius in Meursii var. div. 

6. Leonis Allatii de hebdomad. Gr. p. 1464. 

7. Baumann De Calendis Januarii : Concil. Antisidor, c. 1 : Turon. 

xi. c. 17, 23 : Tolet. iv. c. 10 : Trullan. c.62. 

8. Fiske's Manual, p. 630. 

9. Euseb. Vit. Constant, lib. i. c. 48. iii. c. 15. lib. iv. c. 40 : vgl. Cod. 

Theodos. lib. ii. tit. viii. 1. 2. lib. vi. tit. xxvi. lib. xxvi. lib. xv. 

tit. Bingham, vol. ix. p. 11 — 13. 
10. Hist. eccl. lib. v. c. 22. p. 283. 11. Hist. eccl. lib. xii. t\ 32. 

12. Clemens Alex, stromat. vii. c. 7. torn. iii. p. 427 : Orig. c. Cels. viii. 

c. 21—23. p. 433: Chrysost. Horn. 1. De S. Pentec. torn. ii. p. 

458 : Hieron. Comment, in Gal. 4. torn. iv. p. 270 : Augustin. ep. 



524 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

118, ad Januar. contra Adimant. c. 16: Hospinian de origine 
festor. c. 11. 

13. Conci!. 11 liber, c. 21 : Sardic. c. 11 : Gangrense. c. 5, 6 : Laodic. 

c. 29. 

14. Chemnitii exam. Concil. Trident, torn. iv. p. 263. 

15. Can. Apost. c. 70, 72 : Concil. Laodic. c. 37, 39 : Concil. Trullan. 

c. 81 : llliber. c. 49, 50 : Cod. Theodos. 16. tit. v. vi. ix. : tit. vi. 
1.6. 

16. Orat. De Domini nostri Jesu Christi Assumptione. Opp. ed. 

Patar. torn. ii. p. 286 : Gregor. Naz. Orat.19: Ephraem Syrus. 
De Cruce Domini in Paschate : Synesius Sermo. in Ps. 75. 

17. Philo. Tractat. De Cherubim. Opp. vol. ii. p. 48. 

18. Orat. 38, in Thoph. p. 614, 615. 

19. Euseb. De Vit. Const, lib. iv. c. 18—23. 

20. Cod. Theodos. xv. tit. v. 1. 5. tit. v. 1. 2. 

21. Cod. Justin, lib. iii. tit. xii. 1. 11. 

22. " " lib. iii. tit. xii. 1. 7. 

23. " " lib. ii. tit. viii. 1. 1. 

24. Epist. Ignatii ad Smyrn. c. 8. 

25. Concil. Cartbag. iii. c. 29: Tertullian apologet. c. 39 : Ad Mart. p. 

156. De Baptismo, c. 9 : De Jejun. adv. Psycheios, c. 17 : Clem- 
ens Alex. Paedag. lib. ii. c. 1 : Chrysost. Horn. 27 in 1 Ep. ad 
Corinth.: August, ep. 116, ep. 233 : Socrat. h. e. 11. 43 : Bever- 
idge Pandect, canon, torn. i. p. 415: Concil. Carthag. iii. 391. c. 
30 : Concil. Aurel. ii. c. 12 : Concil. Trull. 

§ 2. Of the Sabbath, 428. 

1. C. A. E. Becher's Abhandlung vom Sabbate der Juden und 

Sonntage der Christen. Halle 1775. 4 : C. C. L. Franke Com- 
mentat. de diei Dominici apud veteres Christianos celebratione. 
Hal. 1826. 8. 

2. Ep. St. Barab. c. 15. 3. Dial. c. Tryph. p. 34. 
4. Apol. 1. p. 222. 5. Plen. ep.'x. 96. 

6. Tertullian Adv. Jud. c. 4, 5: De fuga persev. c. 14. Apol. c. 16. 

Ad nat. c. 13. De cor. mil. c. 3. 

7. Stromat. v. p. 138. 8. Cyprian ep. 38. 

9. Augustin. ep. 118 ad Jan. c. 1. 10. Opp. torn. i. p. 1060. 

11. Ignat. ad Magnes. c. 10. 12. Concil. Nic. A. D. 325. 

13. Opp. torn. iii. 312. 

14. Apost. Const, lib. vii. c. 23. ii. c. 49. viii. c. 33. 

15. Euseb. Vit. Const, lib. iv. c. 18. 

16. Gesch. d. Rel. und Kirche, bk. ii. S. 635 : Chrysost. de Resurr. 

Homil. 5. 

17. Augustin. Epist. 36. al 86. ad Casulanum. § 31, 32. 

18. Canon. Apost. 6& 19. Justin. M. Apol. 1. p. 225. 



INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 525 



§ 3. General view of the Sacred Seasons, and of the three great 
Festivals, p. 432. 

1. Lib. vi. e. 15 : Vgl. Constant. M. Orat. ad Coeturn. Sanctor. c. 13. 

2. Chrysost. in Ge. : Hamartoli Chronic, vit. Justin: Bingham, Vol. 

ix. p. 185. 

§ 4. Of Christmas, p. 434. 

1. J. G. Hasse, de rituum circa Nat. Chr. prima orig'me ex Graeco- 

rum et Roman. Saturnalibus. 1804. 4.: G. J. Planck variarum 
de origine festi Nat. Chr. sententiarum epicrisis. 1796. 4. : Fr. 
Gedike, liber den Ursprung der Weihnachts-Geschenke. S.Ber- 
lin. Monatsschr. 1784. Jan. S. 73. ff. : Fr. Schleiermacher's 
Weihnachts-Feyer ; ein Gesprach. 1806. 12. 

2. Opp. ii. p. 384 : ' 3. Strom, i. 349, 406. 

4. Expos. Fidei. c. 22 : Haer. Ii. c. 29. 5. Comment, in Ezech. i. 

6. Ep. 118, 119: Serm. 380. 

7» Chryost. Horn. 24, 33 : Cassian, Collat. x. c. 2 : Apost. Constit. 

lib. v. c. 13 : vii. c. 3: Krabbe, iiber ursprung der Apost. Con- 

stitut. 1829. S* 163 seq. 228—232. 

8. Jacob Edessen in Assemani, Bibl. Or. torn. ii. p. 1636. 

9. Ephraem Syrus, Serm. de Nativ. Chr. V. torn. ii. p. 417 — 419: 

Serm. 8. p. 424 : Serm. 12. p. 431 : Vgl. p. 324, 328. 

10. Concil. Turon. ii. c. 18 : Constant. Porphyr. de cerem. eccl. By- 

zant. lib. i. c. 83. ed. Bonn. % torn. i. p. 381 : torn. ii. p. 360 : 
Ephraem Syrus, Opp. Syr. torn. ii. p. 396 seq. 

11. Horn. 31. de Philogonio, torn. i. p. 39. 9. 

12. Arnoldus Bonnerallis, Serm. De Nativ. in Opp. St. Cyprian. 

§ 6. Whitsunday, p. 439. 

1. Ad Tabiol. § 7. 

2. Concii. Constant. A. D. 1094 : J. D. Wmckler, de iis quae circa 

festum Pentec. sunt memorabilia. 

3. Tertull. De Bapt. c. 19: Hieron. in Zach. 14: 8. 

4. Concil. Agath. c. 18. 5. Durandus rat. div. off. vi. c. 107. 

§ 7. Festivals to the memory of the Virgin Mary, p. 440. 

1. J. A. Schmid, Prolusiones Marianae, Prol. i — x. 

2. Combefisii Nov. Auctar Bibl. Patr. torn. i. p. 301. 

3. Garante Thesaur. torn. ii. p. 24 — 26. 

4. Angel. Rouha, De Praesentationis: Nicephor. Hist. 17. c. 28. 

5. Binterim, v. bd. i. Th. S. 354—356 : Concil. Tolet. A. D. 659. c. 1 : 

Trull. 692. c. 52. 

6. Concil. Basil, A. D. 1441. 



Wb INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 

7. Nicephor. Hist. 17. c. 18 : Concil. Mogunt. A. D. 813. c. 36. 

8. Binterirn, a. a. O. S. 450, 455. 

9. Controv. torn. ii. lib.'c. 16: Binterirn, S. 516. 

§ 8. Feast of the Martyrs, p. 441. 

1. J. P. Schwabe, de insigni veneratione quae obtinuit erga Mar- 

tyres in primitiva eccl. 1748. 4. 

2. Serm. in Cyprian Mart. p. 129. 

3. Gregor. Naz. Orat. 22. de Maccab. torn. i. p. 397 : Augustin. Serm. 

de Divers. S. 300. torn. v. p. 1221. 

4. Schroeckh's christl. Kircliengesch. Th. ix. S. 154 — 232 : Nean- 

der K. Gesch. ii. b. S. 712. 

§ 9. St. John's Day, p. 442. 

1. Augustin. Serm. in Nat. Dom. 

2. Concil. Agath. c. 21 : Binterirn, S. 380. 

§ 10. Apostle's Day, p. 442. 

J. Apost. Constit. v. c. 20 : 2. Sacramentar Leonis et Galesii. 

3. Micrologus, c. 55: Durandus, 7, 10. 

4. Concil. Tolos. A. D. 1229. c. 26. 

5. Alcuinus. De div. offic. p. 87. 

6. Karle de Gr. Capitul. ii. A. D. 805. c. 17. 



CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF COUNCILS. 



A. D 

215 

240 

251 ; 

to 

256 ( 
265 ' 
269 
313 
313 
314 
314 
315 
324 
325 
344 
348 
359 
361 
362 
381 
381 
381 
390 
393 
397 
399 
400 
401 
402 
402 
416 
419 
419 
431 
441 
442 
451 
452 
455 
461 



Africa, under Agrippinus. 
Africa, under Donatus. 

>■ Africa, several under Cyprian. 

Antioch 1. 

Antioch 2. 

Rome, against the Donatists. 

Elvira, (al. 305, al. 324.) 

Ancyra, in Galatia. 

Aries I. 

Neocaesarea. 

Gangra, in Paphlagonia. 

Nicaea 1, (Gen. 1.) 

Sardica. 

Carthage 1. 

Ariminum, or Rimini. 

Laodicea. 

Alexandria. 

Aquileia. 

Constantinople 1, (Gen. 2.) 

Saragossa. 

Carthage 2. 

Hippo. 

Carthage 3. 

Carthage 4. 

Toledo 1. 

Carthage 5. 

Turin. 

Milevi 1. 

Milevi 2. 

Carthage 6, 

Carthage 7. 

Ephesus, (Gen. 3.) 

Orange 1. 

Vaison I. 

Chalcedon, (Gen. 4.) 

Aries 2. 

Aries 3. 

Tours 1. 



A. D. 

465 Rome under Hilary. 
494 Rome, under Gelasius. 
499 Rome, under Symmachus. 
506 Agde. 
511 Orleans 1. 

516 Tarragona. 

517 Epone. 
524 Lerida. 
529 Orange 2. 
529 Vaison 2. 
531 Toledo 2. 
533 Orleans 2. 
538 Orleans 3. 

553 Constantinople 2, (Gen. 5.) 

561 Braga 1. 

567 Tours 2. 

572 Braga 3. 

578 Auxerre. 

581 Macon 1. 

585 Macon 2. 

589 Narbonne. 

589 Toledo 3. 

590 Seville 1. 
619 Seville 2. 
633 Toledo 4. 
636 Toledo 5. 
638 Toledo 6. 
646 Toledo 7. 
653 Toledo 8. 

655 Toledo 9. 

656 Toledo 10. 
670 Autun. 
675 Toledo 11. 

680 Constantinople 3, (Gen. 6 ) 

681 Toledo 12. 

692 Constantinople, Trullan. 

787 Nicaea 2, (Gen. 7.) 

788 Aix la Chapelle. 
815 Mentz. 

869 Constantinople 4 (Gen. 8.) 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 



Our Savior born four years before the vulgar era, 'and in the year 4709 of 
the Julian period — Crucified A. D. 34. 



A.D. 



Roman Emperors. 



Bishops, Eccl. Officers and Writers. 



20 


Augustus, d. 14. 




Tiberius, d. 37. 




30 






40 


Caligula, d. 48. 




Claudius, d. 54. 




50 


Nero, d. 68. 




60 


Galba, d. 69. 


Peter and Paul, martyrs at Rome. 


70 


Vespasian, d. 79. 
Titus, d. 81. 




80 




Shepherd, of Hermas. 


90 


Domitian, d. 96. 


Clement, bishop of Rome. 


Nerva, d. 98. 






Trajan, d. 117. 




100 






110 
120 




Ignatius, bishop of Antioch,d. 116. 


Hadrian, d. 138. 


Papias, B. of Hierapolis in Phrygia. 




Justin Martyr, d. 165. 


130 


Antoninus Pius, d. 161. 


The Gnostics Marcion andBasilides. 
Cornelius, Bp. of Antioch. 


140 




Polycarp, Bp. of Smyrna, d. 167. 


150 




Montanus — The Montanists. 
Anicet, Bp. of Rome. 
Hegesippus, ecclesiastical historian. 
Celsus, Against the Christian reli- 
gion. 


160 




Soter, Bp. of Rome. 




Marcus Aurelius, philosopher, 


Claudius Apollinarius, Bp. of Hier- 




d. 180. 


apolis. 
Melito, Bp. of Sardis. 
Bardesanes, the Gnostic. 


370 




Eleutherus, Roman bishop. 
Dionysins, Bp. of Corinth. 
Theophilus, Bp. of Antioch. 
177. lrenaeus, Bp. of Lyons, d. 202. 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 529 

Historical Events. 

50. Presbyters (>jtq£o(3vt8qol = sttioxottoi.), an order for the management of 
churdfe affairs. — Baptism by immersion. — Confession of belief made 
at baptism. 
€0. Deacons. — Deaconesses. — Meetings of Christians in private houses. — 
Daily meetings for divine service.— Daily instruction by prayer, sing- 
ing, and reading of the Old Testament. — Exclusion of unworthy 
members from the church. — Love feast connected with the commu- 
nion. 
70. Common care for the poor. — Contributions to other churches. — Church 
officers carry on their former occupations. — The Ebionites use unlea- 
vened bread in tbe supper. — Choice to church-offices usually by 
church-officers and the churches 
SO. Particular days selected for the worship of God. — The keeping of Sun- 
day. — Consecration to church offices by the laying on of hands. — The 
celebration of the Jewish sabbath by the Jewish Christians continued. 
— The yearly feasts of the Jews (passover and pentecost) continue 
among the Jewish Christians. — One of the presbyters presides in the 
college of presbyters. 
90. Country churches with their own officers. 

100. Reading of the New Testament Scriptures in the churches. 

110. The communion connected with the meetings for divine service, parti- 
cularly with those on Sunday. — Catechumens. — Preparation for bap- 
tism by fasting and prayer. — Growing importance of the president in 
the college of presbyters. 

120. The celebration of marriages brought into connection with the church. 
— Heathen Christians begin to celebrate the yearly feasts, but with 
altered views. — Voluntary offerings (TTQooifoqai) at the celebration of 
the communion. Traces of a separation of divine service into two 
parts. 

130. In divine service the scriptures are explained and applied by the min- 
ister. — Then follows a simple celebration of the supper. — The dea- 
cons carry the elements to the absent members. 

140. The Scriptures and church Fathers are read in divine service. — Episto- 
lary correspondence between churches (formatae). — Formula of bap- 
tism as generally prevalent mentioned in Justin Martyr. 

150. During the persecutions the Christians hold their meetings in retired 
places. — Laying on of hands in baptism. — Difference about the cele- 
bration of the passover between the oriental and occidental churches. 
— Infant baptism. — Those that have been regenerated are incorpora- 
ted into the body of the church by baptism 

160. First appearance of buildings appropriated to public worship. — Polycarp 
has a conference with Anicetus on the disagreement respecting the 
passover. — Images and pictures in the houses of Christians. — Week- 
ly or monthly collections in the meetings for public worship, for the 
poor and the sick. — Special fasts for the benefit of those in distress. — 
The use of the sign of the cross in all the actions and events of life. — 
Transfer of the ordinances of the Jewish Sabbath to Sunday. 

170. Catechists. — Contest about the passover in Asia Minor. — Deaconesses, 
who are widows above sixty years old, receive the usual ordination. — 
In the Lord's supper the common bread, and wine mingled with wa- 
ter, were used. — Images of Christ among the heretics. — The deacon- 
esses are consulted in the celebration of marriage. The bride and 
bridegroom partake of the Lord's supper with each other, — Abrenun- 
tiatio at baptism and trine immersion. — More definite form given to 
the confessions made at baptism. — Easter eve and Whitsuntide favor- 
ite times for administering baptism in the whole church. — Celebration 
of Easter night by vigils. — Festival of fifteen days from Easter to 
Whitsuntide. — Catholic epistle of Dionysius of Corinth. 

en 



530 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 



A.D. 



Roman Emperors. 



Bishops, Eccl. Officers and Writers. 



180 



190 



200 
210 

220 
230 



240 



250 



192. 



Pertinax, d. 193. 
Septimius Severus, d. 211. 



Caracalla, d. 217. 
Macrimus, d. 218. 
Heliogabulus, d. 222. 

Alexander Severus, d. 235. 



Maximus the Thracian, d. 238. 



Gordianus 111. d. 244. 
Phillip, the Arabian, d. 249. 
Decius Trajanus, d. 251. 



Trebonianus Gallus I. d. 253. 
Gallus Volusianus, d. 253. 



Pantaenus, Catechist in Alexandria. 
Tertullian at Carthage,*!. 220. 



Victor, Bp. of Rome, d. 202. 
Clemens, Catechist in Alexandria. 
Caius, presbyter in Rome. 
Polycrates, Bp. of Ephesus. 



Zephyrinus, Bp. of Rome, d. 218. 
203. Origen, Catechist in Alexan- 
dria. 

Demetrius, B. of Alexandria, d. 232. 



228. Origen ordained presbyter at 

Caesarea. 
Hippolitus, bishop. 
Origen flees to Caesarea in Palestine. 

233. Heraclus, Bp. of Alexandria. 
Julius African us. 



Dionysius, head of the catechetical 

school in Alexandria. 
Minucius Felix, a lawyer in Rome. 
244. Gregory Thaumaturgus, Bp. of 

Neo-Caesarea, d. 270. 
Dionysius, B. of Alexandria, d. 265. 
248. Cyprian, B. of Carthage, d. 258. 



Fabian, Bp. of Rome, d. 251. 

Cornelius, Bp. of Rome. d. 252. 

Novatian. 

Lucius, Bp. of Rome. 

Stephanus, Bp. of Rome, 253—257. 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 531 

Historical Events. 

180. The christian custom of burying the dead. Church festival in com- 
memoration of the dead immediately after death and on its anniver- 
saries. — Among the Catholics the division of the form of worship into 
two parts is the universal custom. — Tertullian opposed to infant bap- 
tism. — The heretics on their entrance into the Catholic church are, in 
Asia Minor and North Africa, again baptized; in Rome, they are 
treated as penitents. — In the oriental church divine service on the 
sabbath, and no fasts. — In the Romish church and other places of the 
West, fasts on the sabbath.— Attempts to determine the day of Christ's 
birth. Perhaps a celebration of it in Kgy pt (?). — In the churches an 
altar and pulpit (pulpitum, suggestus). — The office of readers. — The 
performance of particular penances by the penitents. 

190. Images of Christ among the heathen. — Symbolical rites in baptism. — 
Anointing after baptism. — Use of milk and honey. — Kiss of peace. — 
The laying on of hands as a concluding act, regarded as particularly 
important. — Contest between the Christians of Asia Minor and of 
Rome respecting the celebration of the passover. — 197. Victor of 
Rome withdraws from the fellowship of the Christians of Asia Minor. 
— The college of the presbyters still exists in subordinate connection 
with the bishop. 

200. Public discussions upon the baptism of heretics in North Africa. — Com- 
munion in private houses in North Africa. — The birth day of the 
martyrs celebrated. — A house of public worship in Edessa. 

210. Introduction of Old Testament ideas of a particular priesthood into the 
christian church. — The clergy, as a body, called xZrjQog, y.lr^iy.oi, ordo, 
in distinction from the ?>aog, plebs, laid. — The catechumens divided 
into classes by Origen. 

220. Choice of bishop by the provincial bishops in connection with the adja- 
cent churches.— The symbol of baptism, the rite of baptism, the Lord's 
prayer, and some church songs kept concealed from the catechumens. 

230. Origen gave theological instruction in Cesareain Palestine. — Hippoly- 
tus writes upon the disagreement of the East and West in respect to 
sabbatical fasts, and the contest about the passover. -Composed zcanon 
paschalis. — Opposers of infant baptism in Egypt. — Candidates for 
baptism exorcised. Consecration of the water. — Houses of public 
worship become more frequent. — The clergy are not permitted to 
become guardians, or to engage in any worldly business. — The 
churches provide for the support of their clergy. — Comparison of the 
christian clergy with the Jewish priests. Episcopus =Summus sa- 
cerdos, Preshyteri = Sacerdotes, Diaconi or Clerici (generally) = Le- 
vitae. 

240. Infant communion in Africa, afterwards also in the East. — Clinic 
baptism. — The laying of hands on the newly baptized begins to be 
regarded as the appropriate act of none but the bishop. — The commu- 
nion is extended to the sick and dying. — Frequent and large church- 
edifices. — Provincial synods common in Africa and proconsular Asia. 
The whole body of the clergy and the people participate in them. — 
Contests of the bishops and presbyters in Rome and Africa. — Subdea- 
cons. Acolyths. Exorcists. Ostiarii. — Doctores audentium in Af- 
rica. — Cyprian consults with the presbyters upon the affairs of the 
church. Sometimes the advice of the whole church is asked. 

250. Easter sabbath a common fast day in the church — Libelli pacis nume- 
rously distributed by the confessors. — The people take part in the 
elections to the church offices, particularly in the election of bishops 
and presbyters. — The bishop nominates the lower clergy. — Pope, title 
of illustrious bishops. — Synods in respect to penitents in Asia Minor. 
— Triumph of the Episcopal over the Presbyterial system. 



532 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 



A.D. 

250 



Roman Emperors. 



| Bishops, Eccl. Officers and Writers. 



260 



270 



280 



290 



300 



310 



320 



330 



Valerian, d. 200. 

Gallienus, d. 268. 

Claudius Gothicus, d. 270. 

Aurelianus, d. 275. 

Tacitus, d. 276. 
Aurelius Probus, d.282. 



Aurelius Cams, regent with 
Carinus, d. 283. 

Numerianus, d. 284. 

Diocletian with Maximian, 
from 286 to 305, regents for 
the emperors Galerius and 
Constantine Chlorus. 



306. Constantius Chlorus, d. 
Constantine, Maxentius,Max- 

imianus, Galerius, Se verus, 
and Maximin, rulers. 

307. Severus d. succeeded by 
Licinius. 



Maximian, d. 

311. Galerius d. 

312. Maxentius d. 

313. Maximinus d. 



Licinius, d. 324. 

Constantine sole emperor, d. 
337. 



Constantine II. d. 340. 
Constantius, d. 361. 
Constans, d. 350. 



Firunlianus, Bp. of Caesarea in Cap- 
padocia, d. 269. 

254. Origen d. 

Sixtus 11. Bp. of Rome, d. 258. 

Dionysius, Bp. of Rome, d.270. 
Sabellius. 

Paul of Samosata, Bp. of Antioch, 
265—269. 

Commodianus. 

Felix, Bp. of Rome, d. 275. 

Mani, d. 277. 

Eutychianus, Bp. of Rome, d. 283. 

Methodius, Bp. of Tyre. 

Pierius and Theognostus in Alexan- 
dria. 
Caius, Bp. of Rome, d. 296. 



Pamphilius, Pres. in Caesarea. 
Marcellinus, Bp. of Rome, d. 304. 
Lucian and Dorotheus, Pres. in An- 
tioch. 

Peter, Bp. of Alexandria, d. 311. 
Marcellus, Bp. of Rome, d. 309. 

Arnobius, orator in Sicca. 

Eusebius, Bp. of Rome, 311. 

Melchiades, Bp. of Rome, d. 314. 



Lactantius. 

Alexander, Bp. of Alexandria. 

Sylvester, Bp. of Rome, d. 335. 

Arius in Alexandria, d. 336. 
Eusebius, Bp. of Caesarea in Pales- 
tine, d. 340. 
Eusebius, Bp. of Nicomedia. 
Eustathius, Bp. Antioch. 
Alexander, Bp. of Constantinoole. 
Athanasius, Bp. of Alexandria, d. 373. 



Juvencus. 

Marcus, Bp. of Rome, d. 336. 
Julius I. Bp. Rome, d. 352. 
Macarius, Sen. et Jun. 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 533 

Historical Events. 



250 Gregory Thaumaturgus permits banquets to be introduced into the fes- 
tivals in honor of the martyrs.— 252. Infant baptism at the council of 
Carthage declared to be necessary. Anointing at baptism required by 
Cyprian. — 253. Stephen of Rome withdraws fellowship from the 
Christians of Asia Minor on account of the baptism of heretics. — Two 
councils in North Africa confirm the old African principles upon the 
subject of the baptism of heretics ; on this account Stephen excom- 
municates the North Africans. — The African synod in the autumn of 
256, declare in favor of the customs of the African church. 

260. The practice of cheering the preacher during the delivery of his ser- 
mon. — The Lord's supper has become more complicated and splendid. 

270. Fixed formularies for the administration of this rite are formed. — Cata- 
logues of the members of the church and of Christians that have died 
are kept. 

280. Infant baptism common among the Persian Christians. 

290. Pamphilus establishes a theological school in Caesarea. — The church 
year begins with Easter festival. — Attempt to introduce images into 
the churches. 

300. Peculiar dress of the clergy. — Beginning of sacred hermeneuticks. — 
The beginnings of the school of Antioch. — 305. The council of Elvi- 
ra forbids images in churches. — The splendid church in Nicomedia 
destroyed. — The council at Elvira enjoins sabbatical fasts, censures 
the irregularities in the keeping of vigils, and limits the festival of 
Whitsuntide to one day. — In the Romish church the beginning of an 
eighty-four years' Easter cycle. — The council at Elvira determines 
the duration of the catechumenate. — The practice of sending conse- 
crated bread as a sign of church fellowship — The subterranean vaults 
in Rome (catacombs) used for christian burial places. — Christian em- 
blems, pictures, carving on the coffins, and funeral lamps in the niches 
of the walls. 

310. The council at Aries gives laws respecting the baptism of heretics. — 
Churches are solemnly dedicated to the worship of God. — The order 
of rural bishops in most places suppressed. — Regular division of the 
penitents into classes. — Easter cycle of nineteen years ; perhaps es- 
tablished by Eusebius of Caesarea. — Church in Tyre built by Paulinus. 

320. Establishment of the canonical age for bishops and of seven as the 
number of Deacons.— Exclusion of such as had received clinic bap- 
tism from the rank of clergy. — Ecumenical synods. — Laws against 
taking those who have been penitents and neophytes into church of- 
fices. — Fixed regulations respecting the number and time of the pro- 
vincial synods. — Altars mostly of wood. — Constantine and his mother 
very active in building churches in Asia and Europe. — The church 
of St. Sophia built. — Several Basiiicae are granted to the Christians. 
— 321. (in March and June) Decrees of Constantine in respect to the 
observance of Sunday. His orders respecting the army. Law for 
the religious observance of Friday. — 325. The Nicene council ordains 
a uniform celebration of the passover for the churches, and commits 
to the Alexandrians the calculation of Easter. — Celebration of a festi- 
val of the Ascension. — Four classes of catechumens. — Arius,a writer 
of sacred songs. — In the public worship, particular prayers for cate- 
chumens, energumens, and penitents. 

330. Arch-presbyters. Arch-deacons. Favorite division of churches into 
three parts — ante-temple, nave, and bema or sanctuary. — At the feast 
of Epiphany the celebration of the passover is announced. The ori- 
ental eighth of Whitsuntide a general martyr festival. — Supplications 
for the repose of the souls of the dead. — The pretended discovery of 
the cross in the Holy Land promoted the superstition about the use of 
the sign of the cross. 



534 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 

A. D. | Roman Emperors. \ Bishops, Feci. Officers and Writers. 



340 



350 



360 



370 



361. Constantius. d. 
Julian the Apostate, d. 363. 
Jovian, d. 364. 
Valentinian I. in the West, d. 

375. 
Valens in the East, d. 378. 



Gratian,d. 383. 
Valentinian 11. d. 392. 
Theodosius in the East. 



Julius Firm. Maternus. 
Gregorius, bp. of Alexandria. 
342. Macedonius, bp. of Constanti- 
nople. 
Eusebius, bp. of Emesa, d. 360. 
Leontius, bp. of Antioch. 
Hilarius, bp. of Pictavium, d. 368. 



Liberius. bp. of Rome, 352 — 55 and 

58—66. 
Felix, bp. of Rome. 355 — 58. 
Cyrill, bp. of Jerusalem, d. 386. 
Zeno, bp, of Verona. 
Hilary, Dea. Luciferit. 



Aerius, Presb. in Sebaste. 
Ephraem the Syrian, dea. of Edessa, 

d. 378. 
Hieronymus Stridon, d. 420. 
Rufinus of Aquileia, d. 410. 
Epiphanius, bp. of Constantia, d. 403. 
Damasus, bp. of Rome, d. 384. 



Optatus, bp. of Mileri. 

Basil, bp. of Caesarea in Cappado- 
cia, d. 379. 

Gregory bp. of Nyssa, d. after 394. 

Martin, bp. of Tours, d. after 400. 

Amphilochius, bp. of lconium, d. 
after 394. 

Diodorus, bp. of Tarsus, d. about 390. 

Ambrose, bp. of Milan, d. 397. 

Philastrius, bp. of Brixia. 

Gregory Nazianzen, bp. of Constan- 
tinople, d. 391. 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 535 

Historical Events. 



340. Bishops and emperors exert an important influence upon church elec- 
tions. — 341. Decision upon the rights of provincial synods. New re- 
strictions upon the country bishops.— 344. Decision upon the passage 
of the bishop through the different grades of the clergy. The instal- 
lation of country bishops prohibited. Images in many oriental 

churches.— 341. Decision in Antioch upon the celebration of the pass- 
over. — Festival of the Maccabees in Syria.— Anniversary festival in 
commemoration of the dedication of churches. — Celebration of the 
festival of the birth of Christ in Rome (on the 25th of December).— 
The ceremonies before and at baptism have become complicated. 
Anointing before and after baptism. The changing of the name at 
baptism is practised. The delaying of baptism a somewhat general 
fault particularly of the oriental churches. 
350. Church singers. In the East the emperors are allowed to go into the 
bema. — Aerius urges to a reformation of life in the church, and is 
particularly opposed to distinction of rank in the church. — In Gangra 
Sunday fasts prohibited. — The heathen calends of January kept a- 
mong the Christians as a fast day. — Responsive singing introduced by 
the monks into the church of Antioch. — Hilarius of Pictavium a wri- 
ter of hymns. — Liturgies are written (?). Preparatory exorcism on 
the days previous to baptism by Cyrill of Jerusalem. — Aerius attack- 
ed the false notion of the efficacy of prayers for the dead. — A special 
burial service. — Solemnization of funerals. Joyoi IniTayioij particu- 
larly in the East. 
360. Itinerant presbyters appointed in the place of country bishops. — Theo- 
logical school at Edessa. — The teaching of heathen literature in chris- 
tian schools forbidden by Julian. He establishes a christian institu- 
tion afterwards among the heathen. — The office of osconomus (stew- 
ard of the church). — Benevolent institutions of every kind proceeding 
from tbe church, in the cities and in the country, particularly in the 
East. — Western churches begin to lose their importance. — Altars 
built of stone. — Church laws for the celebration of Sunday, the sab- 
bath and the quadrigesima. — Julian celebrates Epiphany in Vienna. 
Martyr-festivals, with vigils, very frequent. Dies stationum (station- 
ary days) continue to be kept in Egypt, Asia Minor, Constantinople, 
and in other places. — Imperial pardons granted at Easter. — Council 
of Laodicea forbids the singing of Apocryphal psalms in the churches, 
and the holding of love-feasts in the churches. — Basilius, a promoter 
of responsive singing in the churches. — Ephraem composes church 
hymns. — The practice of carrying consecrated bread as though it 
possessed magical powers. — The composition of little doxologies by the 
anti-Arians is opposed in Cappadocia. — The office of copiatae. — The 
practice of crowning newly married people with wreaths, of veiling 
the bride, etc. retained. — The council of Laodicea forbids improper 
usages at weddings, and the celebration of marriage in the time of the 
quadrigesimal fasts. 
370. Heathen temples are converted into christian churches. — During the 
great week in Cappadocia daily morning and evening service. — A lo- 
cal festival in Alexandaia in commemoration of the earthquakes. — 
Epiphany the time for baptism in the East. — Basil of Caesareaa zeal- 
ous liturgist. — Ambrose transfers responsive singing to the churches 
of the West, composes hymns for the church, and does away the love 
feasts. — The chapels of the martyrs are used for burying places in 
Cappadocia. — Christian family vaults. 



536 
A.T>. | 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 



Roman Emperors. 



Bishops, Eccl. Officers and Writers. 



380 



390 



392. Theodosius sole emperor, 
d. 395. 



400 



Division of 


the Empire. 


Western Rom. 
Empire. 


Eastern Rom. 
Empire. 


Honorius, d. 
423. 


Arcadius, d. 

408. 
Empress Eu- 

docia. 



Theodosius II. 
d. 450. 



410 



414. Pulcheria 
Augusta. 



Didymus, president of the catecheti- 
cal school at Alexandria, d. 395. 

Jovian, monk in Rome. 

Apollinaris, bp. of Laodicea. 

Siricius, bp. of Rome, d. 398. 

Theophilus, bp. of Alexandria, d. 412. 

Johannes Chrysostom. 386. Fres.in 
Antioch. 398. Bp. of Constanti- 
nople, d. 407. 

Asterius, bp. of Amasia. 

Severianus, bp. of Gabala, d. after 

408. 



Augustine, bp. of Hippo, d.430. 

Theodorus, bp. of Mopsvestia, d. 429. 
Palladius the Younger, bp. of Aspo- 

na, d. before 431. 
Severus Endelechius. 
Gaudentius,bp. of Brixia. 
Anastasius I, bp. of Rome, d. 402. 
Sulpitius Severus, Presb. d. 420. 



Paulinus, bp. of Nola, d. 431. 
Innocent I. bp. of Rome, d. 417. 
Atticus, bp. of Constantinople. 
Prudentius. 



Vigilantius, Presb. in Barcelona. 
Victor of Antioch. 



Nilus the monk. 
Pelagius and Caelestius. 
Joannes Cassianus, d. after 432. 
Cyril, bp. of Alexandria, d. 444. 
Isidorus of Pelusium, d. about 440. 
Zosimus, bp. of Rome, d. 418. 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 537 

Historical Events. 



380. Church txdizoi. — Christian poor-houses and hospitals in Italy. — The 
office of penitentiary presbyter abolished. — The Lateran and St. Pe- 
ter's church in Rome. — Epiphanius opposed to having images in 
churches. — Baptisteries in or near the church. — 386. Renewed order 
of the emperor in relation to the celebration of Sunday. — Disagree- 
ment of Rome and Alexandria as to the celebration of Easter. — Dif- 
ferent practice in the oriental churches in respect to sabbath fasts. 
The Romish church warmly defends her own usage in respect to it. — 
3bb\ The festival of Christ's birth celebrated in Syria on the 25th of 
December. — Decree of the Anti-Priscillians against partaking of the 
Lord's supper out of the church. — Complaints against theatrical sing- 
ing in the church. — 381. Decree of the ecumenical council respecting 
those that re-baptized heretics. — More fixed regulations respecting 
church reading. — Siricius of Rome forbids baptism in Epiphany. — 
Images of the cross very frequent. — Images of Christ are still oppo- 
sed. — In the Romish church even in espousals the blessing of the 
priest was necessary, — Theodosius revived the Roman law that bury 
rying places should be without the city. 

390. Missions are promoted by Chrysostom. — A mission institute at Con- 
stantinople for the Goths. — 398. State laws respecting the choice of 
monks to clerical offices, and respecting the appointment of country 
clergy. — Decrees of the western church in relation to the trial of the 
clergy. — 392 (and 389). Laws of the empire to suspend ordinary busi- 
ness eight days before and eight days after Easter. — 393. Evening 
communion on Dies viridium. — In Antioch, on Good Friday, meet- 
ings for divine service in the churches of the martyrs. — The Donatists 
oppose the festival of Epiphany. — The birth day of Christ as deter- 
mined at Rome, generally adopted in the West. — The birth of John 
Baptist celebrated on the 24th of June. — Heathen usages in the cele- 
bration of festivals. — 393. The reading of uncanonical books, saluta- 
tion by the reader, and the distribution of the eucharist to the dead 
forbidden. — The bishops alone confer confirmation. — In Rome no her- 
etic may be re-baptized. — Repasts for the poor take the place of the 
old love feasts — The custom of employing mourning- women is intro- 
duced into the church.— Alms are distributed in memory of the dead. 
— Images are allowed in the East. 

400. — 407. Defensors of the church established. — 408. Laws of the em- 
peror for the establishment of Episcopal jurisdiction . — 409. Laws giv- 
ing the bishops the oversight of the prisons. — Paulinus is active in 
building churches in Nola and Fundi. — 401. Request of the Africans 
to the emperor to restrain public amusements on Sunday. — Vigilan- 
tius opposes the vigils. — Celebration of the death of Theodosius in 
Constantinople. — Innocent of Rome establishes the sabbatical fast by 
a law of the church. — Celebration of the anniversary of the ordination 
of bishops. — Family communion continues in many churches of the 
East and West. — Practice of vicarious baptism among the pseudo- 
Marcionites in Syria. — A pretended hymn of Christ among the Pris- 
cillianists. — The burial of the dead the common custom. — Bishops in- 
terred in the churches. — Feasts at the graves of the dead, with many 
abuses accompanying. 

410. 416. Office of the parabolani in Constantinople. — 418. Increase of the 
parabolani to 600. — Paulinus favors the use of images in churches 
and baptisteries, particularly for the instruction of the country people. 
— In the East complaints of there being too many images in the 
churches — Representation of the sign of the cross in churches. — In- 
scriptions in and upon churches. — Contest in North Africa about the 
sabbatical fast. 



68 



538 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 



~41(T 



Roman Emperors. 



| Bishops, EccL. Officers and Writers. 



Boniface I. bp. of Rome, d. 422. 
Possidius, bp. of Calama. 
Synesius, bp. of Ptolemais. 
420 Philostorgius, ecclesiastical writer. 

Coelestinus I. bp. of Rome, d. 432. 
Valentinian III. Vincentius of Lirinum, d. before 440. 

d.455. Nestorius, bp. of Constantinople, d. 

about 440. [457. 

I Theodoret, bp. of Cyrus^in Syria, d. 

N. JB. The church history of Socrates extends from 306 to 439 (continued by 
Theodoret to 526) ; that of Sozomen from 323 to 423 ; that of Philostor- 
gius, an Arian bishop, from 300 to 425 ; that of Theodoret from 325 to 
429; that of Evagrius continuator of Socrates and Theodoret from 431 
to 593. 



430 



440 



450 



460 



470 



480 



Ricimer, d. 
472. 



Anthemius. 



Pulcheria, d. 

453. 
Marcian, died 

457. 
457. Leo I. the 

Thracian. 



474. Leo II. 
soon succeed- 
ed by his fa- 
ther Zeno. 
The Western empire is divi- 
ded into several new states. 



475. Romulus 
Augustus. 



476. Odoaster, 
k. of Italy and 
Noricum. 

481. Clovis, 1. d. 
511. 



John, bp. of Antioch. 

Proclus, bp. of Constantinople, d. 446. 

Hilary, bp. of Aries, d. 449. 

Sixtus 111. bp. of Rome, d. 440. 

Peter Chrysolpgus, bp. of Ravenna, 
d. 45b. 

Barsumas, bp. of Nisibis, to 489. 

Ibas, bp. of Edessa, to 457. 

Leo I. bp. of Rome, d. 461. 

Salvianus, presb. in Massilia. 

Socrates the historian. 

Sozomen the historian. 

Dioscurus, bp. of Alexandria. 

Proterius, bp. of Alexandria. 

Flavian, bp. of Constantinople. 

Symeon Stylites, d. 460. 

Paschasinus, bp. of Lilybaeum. 

Maximus, bp. of Turin. 

Mamertus, bp. of Vienna. 

Gennadius, bp. of Constantinople. 

Timotheus Aelurus, bp. of Alexan- 
dria. 

Arnobius the Younger. 

Hilary, bp. of Rome, d. 468. 

Timotheus, bp. of Alexandria. 

Simplicius,bp. of Rome, d. 483. 

Peter the Fuller. 

Sidonius Apollinaris, bp. of Clermont. 

Faustus of Rnegium, d. after 490. 

Acacius, bp. of Constantinople. 

Petrus the monk, bp. of Alexandria. 

Victor, bp. of Vita. 

Gennadius, presb, of Masillon, d. after 
493. 

Vigilius,bp. of Tapsus. 

Macedonius, bp. of Constantinople. 

Felix III. bp. of Rome, d. 492. 

Flavian, bp. of Antioch. 

Gelasius, I. bp. of Rome, d.496. 

Anastasius II. bp. of Rome, d. 498. 

Avitus, bp. of Vienna. 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 539 

Historical Events. 

410. Cyrill improves the Easter-table of Theophilus.— Celebration of the 
Festum Stephani in North Africa; (Still earlier in the interior of 
Italy.) — In the oriental churches candles are lighted while the Gospels 
are read. — Theodosius II. diminishes the number of the copiatae. 



420. In the East the people still take part in the church elections. — Votive 
offerings in the churches, particularly in the chapels of the martyrs. — 
425. Theatrical exhibitions on Sunday and on the high church festi- 
vals forbidden by the emperor. — In Egypt a separate celebration of 
the festival of Christ's birth. — Celebration of the feast of annuncia- 
tion. 



430. Office of the Apocrisiarii. — The celebration of the Quadrigesimal fasts 
is still different in different ecclesiastical provinces. — No definite laws 
for the keeping of fasts yet fixed. — Prostration of the people on the 
exhibition of the elements of the supper (?) 



440. 441. The appointment of deaconesses forbidden in the West. — Crosses 
upon the altar. — Altars richly ornamented. — Councils are held in the 
baptisteries. — Contentions about the Easter festival of the year 444. 
— The Romans take the side of the Alexandrians. — Festum cathedrae 
Petri in the Romish church. — Remains of heathen customs which be- 
came mingled in the Roman celebration of Christ's birth. — New con- 
test about the calculation of Easter. — Leo of Rome yields to the Alex- 
andrians. — Infant Baptism a common church ordinance. — The Trisa- 
gion Hymn is altered. 



450. 451. The office of oeconomus established by law. — The bishops have 
the spiritual oversight of the cloisters. — Church Lectionarii in the 
Gallic churches. 



460. Canon Paschalis of Victorius Aquilanus introduced into Rome in 465. 
— Leo allows penitents the privilege of private confession previous to 
their being received again into the church. — 461. Council of Tours 
decrees that the bread be dipped in wine in the communion of the 
sick. Burial places in churches, particularly in those of the martyrs, 
are considered as peculiarly holy. — 469. The edict of 425 respecting 
the observance of Sunday made more strict. 



470. Peter Fullo makes an addition to the Trisagion.— The North African 
church holds strictly to a particular form of prayer. — Parents sponsors 
for their own children. — Rogation days instituted at Vienna. 



480. 489. Destruction of the theological school at Edessa. — The festival of 
Peter and Paul celebrated at Constantinople with new splendor. — Ge- 
lasius of Rome active in behalf of liturgies. 



540 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 



Ji.D.\ 



Roman Emperors. 



| Bishops, Eccl. Officers and Writers. 



490 



500 



510 



520 



530 



540 



550 



560 



570 



580 



590 



491. Anastasius 
emperor until 
518. 



518. Justin I. to 
527. 



526. Atalaric, 
k.oftheOs- 527. Justinian 
tragoths. to 565. 



534. Theodat 
k. of Ostrogs. 

536. Y r itiges, k. 
of Ostrogs. 



Totila, k. of Empress The- 
Ostrog. odora. 



552.Tejas,k.of 

Ostrog. 
558.Chlotar,k. 

of France. 



565. Justin II. 

to 578. 
578. Tiber II. 



582.Mauritius, 



Symmachus, bp. of Rome, d. 514. 

Boethius, d. 525. 

Epiphanius the hist'n of the church. 

Theodorus, historian of the church. 

Dionysius the Small. 

Caesarius, bp. of Aries, d. 542. 

Hormisdas bp. of Rome, d. 523. 

Philoxenus, bp. of Hierapolis. 
Fulgentius, bp. of Ruspe, d. 533. 
Procopius of Gaza. 
John of Cappadocia, bp. of Constan- 
tinople, d. 520. 
Epiphanius, bp. of Constantinople, 
John I. bp. of Rome, d. 526. 
Felix IV. bp. of Rome, d. 530. 
Boniface II. bp. of Rome, d. 532. 
John II. bp. of Rome, d. 535. 



Agapet I.bp. of Rome, d. 536. 

Anthimus, bp. of Constantinople. 

Silverius, bp. of Rome. 

Vigilius, bp. of Rome, d. 555. 

Fufgentius, dea. at Carthage, d. be- 
fore 551. 

Cosmas Indicopleustes. 

Aurelius Cassiodorus, d. after 562. 

Primasius, bp. of Adrumetum. 

Facundus, bp. of Hermiane, d. about 
570. 

Junilius, African bp. 

Pelagius I. bp. of Rome, d. 560. 
Procopius of Caesarea. 
John III. bp. of Rome, d. 573. 
John Philoponus, d. after 610. 

Joannes Scholasticus, bp. of Const, 
d. 578. 



Benedict 1. bp. of Rome, d. 578. 
Pelagius II. bp. of Rome, d. 590. 
Evagrius, the historian. 
Joannes Jejunator, bp. of Const. 

Leander, bp. of Hispalis. 
Gregory I. bp, of Rome, d. 604. 



Augustinus, in Britain. 
Cyriacus, bp. of Constantinople. 
Isidorus, bp. of Hispalis, d. 636. 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 541 

Historical Events. 

490, A special office instituted in Constantinople for enrolling the catechu- 
mens in the church books. — Council of Agde orders, that on Palm- 
Sunday the catechumens shall publicly repeat the creed. — Consecra- 
tion of altars. 

500. Romish bishops bear, by way of eminence, the title of pope. — Church 
ordinance respecting lay communion. — The division of divine service 
into two parts begins gradually to disappear. — Legends respecting im- 
ages of Christ not made with hands. — Celebration of Christmas eve. 
Ordinance respecting the celebration of Rogation days in Gaul. 

510. In the Gallic and Romish churches frequent participation of Christians 
in the heathen celebration of New Year. — Decree of the council of 
Gironne respecting Rogations. — Easter- table of Dionysius Exiguus. 
— In the Gallic and Romish church the ecclesiastical year begins at 
Christmas. — 517. In the West, prohibitions of the appointment of 
deaconesses repeated. 

520. The Benedictines have the charge of the education of youth. — Hundred 
deacons in Constantinople. — 524. Council of Valencia, passes a decree 
in relation to the reading of the gospels. — The Te Deum appears in 
the rule of the Benedictines, — 527. The calculation of Dionysius re- 
specting Easter adopted at Rome. — Great activity in building church- 
es in the East, particularly in Constantinople. 529. In the West a 
decree for the education of the clergy. — Church order in respect to 
the oversight of prisons by the bishops. — In Palestine a combined cel- 
ebration of the baptism and birth of Christ at Epiphany festival, con- 
tinues. 

530. Order in relation to the city church in Constantinople.— Rebuilding of 
the church of St. Sophia. — 538. Laws for the celebration of Sunday 
passed at the synod in Orleans. — Prohibition of marriage between bap- 
tized persons and their sponsors. 

540. Order of the emperor respecting the installation of the clergy, and the 
evidence to be given by them of their agreement with the faith of the 
church. — Consecration of the sites of churches. — Canon of Victorius 
continues in Gaul. 

550. Theological school at Nisibis flourishes. 

560. Arch-subdeacons. — 502. Dedication of the church of St. Sophia. — In- 
stitution of a three days' fast in the Gallic church for the time of the 
celebration of the festival of the calends. — Prohibition of abuses in the 
Festum Cathedrae Petri. — The council of Braga forbids tombs in the 
inner area of churches, and the use of the burial service at the inter- 
ment of suicides. 

570. In the church of St. Sophia, a vault for the prince. — Council of Braga 
forbids the practice of dipping bread in wine at the supper. — A festum 
circumcisionis on the first day of January. — 572. A law in the West 
concerning the visitation of the districts of the bishops. 

580. — 585. A church order respecting the care of widows and orphans. — 
The council of Mascon enjoins the continuation of Easter festival to 
the pascha clausum. — The formula of distribution in the Romish 
church becomes longer. — A single immersion in baptism in the Span- 
ish church. — The council of Toledo requires the recitation of the 
creed in the liturgy of the supper. — The calculation of Easter accord- 
ing to Dionysius adopted in Spain. — The Romish quadrigesima = 36 
days. 

590. The Romish church active in missions. — Gregory allows to the Anglo- 
Saxons the celebration of festivals with banquets, and establishes the 
litania septiformis . — The Alexandrian calculation of Easter found in 
Gaul. — Contentions of Augustine with the ancient Britons about 
their reckoning of Easter. 



542 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 



A. D. | Roman Emperor 



| Bishops, Eccl. Officers and Writers. 









Sabinian, bp. of Rome, d. 606. 






602. Phocas. 


Thomas, bp. of Constantinople. 


610 


Chlotar II. k. 


610.Heraclius. 


Boniface 111. bp. of Rome, d. 607. 




of France. 




Boniface IV. bp. of Rome, d. 615. 


620 






Sergius, bp. of Constantinople. 


630 






Deusdedit, bp. of Rome, d. 618. 
Boniface V. bp. of Rome, d. 625. 
Honorius I. bp, of Rome, d. 638. 
Sophronius, bp. of Jerusalem. 
Pyrrbus, bp. of Constantinople. 






Constantine 


Severinus, bp. of Rome, d. 640. 


640 




III. 


John IV. bp. of Rome, d. 642. 






Ueraclionas. 


Theodore, bp. of Rome, d. 649. 






Constans 11. 


Martin I. bp. of Rome, d. 655. 
Eugenius I. bp. of Rome, d. 657. 


650 






Vitalian 1. bp. of Rome, d. 672. 




655. Clovis II. 




Thomas, bp. of Constantinople. 




656. Chlotar 
111. 




John, bp. of Constantinople. 


660 




Theodore, bp. of Canterbury. 






668. Constan- 


Constantine, bp. of Constantinople. 






tine IV. 


Adeodatus, bp. of Rome, d. 676. 
Donus I. bp. of Rome, d. 678. 


670 






Agatho, bp. of Rome, d. 682. 


680 


Pepin. 




Leo 11. bp. of Rome, d. 683. 






685. Justinian 


Benedict II. bp. of Rome, d. 685. 


690 




II. 


John V. bp. of Rome, d. 686. 
Sonon, bp. of Rome, d. 687. 






695. Leontius. 


Sergius 1. bp. of Rome, d. 701. 


700 






The venerable Bede, d.' 735. 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 543 

Historical Events. 

590. Gregory I. improves the church singing, establishes a school for sing- 
ers, gives a new form to the liturgy of the supper, is opposed to the 
worship of images, but not to their use in the churches. 

600. The Roman Pantheon becomes a christian church. — Continuation of 
the Easter table of Dionysius Exiguus. — Leander and Isidor active 
for the liturgy in the Spanish church. 

610. Feast of All Saints in the Romish church. 

620. Bells are found in the West. — Festum apparitionis St. Michaelis in 
Rome. — Monks and clergy not permitted to become sponsors. 

630. First appearance of the bishop's Baculus and Annulus, — Council of 
Toledo enjoins fasts on the day of Christ's death ; prescribes concern- 
ing the consecration of wax candles for Easter. — Prescription of the 
council of Toledo respecting church hymns — The oriental church- 
teachers seek to justify scientifically the worship of images. 

640. Deaconesses continue in the oriental church. — Feast of the transfigu- 
ration of Christ in the oriental church. 

650. — 656. Festum annuntiationis on the 25th of March instituted in Toledo. 
— Remains of the old custom of the nqooifoqai in the supper in the 
Greek church. 

670. Heathen customs mingle themselves in the festivals of the Virgin. — 
Unleavened bread commonly used in the supper. 

690. — 692. Council of Trullan forbids the reception of emoluments for the 
administration of the sacraments. — Council of Trullan against symbo- 
lical representations of Christ, and against crosses upon the floor of 
churches. — Council of Trullan requires the keeping of the sabbath as 
a fast ; brings to remembrance the after-celebration of Easter ; for- 
bids the missa praesanctificat on the day of the annunciation to Mary ; 
condemns the remains of the heathen celebration of the calends, and 
the customs of St. John's day ; gives orders upon the spiritual rela- 
tion between the baptized person and the sponsors ; upon the Zsitovq- 
yia rwv noorjyiao^svuv, and confirms the decision of 381 respecting 
heretics. 



GENERAL INDEX. 



'Afifici, pope, 76. 

"AfiotTOv, advTov, 182. 

Abraxas, mystical name, 35. 

Absolute or independent bishops, 
86. 

Accampia, 148. 

Acolyths, their office, and duties, 
and ordination, 159. 

Aedituus, 126. 

*Aycmai, agapae, 293 : origin of 
the name and custom, 325 : 
mode of celebration, 325: time 
and place of celebration, 327 : 
abolition of the custom, 328. 

Age, canonical, of the clergy, 156. 

'dyiov, ayiao[.ia> otyiov, ayuav, 182. 

"Ayioi, title of Christians, 39, 40. 

Axicpcdog, 86. 

Axoi(Attol, 64. 

AxQowiisvot, 339. 

Album matricula. 

Altar of the church, names, cover- 
ing, material, etc. 192, 3. 

Amen, response, 218, 233. 

AvCM(X{X7tTT}Q2a, 190. 

"Avomtoqov, 117, 182. 

Anchorets, 64. 

Ancillae Dei, 65, 115. 

Angels of the church, bishops, 75. 

angels addressed in prayer, 206. 
Annulus sponsalitius, pronubus, 

pallatii, 82. 
Annunciation, festival of, 440. 
Ante-chambers of churches, 184. 
Ante-legomena, not read in public, 

229. 
Antistae, 115. 
"A£iog, ava&og, mode of taking a 

vote, 134. 
Apocrisiarii, 129. 



Apocryphal books,read in religious 
assemblies, 230. 

Apostles, 69 : title of bishops, 75 : 
seldom baptized, 274. 

Apostles' days, feast of, 442. 

Apostolical canons, date and ori- 
gin, 38, 39. 

Apostolical Constitutions, their au- 
thor, contents, date, and value, 
36—38. 

Apostolical Constitutions describe 
the Lord's supper, 303. 

AjioTct$a t u£vol, 64. 

Apparitor, 121. 

Appointments, ecclesiastical, 131 
—137. 

Archbishops, their title and rank, 
84. 

Archdeacons, time and object of 
their appointment, 113 — 14 : 
qualifications, 113, 14 : their of- 
fices, ambition, and power, 114, 
15. 

Archi-cantor, 124. 

Archpresbyters, their office and 
influence, 106. 

Ascetics, ccay.r}Tal, 63 : originated 
in Egypt, 62. 

Ark of Noah, name of church, 140. 

Armenian church, origin and pro- 
gress, 466. 

Assinaeii, Christians so called by 
their enemies, 45. 

Aspersion, baptism by it, 276 : 
term of reproach for Christians, 
45. 

Attendamus, 112. 

Attitude in devotion, 222, 24. 
A&eol, term of reproach for Chris- 



GENERAL INDEX. 



545 



Augustine, a catechumen, 52. 
Aurum tironicum, 143. 

Avioxi(podog, 86. 

Bakers, Christians so cailed by 
their enemies, 44. 

Banns of marriage, 403. 

Baptism, ceremonies after, 105: 
names of it, 255 : historical 
sketch,256: when instituted ,256: 
Christian baptism, when intro- 
duced, 257 : publicly adminis- 
tered, 257: in connection with 
the sacrament, 257: adminis- 
tered to the candidates naked, 
257 : custom of re-baptizing, 
baptism of heretics, 258: infant 
baptism, 52, 258 — 66 : univer- 
sality of christian baptism, 259: 
views of German scholars, — 
Baumgarten-Crusius, Hahn, De 
Wette, Neander, Rheinwald, 
Gieseler, and Siegel, 259, 60 : 
testimony of the fathers, 261 — 
66 : Augustine and Cyprian,261: 
Origen, 262: Tertullian, 263: 
Irenaeus, 264 : Justin Martyr, 
266: household baptism, 266: 
baptism of the living for the 
dead, 267 : persons to whom 
baptism was not administered, 
267 — 9: by whom administered, 
269: preparation for adminis- 
tering it, 271 ? by laymen, 271 : 
time of administering it, 271 : 
of bells, 269 : place of baptism, 
273 : elements for it, 274 : mode 
and form, 275 : form of words, 
277: preliminaries of baptism, 
catechetical instruction and cov- 
enant, 278 : exorcism, 279 : 
ceremonies after baptism : kiss 
of peace, chrism, clothing in 
white, burning tapers, washing 
of the feet, wearing of garlands, 
etc. 281: baptisteries, 188,273. 

J5«7tto), fivtmlQw, Bamifffiog, (juti- 
Tto^ua, 255. 

Bedellus, a beadle, 121. 

69 



Bells, first used, 191: tolling of 
bells, 191, 412: baptism of 
them, 269. 

Bema of a church, 182. 

Benediction and consecration by 
presbyters, 105. 

Bio&avitoi, Christians so called by 
' their enemies, 44: Christians de- 
nominated by their enemies, 44. 

Bishop, a universal hierarch, 79 : 
his influence in the church 
government, 80: name of bish- 
op an honorary distinction, 98, 
102: his duty to baptize, 270: 
to confirm, 290 : to administer 
the Lord's supper, 307: import 
of the term, bishop, 74: official 
title of a presbyter, 74 : bishops, 
their official duties, 77, 81, 238 
— 40 : their badges of office, 
81 — 4: several orders of, 84: 
their civil and ecclesiastical ju- 
risdiction, 81 : the same as 
presbyters, 94 — 103 : and pres- 
byters, their titles, 100 : em- 
ployed as referees to settle dis- 
putes, 144. 

Bispilliones, 125. 

Black used in mourning, 415. 

Blood-baptism, 55. 

Boat of Peter, 180. 

Boots, badge of the bishops, 82. 

Bowing the head in prayer, 223. 

Bread of the eucharist, quality, 
314: form, 315. 

Burying of the dead, 408: burial 
places, 409. 

Candidi, name of catechumens, 49. 
Calendar revised by Julius Caesar, 

423. 
Caligae, badge of bishop, 82, 148. 
Canons, apostolical, see Apostolical 

canons. 
Candlemas, a festival, 440. 
Canon, catalogue of clergy, 68. 
Cancnici regulares, 64. 
Campanarii, campanatores, bell 

ringers, 126. 



546 



GENERAL INDEX. 



Capellanus, 129. 

Cappellani, occasional offices in the 
church, chaplains, 127. 

Cardinals, order of hishops, 87 : 
origin and import of the term, 
88: their different orders, their 
number, authority and power, 
88—90. 

Catholics, name of Christians, 42. 

Catechist, office of the bishop, 78: 
an occasional officer in the 
church, 127: catechetical in- 
structions, 252: in baptism, 278. 

Catechumens, learners, 49: im- 
portance of this order, 50 — 56 : 
reason for their institution, 50, 
56: age of admission, 51 : term 
of instruction, 53, 57 : different 
classes, 53, 57 : mode of admis- 
sion, 54, 56 : exercises, 54, 56 
-—7 : place in church, 187. 

Catholico, an ecclesiastic of the 
Armenian church, 468. 

Celibacy of the clergy, 400. 

Cemeteries, 409, 421, 423. 

Chancel, cancelli, 183. 

Chant Gregorian, 124. 

Chapels, court-churches, private 
oratories, 127. 

Chaplains, 127. 

Chaplets, not worn in sacred mar- 
riages, 407. 

Charitable contributions, 149. 

Xijgai, widows, 45. 

Children baptized at an early age, 
52: church, 81. 

Choir of a church, 182. 

Chrism, 281. 

Christian, name of, supposed to 
prevent all sectarian divisions, 
41 : implies every blessing, 41 : 
origin and import of the name, 
40, 41. 

Christians, their rites, customs, and 
steadfastness of faith, 30 : vene- 
ration for the Scriptures, 34 : 
scriptural appellations, 39, 40 : 
their various names, 40, 42 : not 
so called as a religious sect, 42 : 
numerous at Rome, 72. 



Christians primitive, purity of the ir 
character, 40: held meetings 
before daylight, 30 : worshipped 
Christ as God, 30, 34 : their 
charity to the poor, 72 : their 
places of worship, 177 : how 
seated in church, 184: how 
summoned to worship, 191 : 
met daily for worship, 248 : con- 
stant attendance on the Sabbath, 
248 : their domestic and social 
character, 367 : mode of life, 
367 : their dress and furniture, 
369:' their diet, and mode of 
taking their meals, 371 : their 
daily devotions, 375 : religious 
education of their children, 378 : 
efforts to remind themselves of 
Christ, 380 : their deportment 
in the business and recreations 
of life, 382: their mutual love, 
384 : their mode of salutation, 
385, 394 : their benevolence, 
care of the poor, 386 : their at- 
tention to the sick, 387 : their 
charities to their persecuted 
brethren, 390 : their love for 
the souls of men, 392 : their hos- 
pitality, 394: their patience un- 
der injuries, 307 : encomium 
upon their virtues, their care for 
the dead, 408 : their affection 
for the dying, 411. 

Christ, worshipped as God, 30 : 
mystical names, 35 : recognized 
as divine, 34 : divine worship 
paid to him, 205, 206. 

Christmas, instituted in fourth cen- 
tury, 434 : observed on different 
days, 434 : reasons for celebra- 
ting Christmas eve, 435: mode 
of celebration, 435 : veneration 
in which it was held, 436. 

XgKTiocpoQoi, name of Christians, 
43. 

Chorepiscopi, country bishops, ori- 
gin, name, 92 : their office and 
influence, 93. 

Church, christian, its origin, 32 : 
derived from the Jewish, 33 : 



GENERAL INDEX. 



547 



freedom of its worship, 33 : 
claimed the right of solemnizing 
marriages, 400 : organization 
from synagogue service, 45 : af- 
fairs of it not tried before judi- 
cial courts, 144 : patronage, ori- 
gin of, 138. 

Churches, their history, 176, 180: 
form and site, 180: position or 
aspect, 181 : arrangement and 
constituent parts, 181: their 
names, 176, 177 : origin of the 
name, 177: began to be built in 
second and third centuries, 177: 
seats for the sexes, 184: ante- 
chambers, 184: aisles, 185: nev- 
er used as market-places, or for 
courts of justice, exemption from 
taxation, 198: all levity and 
noise forbidden in them, 199 : 
at Constantinople, ministers of, 
73: extravagance in building 
them rebuked, 196, 197 : ven- 
eration manifested forthem, 197, 
199: place of refuge, 198: bu- 
rial place, 195, 201 : place of 
refuge for criminals, 200: vo- 
tive offerings in them, 195: erec- 
ted over over the graves of mar- 
tyrs, 208. 

Church-yard, a burial-place, 188 : 
a place of refuge, 200, 201. 

Chrysargyrum, 143. 

Chrysostom, remarks on dignity of 
ministerial office, 162 : on duty 
of watchfulness in a minister, 
362, 164: of hospitality, 163: 
of study, 166, 168: on public 
preaching, 170: on private ad- 
dresses, 171: on duty of com- 
municants 31 1. 

Cihus Dei, angelorum, coelestis, 
viatorum, mortalium, 296. 

Cimeliarchs, 129. 

Clergy j guardians of public morals, 
142 : suhject to the bishop, 80 : 
different orders, 73: superior 
and inferior, 68: their privileges 
and privations, 143 : exemptions 



from taxation, military duty, etc. 
143: their costume, 144: their 
white dress, 145 : their profes- 
sional garb first assumed by the 
monks, 146: their maintenance, 
148, 152: derived from volun- 
tary contributions, 149: non- 
resident clergy not tolerated, 
157 : their ordination, 153, 161 : 
disqualifications, 156, 158: mode 
of ordaining, 158, 159 : prayer 
at their ordination, 160 : their 
celibacy, 400 : their responsible 
duties, 161, 173: the punish- 
ments of the clergy, 173, 176 : 
suspension, 174: degradation, 
174 : exclusion from commu- 
nion, 175 : imprisonment, cor- 
poral punish ment.andexcommu- 
nication, 176 : clergy and laity 
supposed not to have been dis- 
tinguished until the second cen- 
tury, 49, 67: derivation of the 
term, 66. 

Clerical dress, always worn in offi- 
cial duties, 145. 

Clerici secu lares, regulares, 63. 
Clericorum tabula, 68. 

Clinic baptism, 55, 268. 

Coena, sacra, Domini, 292. 

Collatio superindicta, 143. 

Commiuistri, 104. 

Communio peregrins, laica, 175. 

Communion, see Lord's Supper. 

Commatres, 285. 

Concilia, concdiabula, conventicu- 
la, churches, columba, corpus 
Christi, 177. 

Confession of faith taught, 253. 

Confirmation of baptized persons, 
duty of bishops, 78 : whether 
derived from apostolic usage, 
288 : its connection with bap- 
tism, 289 : by whom adminis- 
tered, 290 : mode of administra- 
tion, 291. 

Consecration of the elements, ex- 
clusive right of the bishop, 77 : 
of clergy, duty of bishop, 79. 



548 



GENERAL INDEX. 



Constantine, zeal in building 
churches, 177. 

Constitutions, apost. see Apostoli- 
cal Constitutions. 

Convivium Dominicum, 292. . 

Copiatae, grave-diggers, 125. 

Corpus Christi, 296. 

Corpse, mode of laying it out, 411. 

Costume of the clergy, 144: white, 
145, 147 : fashion and color often 
changed, ] 46, 147: derived from 
Greeks and Romans, 147. 

Councils, their origin and design, 
356 : extent of their jurisdiction, 
359 : their organization, 361 : 
the members of them, 363: oe- 
cumenical, 365. 

Covering of the head in prayer,224. 

Creed, of Irenaeus, 252. 

Cross, worn by bishop, 83 : car- 
ried in gestatoria, 83. 

Crouch- mas-day, 424. 

Crowning parties at their espou- 
sals, 404 : at their marriage, 406. 

Culdei, 64. 

Custos, Custor, 126. 

Cure of souls, duty of presbyters, 
106: of the bishop, 77. 

Deacon, derivation of the office, 71: 
deacons seven in number, 72: 
rank and duties, 107: first ap- 
pointment, 108: two officers in 
the N. Testament of this name, 
108 — 9: deacons, adjutants of 
the bishop, ]09: their arrogant 
pretensions, 109: readers in the 
sacrament, 111 : monitors of 
public worship, 112: occasional 
preachers, 112: their right of 
suffrage, 113: guardians of the 
morals both of the clergy and 
the laity, 113: received and dis- 
bursed the charities of the 
church, 113: ordination, 159. 

Deaconesses, 29, 45 : ceased in the 
fifth century, 65, 138: their 
names, 115: duties, 116 — 18: 
their requisite age and qualifi- 
cations, 116—17. 



Dead buried facing to the East, 
415: commemorated by festi- 
vals, 416: prayers for the dead. 
417. 

Dean, origin of the name, 107. 

Death, a joyful event, 413, 414. 

Decalogue taught, 253. 

JmfiStift, 112,220. 

Degradation of clergymen, 174. 

Awiva noiy.aht of the primitive 
Christians, 31. 

/Jhuvov y.VQiaxov, 292. 

zJidaay.allct, 237. 

diddaxuioi, teachers, 45, 69, 70. 

Demoniacs, class of Christians, 61 : 
place in church, 188: not bap- 
tized, 267. 

/Jiaxovog, diaxov la ,107 — 8: dixova— 
acu, 115. 

Diaconicum magnum, 189. 

A IV.ltV IY.OV , 82. 

Dies Solis, Lunae, etc. 425 : man- 
dati, mysteriorum eucharistiae, 
panis, indulgentiae, 437. 

Dignitas, 68. 

Diocese governed by bishop, 80. 

Diognetus, description of early 
Christians, 43. 

Disriplina arcani, system of secret 
instruction, 34. 

Disciplina, 338. 

Discipline of the church, right of 
its members, 61 : administered 
by presbyters, 105. 

Discipline of the ancient church, 
Preliminary remarks, 330 : se- 
verity of it, 347 : impartiality of 
it, 352. 

Diversoria, 190. 

Divinity of Christ, 29, 30, 34, 205. 

Divine rules of the christian church, 
402. 

Dogmatics, name of Christians, 43. 

Dogmatists, name of the clergy, 68. 

Dominicum, domus Dei, 177. 

Doors of the church, number, 
form, inscriptions upon them, 
etc. 194: closed in time of ser- 
mon, 243. 

Door-keepers, their rank and du- 



GENERAL INDEX. 



549 



ties, 125 : reasons for their ap- 
pointment, and mode of their 
ordination, 125. 
Doxology of the Lord's prayer, 
216. 

East, turning towards it in prayer, 
181, 224. 

Easter, ancient festival, 432 : im- 
portance of this festival, 436: a 
moveable feast, 437. 

Ecclesiastics, name of Christians, 
42, 47 : name of the clergy, 68. 

'Eyy.QaTug, 63. 

'Hyovpsvoi, leaders, ministers of the 
the church, 45 : superiors, 46. 

ExxXycrla, body of believers, 45, 47, 
57 : a church, 176. 

ExXsktol, title of Christians, 40: of 
monks, 64. 

Election of the clergy, right of the 
laity, 60. 

Election by divine manifestations, 
137: by reference,138 : by nom- 
ination, J 38: by lot, 131: by 
the church collectively, the 
apostolic and primitive mode of 
appointing pastors, 131 : not a 
negative or testimonial vote, 134: 
method of voting by acclama- 
tion, 134, 138 : by representa- 
tion, ]35 : tumultuous elections, 
135 : right of election, denied to 
the rabbte, 136: restricted to 
the aristocracy by Justinian, 136: 
vested in the citizens, remon- 
strance of the church, 137. 

Elements of the eucharist, 314: 
sent to the absent, 322: distrib- 
uted to all baptized persons, 
322: distributed in the eucha- 
rist, 111. 

"EfxfioXog of churches, 185. 

Energumens, demoniacs, 61. 

Episcopal organization of church 
government, 74. 

Epiphany, time of baptism, 272. 

Episcopae, episcopissae, 115. 

Episcopi, in partibus infidelium, 



gentium, regionarii, 91 : in pon- 

tificalibus, 91. 
'EttIoxottoc (j/oXd&vTsg, bishops 

without cures, 90. 
Enhy.onoi, elders, 45 : bishops, 70. 
Eniy.Xrjaig, 105. 
'EyoQoi, name of bishops, 75. 
Ecpodtov, 297. 
Equus canonicus, 143. 
Era, christian, Dionysian, a period 

in chronology, 423. 
Espousals, antecedent to marriage, 

403. 
Eucharist, 293. 
EvXoyla, 294. 

Evyi] TOJV TTKTTWV, 105, 216. 

Evangelists, 69. 

Examination for ordination, 156. 
Exedrae of a church, 188—90. 
Exocatocoeli, ecclesiastical court 

of Constantinople, 87. 
Exorcists, their duties, ordination, 

122. 
Exorcism of the baptized, 279,232. 

Fabius, bishop of Rome, letter to 
from Cornelius, 72. 

Faithful, or believers, 58, their 
rights and privileges, 59, 60. 

Fasts of the early Christians, 444: 
of later times, 445 : how observ- 
ed, 446. 

Fasting before festivals, 433, 477, 
438. 

Fasts and thanksgivings of New 
England, 446: preliminary re- 
marks, 446 : reasons for such 
days, 447 : continuance, 449 : 
mode of their appointment, 452 : 
penalties, 457, periodical observ- 
ance, 459 : observance by other 
states, 464. 

Festivals, originally no specific 
time for them, 423 : weekly, an- 
nual : moveable and immove- 
able : higher and lower, etc. 425 : 
entirely voluntary, 426 : at first 
few, 426: christian contrasted 
with pagan, 427 : regulated by 



550 



GENERAL INDEX. 



law, 428 : preceded by prepara- 
tory fasts, 433: the Greek 
church observed six principal 
feasts, 433 : feast in honor of 
Virgin Mary, 440. 

Feria prima, secunda, etc. 425. 

Flectanius genua, 112. 

Font, baptismal, 186. 

Form of churches, 380. 

Fosiarii, fossores, 126. 

Fraternities, 62. 

Funeral rites and ceremonies, 408 : 
time of holding funeral solemni- 
ties, 410: mode of celebrating 
them, 412 : funeral orations, 413. 

ra^ocpvldyuov, 189. 

Galileans, term of reproach ap- 
plied to Christians, 44. 

rsvs&ha, nativity, 426. 

Gieseler on the distinction between 
bishop and presbyter, 75 : be- 
tween clergy and laity, 49 : on 
the equality of bishops and pres- 
byters, 101 : On the worship- 
ping saints, 207. 

Glass windows in churches, 195 : 
painting of them first practised 
196. 

Glory in the highest, response, 219. 

Gloves, badge of the bishop, 83. 

Good Friday, 437. 

Gothic Architecture, ancient and 
modern, 178—180. 

Gnostics, name of Christians, 43 : 
name of the clergy, 68. 

Gradus, 68. 

Gregory Nazianzen on the minis- 
try, 161 : on duty of study to a 
minister, 166: on public minis- 
try, 170 : private addresses, 171 : 
on zeal and courage, 173. 

Greek, term of reproach applied to 
Christians, 44. 

Grooms-man, his office, 406. 

Gyrvagi, 64. 

Habit sacerdotal, 145. 

Head band of the apostles, 145. 



Head dress carefully attired, 148. 

Hebdomas magna, authentica, mu- 
ta, poenosa, etc, 425. 

Heretics, confounded offices in the 
church, 47. 

Hermeneutai, interpreters, their 
rank and duties, 128. 

Hildebrand, Gregory VII., his 
cunning in obtaining the inde- 
pendence of the pope, 89. 

Holy synod, ecclesiastical court of 
Russia, 73. 

Holy water, where derived, 186. 

Homilies, defined, 237 : based on 
the Scriptures, 237—8: By 
whom delivered, 239 : frequen- 
cy of them, 241 : Length of 
them, 242 : where delivered, 
242: complaints of long ser- 
mons, 243: subjects of dis- 
course, 247. 

Honey used in baptism, 280. 

Hosanna, response, 219. 

Hospitals connected with church- 
es, 190. 

Hymns, see Psalmody of the 
church. 

Hymns of St. Ambrose, 225: of St. 
Clement of Alexandria, 226. 

]in, corresponding to deacon, 71. 

"Tiisn rPir^, legatus, congrega- 
tion is, 70, 74. 

'idanccL, private Christians, 45. 

'isQaitlov, 182. 

t IsQ0VQY'ta, 295. 

'itQwvvvy, 100. [272. 

Illuminations in time of baptism, 

Immersion, baptism by it, 275: 
trine immersion, 275. 

Imposition of hands, in ordination, 
159 : in baptism on catechu- 
mens, 280: in confirmation, 291. 

Imprisonment of clergy, 176. 

Incense at the Lord's supper, 324. 

Incipientes, catechumens, 50. 

Independence of the hierarchy, 
and of the pope, how obtained, 
88—9. 



GENERAL INDEX. 



551 



Indulgences, sale of, when intro- 
duced and how, 179. 

Infant baptism, see Baptism. 

Inferior and superior orders, not 
of apostolic origin, 71. 

Inferior orders of clergy, who 
are included in each, 72 — 3. 

Inferior orders of bishops, 90 — 4. 

Insignia of apostles, 145. 

Intercessory bishops, intercessores, 
interven tores, 93. 

Intercessores, interventores, inferi- 
or bishops, 93. 

Investiture of clergy, 159. 

Jerome's testimony to the equality 
of presbyters and bishops, 95 — 
98 : on the virtues becoming a 
minister, 163 — 4 : avoiding sus- 
picions, 165 : on studying the 
Scriptures, 169: on public min- 
istry, 171. 

Jews, Christians so called in de- 
rision, 44. 

St. John's day, 442. 

Julian's dying expression, 44: he 
commends the virtues of the 
Christians, 72, 399. 

Julian reckoning rejected by the 
early Christians, 425. 

Justin Martyr's account of the 
Lord's supper, 301. 

Kctvwv ixyiog, 68. 

Kaxaloyog, 68 : UQaTinog, 69. 

KccT7]xov[tsvoi f catechumens, 46,49. 

Ksi(a(x'£o[isvol, ZH[ia£ou£voi, 62. 

KsifirjhuQx&oVi 189. 

Kt']Qvyfj,a, 237. 

KrjQvasg, 112. 

Kiss of peace, 281, 323, 385. 

KXijqos, clergy why so called, 66. 

KoifxtrriQia, cemeteries, 409. 

Koi(lET)]QlOV, 177. 

Koivwvia, communion, right of the 
faithful, 60: sacrament, 293. 

Kneeling in prayer, 223, 428. 

KqvTcxal, oratories under ground, 
180. 



Kvgiaxov, 177. 

Kvqis skeqaov, ' Lord have mercy,' 
219. 

Lady day, 440. 

Laity, o Xctog, name of private 
Christians, 45, 47. 

Aabg tov Oeov, title of Christians, 
40. 

Lay-baptism, 271. 

Laymen, private Christians, 45 : 
called priests, 48: divided into 
classes, 47 : not members of 
councils, 363. 

Lay monks, 63. 

yisiTovgyla, 295. 

Lent, 437. 

Levites, levitica dignitas, name of 
deacons, 110. 

Libraries connected with churches, 
189. 

Lifting of the hands in prayer, 223. 

Livings, plurality discountenanced, 
158. 

Aoyoi inixaqua, 413. 

Lord's prayer, use of it not allowed 
to catechumens, 56 : to the faith- 
ful, 59: theories respecting it, 
212: not in use in the first cen- 
tury, 213: begins to be used in 
the second and third, 216 : dox- 
olofjy of it, 216 : repetitions of 
it, 217. 

Lord's supper, 292: scriptural ac- 
count, 298 : whether Christ and 
Judas partook of it, 299 : testi- 
mony of pagan writers and apos- 
tolic fathers, 300: time of cele- 
bration, 304 : place of celebra- 
tion, 306: by whom adminis- 
tered, 307 : who partook of it, 
308 : preparatory exercises, 310 : 
elements,114: consecration and 
distribution of them, 317 : cele- 
brated at funerals, 413. 

Love feasts observed by early 
Christians, 30, 428. 

Lucian of Samosata, his testimo- 
ny concerning the rules and 



552 



GENERAL INDEX. 



practices of the early church, 
31. 
Lucian the martyr, anecdote of, 4 1 . 

Magician, Christ so called by Lu- 
cian, 44. 

Magicians, Christians so called by 
enemies, 44. 

Ma&rjtal, title of Christians, 40. 

Mansionarii, 128. 

Maranatha, 333. 

Marriages solemnized by deacons, 
105. 

Marriage, intentions of, posted up- 
on doors of church, 194. 

Marriages, christian, 399: second 
marriages, 399, 400 : marriages 
regulated by the laws of the 
state, 400: prohibited marriages, 
400 : marriage between Jews 
and Gentiles, 401 : rites and 
ceremonies of it, 402 : remarks 
upon marriage rites and cere- 
monies, 405: a festive occasion, 
407: not under the direction of 
the church at first, 400 : second 
and third marriages censured 
by the church, 405. 

MctQTiQia, 208. 

Martyrdom, a passport to heaven, 
55: called blood-baptism, 55. 

Martyr feasts, 432 : celebration of 
them, 441. 

Mass, its derivation and significa- 
tion, 295. 

Master and disciples, division 
among primitive Christians, 45. 

Master and teacher, 70. 

Matricularii, 126. 

Matrini, 285. 

Maundy Thursday, 437. 

Medicamentum,medicina corporis, 
297. 

Msfxvrj/Asvoiy members of the 
church, 58. 

Mensa, Dei, 292. 

Metatum, 143. 

MsTaXiincng, 297. 

MrjTSQsg, 285. 



Metropolitan bishops, 85. 

Milk used in baptism, 280. 

Ministrae, 115. 

Ministers and magistrates, officers 
of the church, 69. 

Missa catechu menorum, missa fi- 
delium, 59: in pontifiealibus, 
105: missa est, 112, 295. 

Mitre, bishop's badge, 82. 

Moderator of synods and councils, 
81. 

Monastics, of female sex, not orig- 
inally a distinct order, 65: first 
known in the fifth century, 65. 

Monica, mother of Augustine, 52. 

Monks, 62, 64. 

Monuments to the memory of 
martyrs, in churches, 193. 

Mourning not allowed by the early 
Christians, 415. 

Names of Christians, 40 : of mem- 
bers of the church, 58, 59 : of 
bishops, 74, 77, 90 : presbyters, 
99: of deaconesses, 115: of 
Christians, 39, 43 : of catechu- 
mens, 50: of monks, 63, 64: of 
the clergv, 68, 69 : of singers, 
123, 4 : of churches, 176, 7 : of 
the sanctuary, 182: of the sa- 
cramental table, 183, 193 : of the 
font in a church, 186 : of bap- 
tism, 255. 

Names of the Lord's supper, 292 
— 7 : of months and weeks, and 
days of the week, 425. 

Names of sponsors in baptism, 
285 : given at baptism, 287. 

Naog, 177, 180. 

Narthex of a church, 185. 

Nave, or main body of the church, 
133 : form and divisions, 184. 

Nazarenes, name of Christians, 
given by the Jews, 44. 

NsonsTQcti, inferiors, 45. 

Nestorians, compare their orders of 
clergy to those of the angels, 83. 

New-lights, name applied in de- 
rision to Christians, 45. 



GENERAL INDEX. 



553 



Nobilissimi, 100. 

Noise in time of sermon com- 
plained of, 244. 
Nonnae, nuns, 65. 
Notarii, 129. 

Notes taken of sermons, 244. 
Novitii, name of catechumens, 50. 
Novendiale, 415. 
J\ T i<[*<p(xy(oy6g, vv^cpBVTt)g, 406. 
Nunneries, 65. 

Officials, officiales, 115. 

Officium, 68. 

01 t'trw, and ol !'!«, classification of 
Christians, 45. 

Oixoi, BaalXsioi, 190. 

Oixog -&80V, exy.Xrjcrlag, 177. 

Oixovofiot, stewards, 128. 

Optimates, J 00. 

Orate, catechumeni, 112. 

Oratories, under ground, 180. 

Orders of clergy, in different 
churches, 73, 74. 

Order, whence derived, 68. 

Order of the altar, name of the 
clergy, 68. 

Ordination, of deaconesess, 117 : 
of subdeacons, 120 : remarks 
on, 152. 153 : disqualifications, 
153, 155 : qualifications, 156, 
158: administration of the rite, 
158, 159 : ordaining prayer, 160. 

Ordinary and extraordinary minis- 
ters of the church, 69. [72. 

Ordo sacerdotalis, ecclesiasticus, 

Oremus, 220. 

Organs, first used, 192. 

Ostiarii, 125. 

^Oarj dvvafxig, explained at length, 
213, 215. 

Overseers, 70. 

Pagan rites, supposed to be incor- 
porated with Christian rites, 32. 

Panis benedictus, 55 : supersub- 
stantialis, 296: Dei, vitae, coe- 
lestis, 297. 

Papa, name of pope, first assumed 
A. D. 384. 76, 90. 

70 



Parabolani, nagdfioXoi, attendants 
upon the sick, 326, 389. 

Parafrenarii, 126, 

JUagnvvixcpog^ 406. 

Pastophoria of a church, 189. 

Pastors and teachers, 69 : shep- 
herd, 70. 

IlttTsgsg, 285 : patres, patrini, pro- 
patres, 285. 

Patriarchs, an order of bishops, 86 : 
their prerogatives, 87 : name of 
bishops, 76. 

Patronage, church, secular, lay, 
and ecclesiastical, 138, 139. 

Patrons, of the church, 130. 

Pavements of the church, curious- 
ly wrought, 195. [219. 

Pax vobiscum, peace be with you, 

■ripe, rps, riTjpa, 74. 

EPDyiiB of the synagogue, 71. 

Pedellus, 121. 

Pericopae, explained, 234, 235. 

Peristylia, 188. 

Penance, origin of, 332 : account 
of the fathers, 334 : subjects of, 
337: private, 344. 

Penitents, different classes, 338 : 
their duties, 340 : readmission 
to the church, 342, 351 : tender- 
ness felt for them, 348. 

Pestilence, at Alexandria, 390. 

Pictures, worship of, 236. 

Pillarists, monks, 64. 

IJl&wl, TXKJTiOVTSg, 58. 

JJio-TsaavTsg, title of Christians, 40. 

Plautus, Christians called follow- 
ers of, 45. 

nkrj&og, noifivlov, private Chris- 
tians, 45. 

Pliny the younger, his letter to 
Trajan concerning Christians, 
26. 

ZTb/^ivsc, shepherd, 45, 69. 

Poor, care of them, 72, 126, 149, 
386. 

Portico, of a church, 185. 

Potestas, 68. 

Praeses, praefectus, same as bish- 
ops, 74, 75. 



554 



GENERAL INDEX. 



Prayer, audible and silent, 201, 
211 : no prescribed form of, 202 : 
earliest forms, 217 : prayers of 
the ancient church, never chant- 
ed, 212 : preliminaries, 220 : at- 
titudes and gestures in, 222 : 
covering of the head, 224 : direc- 
tion towards the East, 181, 224 : 
before sermon by the preacher, 
246: for penitents, 336 : daily, 
375 : private, 376 : Lord's, theo- 
ries respecting it, 212 : not in 
use in first century, 213 : begins 
to be used in the second and 
third centuries, 216 : doxology 
of, 216: taught, 254. 

Prayers, of the ancient church, and 
prescribed form, 213, note : fil- 
ial spirit of, 209 : brevity and 
simplicity, 210 : catholic spirit 
and frequency of them, 211 : 
for the dead, 417 : account of 
the early fathers, 417, 420 : na- 
ture and design of them, 420, 
421. 

Preaching, expository, 244 : with- 
out ornament, 245: with notes, 
245 : extempore, 245. 

Presbytera, ngscrfiviig, 107, 115. 

Presbyteri penitentiarii, confessa- 
rii, 105. 

Presbyters, administered baptism, 
104: different orders and clas- 
ses, 106 : their ordination, 109. 

ITgea^megoi, elders, 45, 70, 74 : de- 
rivation of the term, 70 : con- 
nected with bishops, 71. 

JlQEcrfivTsgog, both a superior and 
teacher. 94 : apostolic ministers, 
94 : supposed to denote the laity, 
99. 

Presents, distributed at wedding, 
408. 

Frimae sedis [episcopus, princeps 
sacerdotum, 85. 

Primates, primas urbis, castelli, 
pallatii, 85. 

Princeps sacerdotum, bishop, 77 : 
principes, 100. 



IIq6e5qol, 98. 

IJgosGTbnsg, rulers, 45, 75, 98. 

IlQoik&ne, 112. 

IlQovaog, of a church, 185. 

IlQOTTvXa, 185. 

TlQOCp7]JUOV, 177. 

Prophesying, teaching, 238. 
IIqog£Vxti]qlov, 177. 
Ilgocrnkmovieg, penitents,3 39. 
IlQoaTonai, 98. 
ngoacpoQa, 294, 301. 
ngoacpoiv^asig^ 105, 112. 
IIqox(x>[iev, attention, 232. 
Prostration, in prayer, 223 : prayer 

at parting, 396. 
Protectors, defenders of the faith, 

130. 
Prophets, in the apostolic age of 

the church, 69. 

IlQbJTOl, TlQaTSVOVTSg, 85. 

IlQaTcmQscrfivTEQOii 106: nqwxona- 
nag, 106. 

Psalmody, of church and prayer, 
201, 202 : part of prayer, 221 : 
at the sacrament, 223. 

Psalms, few have come down to 
us, reasons, 222 : third division 
of the Scriptures, 228 : ancient 
psalms quoted, 225, 226. 

Psalter, explained, 234. 

Pueri, catechumens, 50. 

Punishments, of delinquent clergy- 
men, 173, 176. 

&(OTicrp6g qpamo/m, qxanaTSQiov, 
255, 272, 274. 

<PaQ[Aixov a&avaalccg, 297. 

<DoTt£6pevoi 9 members of church, 
58. 

Walvou xavovixol, 123. 

tyi'icpiotLu. yycpog, 134. 

Dt?.:3rT £wi , corresponding to 
inlaxonog, 70, 74. 

ri:^n ukl , 424. 

^n , master, teacher, pastor, 70. 

Rank, of the clergy, unknown in 
the primitive church, 104 : de- 
rived from Jewish and pagan 
priesthood, 141. 



GENERAL INDEX. 



555 



Rationale, to loyiov, 83. 

Readers, appointment and duties, 
120, 229: age and consideration, 
12] : position and attitude. 233. 

Receptorium, 189. 

Reconciling of penitents, duty of 
bishops, 344. 

Regionarii, 129. 

Religiosi, monks, 63. 

Responsarii, 119. 

Responses, Hallelujah, Amen, etc. 
218, 221. 

Revenues of the church, disbursed 
by the bishop, 81 : how raised 
and disbursed, 148, 152, 393. 

Rheinwald, on equality of bishops 
and presbyters, 103 : respecting 
distinction of clergy and laity, 
49 : between bishops and pres- 
byters, 75. 

Revenue of the church, 150, 152 : 
how acquired, 151. 

Ring, a badge of the bishop, 82 : 
presentation of, in espousals, 
403, 406. 

Robe, worn in marriage, 407 : 
bishop's badge, form, color, 83. 

Rudes, catechumens, 50. 

Ruling elders, 239 

Sabbath, Jewish and Christian, ob- 
served by early Christians, 428 : 
christian, testimony of the early 
fathers, 429 : rules for observing 
it, 431 : styled Lord's day, 431 : 
profaned by fasting and kneel- 
ing, 432. 

Sabbath, joyful day, religiously 
observed, 249. 

Sacrament, see Lord's supper, sa- 
cramentum, 296. 

Sacramentum plenum, 257 : pacis, 
297. 

Sacerdotes secundi ordinis, 111. 

Sacellii, 129. 

Sacristan, sacrista, sacristarius, 
treasurer, 126—129. 

Saints, altars and churches erected 
to their memory, 193, 208 : pic- 



tures of them in churches, 188, 
197 : worship of them, 206—9 : 
supposed efficacy of their inter- 
cessions, 206, 207. 

SaxslluQiog /uo'/cxs, ffxsvocpvlaS j*fi- 
yag, 129. 

Salaries paid to clergymen, 148, 
152 : an institution of the mid- 
dle ages, 152. 

Salary of the clergy, how paid, 150. 

Sancta Sanctis, 1 12. 

Sanctum sanctuarium, 182. 

Sanctuary of the church, 182. 

Sanctus, anecdote of, 41. 

Sanctimoniales, 65. 

Sandals, badge of the bishop, 82, 
148. 

Schools in connection with church- 
es, 190. 

Scriptures, mode of division, 228: 
read in public worship, 226 : 
none but canonical allowed, 229: 
different portions on different 
occasions, 229 : order of reading 
thern, 230 : selections on relig- 
ious festivals, 230: divisions of 
chapters and verses, 231 : man- 
ner of reading them, chanting, 
232 : summons to their reading, 
233: conclusion, 233: attitude 
of the audience, 234 : read on 
sabbath, 250: surprising famili- 
arity with them, 235 : uniform 
basis of sermons, 237 : read at 
meals, 374. 

Secret discipline of the ancient 
church, 35. 

Semaxii, applied to Christians in 
derision, 44. 

Sermons, see Homilies. 
Sexes, separated in church, 184. 
Sexton, his office, 125, 411. 
Seven spirits, orders of clergy 

compared to them, 73. 
Sibyllists, term of reproach applied 

to Christians, 44. 
Sick and the poor, care of them, 

117. 
Siegel's explanation of the title of 



556 



GENERAL INDEX. 



bishop, 74: on equality of bish- , 
ops and presbyters, 103: on 
singing in social worship, 123. 

Singers, choiristers, origin of their 
office, 123 : were ordained, 124 : 
charge delivered to them, 124. 

Singing-schools, when first insti- 
tuted, 124. 

Sitting, in prayer, 223 : of the 
preacher, 243. 

Site of churches, 180. 

^xtvocpvXuxiov, 189. 

SoXuov, (TMXia, aoXla, aoXeag, 184. 

Sponsors in baptism, 284 : origin 
of the office, 285 : their duties, 
286 : persons allowed to bear 
the office, 286. 

^jiovdaiol, 64. 

Sportulae, sportae, sportellae, 148. 

Sprinkling, in baptism, 276. 

Stadtholders, bishops, 76. 

Staff, bishop's badge, 82. 

Standing, in prayer, 222: in time 
of sermon, 243. 

Stationarii, 119. 

2tuvqov dlxfjv, (jiavgoudi], gtuv- 
Q(axoLi ) 180. 

^TccvgoXaTQux, term of reproach 
applied to Christians, 44. 

Stoag, 189. 

Studiosi, 64. 

SxvXnal, 64. 

Suffrage, right of the church, 60. 

Suffragan bishops, 91. 

2vXXmovQyol, 104. 

Summi sacerdotes, bishops, 76. 

2vV&QOVOb, 98. 

2vvodoi, 177. 

Superattendens, supertintendens, 

superinspector, 74. 
Surrogate and surplice, fees, 150. 
Sursum corda, 112, 220. 
Suspension of clergymen, 174. 
Symbols taught, 253. 
Syncelli, avvxeXXog, 130. 
Syndici, avvdixoi, 130. 

Tables erected over the graves of 
martyrs, 193. 



Ta^ig tov ^fiaiog, UgctTixri, 68. 

Tapers burned in baptism, 281. 

Teachers and taught, classification 
of primitive Christians, 45, 46. 

Teachers and pastors, 69. 

TeXttol, TsXeovixsvol, members of 
the church, 58. 

TeXsTt] teXszoiv, 59. 

Tertullian's complaint that here- 
tics confound offices of church, 
47. 

TSTQCHTTWOV, lETQttO'TvXoV, 188. 

Thanksgivings in New England, 
see Fasts and thanksgivings. 

Thesaurii, treasurers, 129. 

Theodosius, his penitence and con- 
fessions to the church, 353. 

OtocpoQoi, name of Christians, 43. 

'Ogovov, bi tou, 98. 

Ova la, 294, 301. 

Ovaiaaiijgiov, 293. 

Tirones, catechumens, 50. 

Tithes and first-fruits paid in the 
church, 151. 

Titles of the faithful, 58, 59. 

Titles of bishops and presbyters, 
the satne, 98. 

Titular bishops, their office, 91. 

Tituli, 177, 410. 

Tolling of bells, 191,412. 

Tonsure, clerical,when introduced, 
158. 

Torches, carried in marriage pro- 
cessions, 407. 

Towers of churches, when first 
erected, 190. 

Trajan's letter to Pliny, 27. 

Tqome^a lega, 183 : xvglov, 292. 

Trinity, doctrine of, distinguished 
characteristic of Christian sys- 
tem, 34, 203: implied in all the 
prayers and psalmody of the 
church, 203—5. 

Unction, extreme, administered by 
presbyters,105 : unction in bap- 
tism, 280, 281 : in confirmation, 
291. 



GENERAL INDEX. 



557 



TmiQETai, attendants, 45 : waiters 

in the synagogue, 71. 
TjioTilmovTeg, 339. 
Utensils sacramental, 329. 

Vartabeds, ecclesiastics of the Ar- 
menian church, 469. 

Verse- a-d ay system, 236. 

Vespiliones, 125. 

Vestibule of a cl.urch, 185. 

Vestry of a church, 189. 

Viaticum, 297. 

Vicarii, 115. 

Vicars, vicar-generals, 115. 

Vicegerents, of Christ, of God, 
bishops, 76. 

Viduae, viduatas, 115. 

Vigils of Easter, 438. 

Vigines Dei, 65. 

Virgin Mary, feasts in honor of, 
440 : of visitation, 440 : her as- 
sumption, nativity, conception, 
etc. 441. 

Viri nobilissimi, 100. 

Visitors, inferior bishops, itinerant 
preachers, 93. 

Voluntary principle, in the early 
church, 149 : first departure from 
it, 150. 



Washing of feet in baptism, 281: 
before communion, 320. 

Wedding, see Marriage. 

White the usual color of clerical 
costume, 145 : worn in baptism, 
281, 283. 

Whitsunday, 432, 438 : origin and 
design of the festival, 439. 

Widows, supported by charity, 72. 

Wigs worn by the clergy, 148. 

Windows of the church, glass, 
when introduced, 195. 

Wine of the eucharist, color, 315 : 
mixed with water, 316. 

Women forbidden to teach or to 
preach, 118, 240—41 : to bap- 
tize, 271. 

Worship of God, common privi- 
lege of all orders of Christians : 
places of, 177 : of heaven, views 
of by the fathers, 202 : social 
worship, 247 : morning and eve- 
ning worship, 247 — 8 : mode of 
worship on the sabbath, 250 — 1. 

Year, ecclesiastical and civil, 424. 

tF5g.f, elders, 71,74. 
Zi]i7i<jBLg i 134. 



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